Andreas Herberg-Rothe
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199202690
- eISBN:
- 9780191707834
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199202690.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This book argues that Clausewitz developed a wide-ranging political theory of war by reflecting not only on the success, but also on the limitations and the failure of Napoleon's method of waging ...
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This book argues that Clausewitz developed a wide-ranging political theory of war by reflecting not only on the success, but also on the limitations and the failure of Napoleon's method of waging war. Successes, failures, and defeats of Napoleon forced Clausewitz to reflect on questions that went beyond purely military matters and led him to develop a political theory of war. Analyses of three paradigmatic campaigns — which are symbolized by Jena, Moscow, and Waterloo — are placed at the center of understanding surrounding Clausewitz's On War and it's inherent problems, like the relation of absolute and real war, theory and practice, the primacy of politics, the enigma of the first chapter, and the dialectics of attack and defense. Clausewitz's analysis of these war campaigns are the cornerstones of On War and redounded to the ‘wondrous trinity’, which is the basis for a general theory of war and which is quite different from the so-called trinitarian war.Less
This book argues that Clausewitz developed a wide-ranging political theory of war by reflecting not only on the success, but also on the limitations and the failure of Napoleon's method of waging war. Successes, failures, and defeats of Napoleon forced Clausewitz to reflect on questions that went beyond purely military matters and led him to develop a political theory of war. Analyses of three paradigmatic campaigns — which are symbolized by Jena, Moscow, and Waterloo — are placed at the center of understanding surrounding Clausewitz's On War and it's inherent problems, like the relation of absolute and real war, theory and practice, the primacy of politics, the enigma of the first chapter, and the dialectics of attack and defense. Clausewitz's analysis of these war campaigns are the cornerstones of On War and redounded to the ‘wondrous trinity’, which is the basis for a general theory of war and which is quite different from the so-called trinitarian war.
Frédéric Mérand
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199533244
- eISBN:
- 9780191714474
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199533244.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, European Union
This book explains the creation of the European Union's Security and Defense Policy—to this day the most ambitious project of peacetime military integration. Whether hailed as a vital step in the ...
More
This book explains the creation of the European Union's Security and Defense Policy—to this day the most ambitious project of peacetime military integration. Whether hailed as a vital step in the integration of Europe or berated as a wasteful threat to US power, European citizens are increasingly interested in the common defense policy. Today, “European Defense” is more popular than the European Union itself, even in Great Britain. This book addresses the fundamental challenge posed by military integration to the way we think about the state in the 21st century. Looking back over the past fifty years, it shows how statesmen, diplomats, and soldiers have converged towards Brussels as a “natural” solution to their concerns but also as something worth fighting over. The actors most closely associated to the formation of nation-states are now shaping a transgovernmental security and defense arena. As a result, defense policy is being denationalized. Exploring the complex relations between the state, the military, and citizenship in today's Europe, the book argues that European Defense is a symptom, but not a cause, of the transformation of the state. This book is an original contribution to the theory of European integration. Drawing on the work of Pierre Bourdieu, the book develops a political sociology of international relations which seeks to bridge institutionalism and constructivism. This careful study of practices, social representations, and power structures sheds new light on security and defense cooperation, but also on European cooperation more generally.Less
This book explains the creation of the European Union's Security and Defense Policy—to this day the most ambitious project of peacetime military integration. Whether hailed as a vital step in the integration of Europe or berated as a wasteful threat to US power, European citizens are increasingly interested in the common defense policy. Today, “European Defense” is more popular than the European Union itself, even in Great Britain. This book addresses the fundamental challenge posed by military integration to the way we think about the state in the 21st century. Looking back over the past fifty years, it shows how statesmen, diplomats, and soldiers have converged towards Brussels as a “natural” solution to their concerns but also as something worth fighting over. The actors most closely associated to the formation of nation-states are now shaping a transgovernmental security and defense arena. As a result, defense policy is being denationalized. Exploring the complex relations between the state, the military, and citizenship in today's Europe, the book argues that European Defense is a symptom, but not a cause, of the transformation of the state. This book is an original contribution to the theory of European integration. Drawing on the work of Pierre Bourdieu, the book develops a political sociology of international relations which seeks to bridge institutionalism and constructivism. This careful study of practices, social representations, and power structures sheds new light on security and defense cooperation, but also on European cooperation more generally.
Andreas Herberg‐Rothe
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199202690
- eISBN:
- 9780191707834
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199202690.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Clausewitz draws different conclusions from his war experiences and analyses of Jena, Moscow, and Waterloo. Jena demonstrated for him the superiority of the strategies of unleashing violence, the ...
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Clausewitz draws different conclusions from his war experiences and analyses of Jena, Moscow, and Waterloo. Jena demonstrated for him the superiority of the strategies of unleashing violence, the attack and the decisive battle, and also the superiority of military power over policy. He developed from this experience an existential construction of war according to which the nation and the people should replace the state. The fundamental change in Clausewitz's thought began with Moscow. The superiority of the defence over attack, the military value of avoiding a decisive battle, and the realization of the immanent limits to what could be achieved by military action suggested a primacy of policy over the military aims. Waterloo finally demonstrated the primacy of policy and the negative side of Napoleon's strategy of unrestrained violence, which — as could now be seen — has led to self-destruction.Less
Clausewitz draws different conclusions from his war experiences and analyses of Jena, Moscow, and Waterloo. Jena demonstrated for him the superiority of the strategies of unleashing violence, the attack and the decisive battle, and also the superiority of military power over policy. He developed from this experience an existential construction of war according to which the nation and the people should replace the state. The fundamental change in Clausewitz's thought began with Moscow. The superiority of the defence over attack, the military value of avoiding a decisive battle, and the realization of the immanent limits to what could be achieved by military action suggested a primacy of policy over the military aims. Waterloo finally demonstrated the primacy of policy and the negative side of Napoleon's strategy of unrestrained violence, which — as could now be seen — has led to self-destruction.
David A. Hamburg, Jane E. Holl, and Ruben P. Mendez
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195130522
- eISBN:
- 9780199867363
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195130529.003.0018
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Public and Welfare
In the literature of public economics, defense has traditionally been held up as a pure public good in the domestic sphere. But there are problems with this formalistic approach, even more so at the ...
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In the literature of public economics, defense has traditionally been held up as a pure public good in the domestic sphere. But there are problems with this formalistic approach, even more so at the international level. In contrast, peace meets the substantive (i.e., welfare) as well as formal criteria of a public good. The chapter focuses on the political and institutional aspects of peace, and the structures required at the level of the international system. Reviewing the historical record as well as the situation since the end of the Cold War, Mendez contrasts three models of international order: collective security, balance of power and hegemony. He argues that only collective security fully takes into account the public good nature of international peace, and that such a system is the most effective in the long run. International organizations such as the U.N. and regional bodies have key roles to play in such a system.Less
In the literature of public economics, defense has traditionally been held up as a pure public good in the domestic sphere. But there are problems with this formalistic approach, even more so at the international level. In contrast, peace meets the substantive (i.e., welfare) as well as formal criteria of a public good. The chapter focuses on the political and institutional aspects of peace, and the structures required at the level of the international system. Reviewing the historical record as well as the situation since the end of the Cold War, Mendez contrasts three models of international order: collective security, balance of power and hegemony. He argues that only collective security fully takes into account the public good nature of international peace, and that such a system is the most effective in the long run. International organizations such as the U.N. and regional bodies have key roles to play in such a system.
Jolyon Howorth
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199283958
- eISBN:
- 9780191603297
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199283958.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Common wisdom has it that European disagreements over the American-led invasion of Iraq killed the prospects for a European defense and foreign policy—but the common wisdom is wrong. In recent years, ...
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Common wisdom has it that European disagreements over the American-led invasion of Iraq killed the prospects for a European defense and foreign policy—but the common wisdom is wrong. In recent years, Europeans have moved fairly steadily in the direction of a meaningful European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP). The member-states remain divided on many policy issues and a number of deep obstacles remain to a strong common policy. But few now question the idea that Europe should play a greater role on the world stage, and the past several years have seen modest but concrete steps toward that goal.Less
Common wisdom has it that European disagreements over the American-led invasion of Iraq killed the prospects for a European defense and foreign policy—but the common wisdom is wrong. In recent years, Europeans have moved fairly steadily in the direction of a meaningful European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP). The member-states remain divided on many policy issues and a number of deep obstacles remain to a strong common policy. But few now question the idea that Europe should play a greater role on the world stage, and the past several years have seen modest but concrete steps toward that goal.
Jeff McMahan
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199548668
- eISBN:
- 9780191721045
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199548668.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy, Philosophy of Language
Killing a person is in general among the most seriously wrongful forms of action, yet most of us accept that it can be permissible to kill people on a large scale in war. Does morality become more ...
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Killing a person is in general among the most seriously wrongful forms of action, yet most of us accept that it can be permissible to kill people on a large scale in war. Does morality become more permissive in a state of war? This book argues that conditions in war make no difference to what morality permits and that the justifications for killing people are the same in war as they are in other contexts, such as individual self-defence. This view is radically at odds with the traditional theory of the just war and has implications that challenge common sense views. It implies, for example, that it is wrong to fight in a war that is unjust because it lacks a just cause, that those who fight in a just war are not legitimate targets of attack, and that some civilians may, in principle if not in practice, be morally liable to suffer certain harms in war.Less
Killing a person is in general among the most seriously wrongful forms of action, yet most of us accept that it can be permissible to kill people on a large scale in war. Does morality become more permissive in a state of war? This book argues that conditions in war make no difference to what morality permits and that the justifications for killing people are the same in war as they are in other contexts, such as individual self-defence. This view is radically at odds with the traditional theory of the just war and has implications that challenge common sense views. It implies, for example, that it is wrong to fight in a war that is unjust because it lacks a just cause, that those who fight in a just war are not legitimate targets of attack, and that some civilians may, in principle if not in practice, be morally liable to suffer certain harms in war.
Frédéric Mérand
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199533244
- eISBN:
- 9780191714474
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199533244.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, European Union
This chapter is an overview of the European security and defense policy. It presents the EU's crisis management operations, its political-military bodies, and military capabilities. Defense policy is ...
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This chapter is an overview of the European security and defense policy. It presents the EU's crisis management operations, its political-military bodies, and military capabilities. Defense policy is being denationalized. Scholars and citizens underestimate the degree to which, as a result of the expansion of military relations within the EU, defense policy is now shaped by constant interaction between state actors from different countries, both in and outside of Brussels. The chapter documents the Europeanization of defense policy and describes the institutional arrangements and social practices of ESDP with a view to uncovering who the actors are, which social representations they share, and what kind of power they exert. These social practices and institutions constitute the “low politics” of “high politics.”Less
This chapter is an overview of the European security and defense policy. It presents the EU's crisis management operations, its political-military bodies, and military capabilities. Defense policy is being denationalized. Scholars and citizens underestimate the degree to which, as a result of the expansion of military relations within the EU, defense policy is now shaped by constant interaction between state actors from different countries, both in and outside of Brussels. The chapter documents the Europeanization of defense policy and describes the institutional arrangements and social practices of ESDP with a view to uncovering who the actors are, which social representations they share, and what kind of power they exert. These social practices and institutions constitute the “low politics” of “high politics.”
Frédéric Mérand
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199533244
- eISBN:
- 9780191714474
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199533244.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, European Union
The chapter explains how strategic state actors interpreted the post-Cold War European security crisis, and sought to propose different institutional solutions which, to a lesser or greater extent, ...
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The chapter explains how strategic state actors interpreted the post-Cold War European security crisis, and sought to propose different institutional solutions which, to a lesser or greater extent, called for the overlapping of the international defense and European foreign policy fields, and thus the creation of a new, larger field of social interaction. One of these solutions was ESDP, but others were proposed, notably the revitalization of the Western European Union and the European security and defense identity. Taking a closer look at the creation of ESDP, the chapter highlights the contingent and creative dimension of the “interstitial” formation of a transgovernmental field.Less
The chapter explains how strategic state actors interpreted the post-Cold War European security crisis, and sought to propose different institutional solutions which, to a lesser or greater extent, called for the overlapping of the international defense and European foreign policy fields, and thus the creation of a new, larger field of social interaction. One of these solutions was ESDP, but others were proposed, notably the revitalization of the Western European Union and the European security and defense identity. Taking a closer look at the creation of ESDP, the chapter highlights the contingent and creative dimension of the “interstitial” formation of a transgovernmental field.
Chaim Gans
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195340686
- eISBN:
- 9780199867172
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195340686.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, International Relations and Politics
The concluding chapter sums up the main points of the book and also spells out the serious ramifications of not implementing a just version of Zionist ideology as argued for in this book. It spells ...
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The concluding chapter sums up the main points of the book and also spells out the serious ramifications of not implementing a just version of Zionist ideology as argued for in this book. It spells out these implications with relation to Zionism's moral standing not only in the present and in the future. It also explains how some features of the necessity defense, which constituted a major component in the justification of the Jewish return to Palestine, impose on Israel obligations toward the Palestinian people. It is argued that Israel's neglect of these obligations affect the legitimacy with which it can rely on the justice of the Zionist past.Less
The concluding chapter sums up the main points of the book and also spells out the serious ramifications of not implementing a just version of Zionist ideology as argued for in this book. It spells out these implications with relation to Zionism's moral standing not only in the present and in the future. It also explains how some features of the necessity defense, which constituted a major component in the justification of the Jewish return to Palestine, impose on Israel obligations toward the Palestinian people. It is argued that Israel's neglect of these obligations affect the legitimacy with which it can rely on the justice of the Zionist past.
James W. Cortada
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195165869
- eISBN:
- 9780199868025
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195165869.003.0003
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Business History
The US Department of Defense (DoD) is one of the largest users of computers and telecommunications in the world and the largest within the federal government. The story of how the DoD promoted the ...
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The US Department of Defense (DoD) is one of the largest users of computers and telecommunications in the world and the largest within the federal government. The story of how the DoD promoted the development of new computing technologies from the 1940s through the 1990s has been studied by historians. This chapter focuses on the use of computers and telecommunications in order to demonstrate the extent to which this department relied on computing to do its work, and the degree to which its uses of the technology changed how the DoD evolved over time. The organization of the DoD, patterns of research and development, inventory control and logistics, weapons systems and ordnance, training, combat and non-combat applications, information age warfare, and IT deployment are discussed.Less
The US Department of Defense (DoD) is one of the largest users of computers and telecommunications in the world and the largest within the federal government. The story of how the DoD promoted the development of new computing technologies from the 1940s through the 1990s has been studied by historians. This chapter focuses on the use of computers and telecommunications in order to demonstrate the extent to which this department relied on computing to do its work, and the degree to which its uses of the technology changed how the DoD evolved over time. The organization of the DoD, patterns of research and development, inventory control and logistics, weapons systems and ordnance, training, combat and non-combat applications, information age warfare, and IT deployment are discussed.
Laurie Shrage
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195153095
- eISBN:
- 9780199870615
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019515309X.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy
This book argues that Roe v. Wade's six‐month time span for abortion “on demand” polarized the American public, and obscured alternatives that could have gained broad public support. As ...
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This book argues that Roe v. Wade's six‐month time span for abortion “on demand” polarized the American public, and obscured alternatives that could have gained broad public support. As a result, a predictable bureaucratic backlash to legal abortion has ensued that has placed legal abortion services out of reach for women who are poor, young, or live far from urban centers. Explores the origins of Roe's regulatory scheme and demonstrates that it resulted from concerns that have considerably less relevance in today's medical context. Endorses regulatory guidelines, first proposed by the American Bar Association in 1972, which would give states more flexibility in setting the time span for unrestricted abortion. Argues that the standard civil liberty defenses of abortion (i.e. privacy, involuntary servitude, self‐defense, religious freedom) offer better support for these guidelines than for Roe’s scheme, and that a time span for nontherapeutic abortions shorter than six months can both protect women's interests and advance important public interests. The book also critiques the individualism of “pro‐choice” post‐Roe abortion rights campaigns for failing to articulate how women's reproductive options depend on access to public services and resources and not only on being let alone. Urges reproductive rights activists to emphasize the interconnections both between social responsibility and respect for human life, and between the Samaritan obligations of pregnant women and those of other citizens. Explores feminist artwork on abortion to extrapolate tools for refocusing the abortion debate on these issues and for contesting the extremist tactics of the “pro‐life” movement.Less
This book argues that Roe v. Wade's six‐month time span for abortion “on demand” polarized the American public, and obscured alternatives that could have gained broad public support. As a result, a predictable bureaucratic backlash to legal abortion has ensued that has placed legal abortion services out of reach for women who are poor, young, or live far from urban centers. Explores the origins of Roe's regulatory scheme and demonstrates that it resulted from concerns that have considerably less relevance in today's medical context. Endorses regulatory guidelines, first proposed by the American Bar Association in 1972, which would give states more flexibility in setting the time span for unrestricted abortion. Argues that the standard civil liberty defenses of abortion (i.e. privacy, involuntary servitude, self‐defense, religious freedom) offer better support for these guidelines than for Roe’s scheme, and that a time span for nontherapeutic abortions shorter than six months can both protect women's interests and advance important public interests. The book also critiques the individualism of “pro‐choice” post‐Roe abortion rights campaigns for failing to articulate how women's reproductive options depend on access to public services and resources and not only on being let alone. Urges reproductive rights activists to emphasize the interconnections both between social responsibility and respect for human life, and between the Samaritan obligations of pregnant women and those of other citizens. Explores feminist artwork on abortion to extrapolate tools for refocusing the abortion debate on these issues and for contesting the extremist tactics of the “pro‐life” movement.
Frédéric Mérand
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199533244
- eISBN:
- 9780191714474
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199533244.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, European Union
The introduction explains the challenge posed by the European security and defense policy to the nature of the European state. Building on a critical dialogue between political sociologists and EU ...
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The introduction explains the challenge posed by the European security and defense policy to the nature of the European state. Building on a critical dialogue between political sociologists and EU scholars, it places military integration in the broader perspective of state formation since the 16th century. The puzzle is to understand why a large number of political leaders, defense planners, and diplomats are willing, without an external threat, to surrender key elements of state sovereignty. The argument is that the interpenetration of European states has created strong incentives for state actors to coordinate their foreign and defense policies at the EU level. More specifically, the development of ESDP is analyzed as the creation of transgovernmental field through fifty years of intense military and foreign policy cooperation among Europeans in the EU and also in NATO. Other theoretical perspectives on European defense (realism, liberalism, constructivism, and foreign policy analysis) are then presented and critiqued.Less
The introduction explains the challenge posed by the European security and defense policy to the nature of the European state. Building on a critical dialogue between political sociologists and EU scholars, it places military integration in the broader perspective of state formation since the 16th century. The puzzle is to understand why a large number of political leaders, defense planners, and diplomats are willing, without an external threat, to surrender key elements of state sovereignty. The argument is that the interpenetration of European states has created strong incentives for state actors to coordinate their foreign and defense policies at the EU level. More specifically, the development of ESDP is analyzed as the creation of transgovernmental field through fifty years of intense military and foreign policy cooperation among Europeans in the EU and also in NATO. Other theoretical perspectives on European defense (realism, liberalism, constructivism, and foreign policy analysis) are then presented and critiqued.
Frédéric Mérand
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199533244
- eISBN:
- 9780191714474
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199533244.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, European Union
Thanks to the integrated structures of the Atlantic Alliance and the growth of multinational interventions since the end of the Cold War, West European armed forces increasingly look like ...
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Thanks to the integrated structures of the Atlantic Alliance and the growth of multinational interventions since the end of the Cold War, West European armed forces increasingly look like multinational corporations: they operate on a global theatre; their manpower is international in outlook; and their governing structures are increasingly similar. Mutatis mutandis, they have moved towards small all-volunteer forces (or an all-volunteer core), covering a wide spectrum of tasks, and usually intervening in a multinational context in missions that are only loosely related to “national” defense. To a large extent, this international defense field stabilized around NATO institutions, rules, and social representations.Less
Thanks to the integrated structures of the Atlantic Alliance and the growth of multinational interventions since the end of the Cold War, West European armed forces increasingly look like multinational corporations: they operate on a global theatre; their manpower is international in outlook; and their governing structures are increasingly similar. Mutatis mutandis, they have moved towards small all-volunteer forces (or an all-volunteer core), covering a wide spectrum of tasks, and usually intervening in a multinational context in missions that are only loosely related to “national” defense. To a large extent, this international defense field stabilized around NATO institutions, rules, and social representations.
Frédéric Mérand
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199533244
- eISBN:
- 9780191714474
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199533244.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, European Union
The conclusion develops the implications of the book's argument for the study of European integration and International Relations more generally. The conclusion is framed around two challenges posed ...
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The conclusion develops the implications of the book's argument for the study of European integration and International Relations more generally. The conclusion is framed around two challenges posed by ESDP. The first challenge concerns the inability of traditional EU approaches, such as neofunctionalism or intergovernmentalism, to theorize the development of European defense. The second challenge concerns the nature of the state and its definition in International Relations theory. IR theory has often been accused of being too statocentric, thus neglecting the social determinants of state behavior. For each of these challenges, it is shown how political sociology's critical eye on the role of the state, here grounded in a careful empirical study, can open up new research paths. The chapter concludes with predictions about the future of European defense.Less
The conclusion develops the implications of the book's argument for the study of European integration and International Relations more generally. The conclusion is framed around two challenges posed by ESDP. The first challenge concerns the inability of traditional EU approaches, such as neofunctionalism or intergovernmentalism, to theorize the development of European defense. The second challenge concerns the nature of the state and its definition in International Relations theory. IR theory has often been accused of being too statocentric, thus neglecting the social determinants of state behavior. For each of these challenges, it is shown how political sociology's critical eye on the role of the state, here grounded in a careful empirical study, can open up new research paths. The chapter concludes with predictions about the future of European defense.
Max. M Edling
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780195148701
- eISBN:
- 9780199835096
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195148703.003.0014
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Shows how the Federalists responded to the Antifederalist objections to a stronger national government in the “fiscal‐military” sphere, thereby creating an understanding of the kind of state that was ...
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Shows how the Federalists responded to the Antifederalist objections to a stronger national government in the “fiscal‐military” sphere, thereby creating an understanding of the kind of state that was proper to American conditions. In the debate over ratification of the US Constitution there was little discussion about the exact way in which the Federalists intended to organize the revenue administration, but nevertheless, it is the argument of this chapter that with the important exception of the assumption of the state debts, the general outline of Hamiltonian public finance was in place in 1787, and widely shared by the supporters of the Constitution. Thus, the idea that the least oppressive tax was also the most productive, the claim that adoption of the Constitution would mean a change in the structure of taxation from direct to indirect taxes and a reliance on the impost (customs duties), and the ideal of the federal government as a “waterfront state” hardly noticed by the people, were all among the most important points made in Federalist rhetoric on the fiscal powers of the Constitution. In the ratifying debate, the Federalists presented a solution to the equation of how to create a sufficiently powerful government without making unacceptable demands on society: the federal government had the right to mobilize the full resources of society at will, but in peacetime it would keep a very low profile while assuming the payment of the union's debts and the cost of defense using money raised by taxation. This federal assumption of expenses that had earlier been carried by the states, and the mode of raising the taxes to pay for it ensured that overall taxation would not increase, as the Antifederalists claimed, but would become less burdensome to the majority of the people.Less
Shows how the Federalists responded to the Antifederalist objections to a stronger national government in the “fiscal‐military” sphere, thereby creating an understanding of the kind of state that was proper to American conditions. In the debate over ratification of the US Constitution there was little discussion about the exact way in which the Federalists intended to organize the revenue administration, but nevertheless, it is the argument of this chapter that with the important exception of the assumption of the state debts, the general outline of Hamiltonian public finance was in place in 1787, and widely shared by the supporters of the Constitution. Thus, the idea that the least oppressive tax was also the most productive, the claim that adoption of the Constitution would mean a change in the structure of taxation from direct to indirect taxes and a reliance on the impost (customs duties), and the ideal of the federal government as a “waterfront state” hardly noticed by the people, were all among the most important points made in Federalist rhetoric on the fiscal powers of the Constitution. In the ratifying debate, the Federalists presented a solution to the equation of how to create a sufficiently powerful government without making unacceptable demands on society: the federal government had the right to mobilize the full resources of society at will, but in peacetime it would keep a very low profile while assuming the payment of the union's debts and the cost of defense using money raised by taxation. This federal assumption of expenses that had earlier been carried by the states, and the mode of raising the taxes to pay for it ensured that overall taxation would not increase, as the Antifederalists claimed, but would become less burdensome to the majority of the people.
Cheshire Calhoun
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199257669
- eISBN:
- 9780191598906
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199257663.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
The positive arguments for same‐sex marriage are discussed. The first argument links marriage rights to a normative ideal of long‐term, monogamous, sexually faithful intimacy, and defends marriage ...
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The positive arguments for same‐sex marriage are discussed. The first argument links marriage rights to a normative ideal of long‐term, monogamous, sexually faithful intimacy, and defends marriage rights based on the value of that ideal. The second argument presses the connection between homophobia and sexism, stressing the way that securing same‐sex marriage rights might reduce sexism. The third argument links the denial of marriage rights to the cultural construction of gay men and lesbians as outsiders to the family, who are for that reason defective citizens. In pursuing this third line of argument, the US House and Senate arguments supporting the Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA) of 1996 are addressed.Less
The positive arguments for same‐sex marriage are discussed. The first argument links marriage rights to a normative ideal of long‐term, monogamous, sexually faithful intimacy, and defends marriage rights based on the value of that ideal. The second argument presses the connection between homophobia and sexism, stressing the way that securing same‐sex marriage rights might reduce sexism. The third argument links the denial of marriage rights to the cultural construction of gay men and lesbians as outsiders to the family, who are for that reason defective citizens. In pursuing this third line of argument, the US House and Senate arguments supporting the Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA) of 1996 are addressed.
Norrin M. Ripsman and T. V. Paul
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195393903
- eISBN:
- 9780199776832
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195393903.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter investigates global trends from 1991 to 2008. In particular, it inquires whether the macro-level propositions identified in Chapter 1 have been borne out. Therefore, it considers whether ...
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This chapter investigates global trends from 1991 to 2008. In particular, it inquires whether the macro-level propositions identified in Chapter 1 have been borne out. Therefore, it considers whether the level of interstate conflict has declined, whether global defense spending has decreased, whether the threat of global terrorism has begun to supplant interstate warfare on the global security agenda, and whether regional and global multilateral security institutions have begun to supplant states as the primary security providers, as many globalization scholars have predicted. It is shown that global trends are not very consistent with the globalization-kills-the-national-security-state hypothesis. Moreover, to the extent that certain features of the contemporary international system are consistent with the globalization school's predictions, it remains unclear whether globalization is the sole cause (or even the primary cause), or whether something potentially less enduring — such as American hegemony, the defense/deterrence dominance of contemporary military technology, or a lull after the all-encompassing global clash that was the Cold War — may have been more instrumental.Less
This chapter investigates global trends from 1991 to 2008. In particular, it inquires whether the macro-level propositions identified in Chapter 1 have been borne out. Therefore, it considers whether the level of interstate conflict has declined, whether global defense spending has decreased, whether the threat of global terrorism has begun to supplant interstate warfare on the global security agenda, and whether regional and global multilateral security institutions have begun to supplant states as the primary security providers, as many globalization scholars have predicted. It is shown that global trends are not very consistent with the globalization-kills-the-national-security-state hypothesis. Moreover, to the extent that certain features of the contemporary international system are consistent with the globalization school's predictions, it remains unclear whether globalization is the sole cause (or even the primary cause), or whether something potentially less enduring — such as American hegemony, the defense/deterrence dominance of contemporary military technology, or a lull after the all-encompassing global clash that was the Cold War — may have been more instrumental.
Norrin M. Ripsman and T. V. Paul
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195393903
- eISBN:
- 9780199776832
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195393903.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
If globalization has truly revolutionized the way states pursue security, then we should expect to see dramatic changes in the security policies of the states that have traditionally been the most ...
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If globalization has truly revolutionized the way states pursue security, then we should expect to see dramatic changes in the security policies of the states that have traditionally been the most important security actors: the major powers. If the national security establishments of these states have been largely immune to the influence of global economic and social forces, then we should question the extent of the “global transformations.” Conversely, if the major powers, which have typically had the most independence internationally and have essentially ruled the security environment, are now powerfully constrained by globalization, then we should have strong evidence in support of the state-in-demise hypothesis. This chapter tests the state-level propositions developed in Chapter 1 against the national security doctrines and practices between 1991-2008 of the three most powerful states in the contemporary international system: the United States, Russia, and China.Less
If globalization has truly revolutionized the way states pursue security, then we should expect to see dramatic changes in the security policies of the states that have traditionally been the most important security actors: the major powers. If the national security establishments of these states have been largely immune to the influence of global economic and social forces, then we should question the extent of the “global transformations.” Conversely, if the major powers, which have typically had the most independence internationally and have essentially ruled the security environment, are now powerfully constrained by globalization, then we should have strong evidence in support of the state-in-demise hypothesis. This chapter tests the state-level propositions developed in Chapter 1 against the national security doctrines and practices between 1991-2008 of the three most powerful states in the contemporary international system: the United States, Russia, and China.
Norrin M. Ripsman and T. V. Paul
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195393903
- eISBN:
- 9780199776832
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195393903.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Aside from the major powers, there are other important security actors whose power, interests, and influence are more limited, but still are key players in the affairs of their own region and who ...
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Aside from the major powers, there are other important security actors whose power, interests, and influence are more limited, but still are key players in the affairs of their own region and who also participate, to some degree, on the world stage. This chapter focuses on second-tier powers that inhabit relatively stable regions. It shows that the experience of the leading powers in stable regions since 1990 has been more consistent with many of the globalization school's hypotheses on security than that of the major powers. In particular, the analysis has confirmed a greater integration of regional security institutions into national security plans, greater priority given to non-traditional threats, and the complete abandonment of offensive doctrines. These states also share the major powers' newfound focus on combating terrorism and developing an internal policing dimension to their national security establishments.Less
Aside from the major powers, there are other important security actors whose power, interests, and influence are more limited, but still are key players in the affairs of their own region and who also participate, to some degree, on the world stage. This chapter focuses on second-tier powers that inhabit relatively stable regions. It shows that the experience of the leading powers in stable regions since 1990 has been more consistent with many of the globalization school's hypotheses on security than that of the major powers. In particular, the analysis has confirmed a greater integration of regional security institutions into national security plans, greater priority given to non-traditional threats, and the complete abandonment of offensive doctrines. These states also share the major powers' newfound focus on combating terrorism and developing an internal policing dimension to their national security establishments.
Norrin M. Ripsman and T. V. Paul
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195393903
- eISBN:
- 9780199776832
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195393903.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines two regions of enduring rivalry: the Middle East and South Asia. It evaluates the security policies of leading second-rank states in these two troubled regions, as well as the ...
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This chapter examines two regions of enduring rivalry: the Middle East and South Asia. It evaluates the security policies of leading second-rank states in these two troubled regions, as well as the defense postures of these broader regions, to determine what effect globalization has had on their national security states. Regions of enduring rivalry are the least hospitable to the globalization and security propositions. The existential threats faced by states in these regions make them reluctant to alter their security frameworks radically. They are especially unwilling to relinquish any control over national security to international institutions, NGOs, or private security actors. To the extent that they identify additional security threats in the new era, they still prioritize the traditional threat of interstate warfare, and continue to address these threats with traditional methods, including hard-balancing, manpower-based armies, and possible resort to offensive strategies.Less
This chapter examines two regions of enduring rivalry: the Middle East and South Asia. It evaluates the security policies of leading second-rank states in these two troubled regions, as well as the defense postures of these broader regions, to determine what effect globalization has had on their national security states. Regions of enduring rivalry are the least hospitable to the globalization and security propositions. The existential threats faced by states in these regions make them reluctant to alter their security frameworks radically. They are especially unwilling to relinquish any control over national security to international institutions, NGOs, or private security actors. To the extent that they identify additional security threats in the new era, they still prioritize the traditional threat of interstate warfare, and continue to address these threats with traditional methods, including hard-balancing, manpower-based armies, and possible resort to offensive strategies.
