Jochen Prantl
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199287680
- eISBN:
- 9780191603723
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199287686.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines the role and performance of the Group of Three and the Western Contact Group in the process leading to the independence of Namibia in 1990. At the United Nations level, ...
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This chapter examines the role and performance of the Group of Three and the Western Contact Group in the process leading to the independence of Namibia in 1990. At the United Nations level, decolonization resulted in a significant increase in membership that shifted governance in the General Assembly and the Security Council. The admission of post-colonial states turned decolonization into an ideological issue that contributed to a situation where direct UN involvement became ineffective. It complicated the process towards the further dismantling of the colonial system, and generated a push towards exit as epitomized in the formation of informal groups. The case of Namibia illustrates the potential and limits of engaging the United States in a cooperative framework.Less
This chapter examines the role and performance of the Group of Three and the Western Contact Group in the process leading to the independence of Namibia in 1990. At the United Nations level, decolonization resulted in a significant increase in membership that shifted governance in the General Assembly and the Security Council. The admission of post-colonial states turned decolonization into an ideological issue that contributed to a situation where direct UN involvement became ineffective. It complicated the process towards the further dismantling of the colonial system, and generated a push towards exit as epitomized in the formation of informal groups. The case of Namibia illustrates the potential and limits of engaging the United States in a cooperative framework.
Dominik Zaum
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199207435
- eISBN:
- 9780191708671
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199207435.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The first part of this chapter briefly explores the history of international administrations since the early 20th century, including administrations under the League of Nations and in the context of ...
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The first part of this chapter briefly explores the history of international administrations since the early 20th century, including administrations under the League of Nations and in the context of decolonization during the cold war. It provides the historical context in which contemporary international administrations are embedded, identifying precedents, ideas, and traditions on which contemporary international administrations draw. The second part discusses the sources of authority of international administrations. Drawing on the discussion of authority in the preceding chapter, it identifies five sources of authority, and analyses to what extent they are reflected in the mandates of the international administrations in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, and East Timor. It concludes by discussing the issues of accountability and liability of international administrations.Less
The first part of this chapter briefly explores the history of international administrations since the early 20th century, including administrations under the League of Nations and in the context of decolonization during the cold war. It provides the historical context in which contemporary international administrations are embedded, identifying precedents, ideas, and traditions on which contemporary international administrations draw. The second part discusses the sources of authority of international administrations. Drawing on the discussion of authority in the preceding chapter, it identifies five sources of authority, and analyses to what extent they are reflected in the mandates of the international administrations in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, and East Timor. It concludes by discussing the issues of accountability and liability of international administrations.
Ryan M. Irwin
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199855612
- eISBN:
- 9780199979882
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199855612.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Political History, World Modern History
Writing more than one hundred years ago, African American scholar W.E.B. Du Bois speculated that the great dilemma of the twentieth century would be the problem of “the color line.” Nowhere was the ...
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Writing more than one hundred years ago, African American scholar W.E.B. Du Bois speculated that the great dilemma of the twentieth century would be the problem of “the color line.” Nowhere was the dilemma of racial discrimination more entrenched—and more complex—than South Africa. This book looks at South Africa’s freedom struggle in the years surrounding African decolonization, and it uses the global apartheid debate to explore the way new nation-states changed the international community during the mid-twentieth century. At the highpoint of decolonization, South Africa’s problems shaped a transnational conversation about nationhood. Arguments about racial justice, which crested as Europe relinquished imperial control of Africa and the Caribbean, elided a deeper contest over the meaning of sovereignty, territoriality, and development. This contest was influenced—and had an impact on—the United States. Initially hopeful that liberal international institutions would amicably resolve the color line problem, Washington lost confidence as postcolonial diplomats took control of the U.N. agenda. The result was not only America’s abandonment of the universalisms that propelled decolonization, but also the unravelling of the liberal order that remade politics during the twentieth century. Based on research in African, American, and European archives, this book advances a bold new interpretation about African decolonization’s relationship to American power. The book promises to shed light on U.S. foreign relations with the Third World and recast our understanding of liberal internationalism’s fate after World War II.Less
Writing more than one hundred years ago, African American scholar W.E.B. Du Bois speculated that the great dilemma of the twentieth century would be the problem of “the color line.” Nowhere was the dilemma of racial discrimination more entrenched—and more complex—than South Africa. This book looks at South Africa’s freedom struggle in the years surrounding African decolonization, and it uses the global apartheid debate to explore the way new nation-states changed the international community during the mid-twentieth century. At the highpoint of decolonization, South Africa’s problems shaped a transnational conversation about nationhood. Arguments about racial justice, which crested as Europe relinquished imperial control of Africa and the Caribbean, elided a deeper contest over the meaning of sovereignty, territoriality, and development. This contest was influenced—and had an impact on—the United States. Initially hopeful that liberal international institutions would amicably resolve the color line problem, Washington lost confidence as postcolonial diplomats took control of the U.N. agenda. The result was not only America’s abandonment of the universalisms that propelled decolonization, but also the unravelling of the liberal order that remade politics during the twentieth century. Based on research in African, American, and European archives, this book advances a bold new interpretation about African decolonization’s relationship to American power. The book promises to shed light on U.S. foreign relations with the Third World and recast our understanding of liberal internationalism’s fate after World War II.
Simon Chesterman
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199263486
- eISBN:
- 9780191600999
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199263485.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Despite the conceit that transitional administration was invented in the 1990s, much can be learned concerning the development of an institutional capacity to administer territory from examining the ...
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Despite the conceit that transitional administration was invented in the 1990s, much can be learned concerning the development of an institutional capacity to administer territory from examining the manner in which the colonial empires were regulated and subsequently dismantled. An age less attuned to political sensitivities also provides a clearer‐eyed assessment of the requirements of such administration, challenging the conventional wisdom that ‘ownership’ on the part of the local population is essential to the process.Less
Despite the conceit that transitional administration was invented in the 1990s, much can be learned concerning the development of an institutional capacity to administer territory from examining the manner in which the colonial empires were regulated and subsequently dismantled. An age less attuned to political sensitivities also provides a clearer‐eyed assessment of the requirements of such administration, challenging the conventional wisdom that ‘ownership’ on the part of the local population is essential to the process.
James Mayall
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199267217
- eISBN:
- 9780191601118
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199267219.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
After the end of the Cold War, many in the West viewed Africa as a testing ground for the solidarist argument that sovereignty was no longer an absolute principle and that the international community ...
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After the end of the Cold War, many in the West viewed Africa as a testing ground for the solidarist argument that sovereignty was no longer an absolute principle and that the international community could intervene to protect individual from human rights violations. This argument seems particularly challenging in the African context, given the continental leadership’s historic commitment to territorial integrity and non-intervention. However, as the author shows, African leaders from 1945 to 1990 were largely upholding the pluralist international norms of the time. In other words, the case for humanitarian intervention – and the problems posed by the practice – are not region-specific. The early 1990s, during which the United Nations intervened in Somalia, seemed to confirm the solidarist position. However, the failure to intervene in Rwanda in 1994, and the more recent experience of interventions in Sierra Leone, present a more mixed picture. Humanitarian intervention remains a controversial practice because of its coercive means, and its tendency to attribute blame or responsibility in what are often very complex civil conflicts.Less
After the end of the Cold War, many in the West viewed Africa as a testing ground for the solidarist argument that sovereignty was no longer an absolute principle and that the international community could intervene to protect individual from human rights violations. This argument seems particularly challenging in the African context, given the continental leadership’s historic commitment to territorial integrity and non-intervention. However, as the author shows, African leaders from 1945 to 1990 were largely upholding the pluralist international norms of the time. In other words, the case for humanitarian intervention – and the problems posed by the practice – are not region-specific. The early 1990s, during which the United Nations intervened in Somalia, seemed to confirm the solidarist position. However, the failure to intervene in Rwanda in 1994, and the more recent experience of interventions in Sierra Leone, present a more mixed picture. Humanitarian intervention remains a controversial practice because of its coercive means, and its tendency to attribute blame or responsibility in what are often very complex civil conflicts.
Matthew Craven
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199217625
- eISBN:
- 9780191705410
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199217625.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law
The issue of state succession continues to be a vital and complex focal point for public international lawyers, yet it has remained strangely resistant to effective articulation. The formative period ...
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The issue of state succession continues to be a vital and complex focal point for public international lawyers, yet it has remained strangely resistant to effective articulation. The formative period in this respect was that of decolonization: a period in which international lawyers were not only faced with the task of managing a process of profound political and legal change, but also the transformation of their own discipline (in which the promises of the UN Charter would be realized in an international community of sovereign peoples). Later, in the 1990s, a series of territorial adjustments placed succession once again at the centre of international legal practice, in new contexts that went beyond the traditional model of decolonization: the disintegration of the Soviet Union, Yugoslavia, and Czechoslovakia, and the unifications of Germany and Yemen brought to light the fundamentally unresolved character of issues within the law of succession. Why have attempts to codify the practice of succession met with so little success? Why has succession remained so problematic a feature of international law? This book argues that the answers to these questions lie in the political backdrop of decolonization and self-determination, and that the tensions and ambiguities that run throughout the law of succession can only be understood by looking at the historical relationship between discourses on state succession, decolonization, and imperialism within the framework of international law. It provides a critical assessment of the failed attempts to codify the law of state succession, and explores the implications of a new pragmatic framework for the future development of the law.Less
The issue of state succession continues to be a vital and complex focal point for public international lawyers, yet it has remained strangely resistant to effective articulation. The formative period in this respect was that of decolonization: a period in which international lawyers were not only faced with the task of managing a process of profound political and legal change, but also the transformation of their own discipline (in which the promises of the UN Charter would be realized in an international community of sovereign peoples). Later, in the 1990s, a series of territorial adjustments placed succession once again at the centre of international legal practice, in new contexts that went beyond the traditional model of decolonization: the disintegration of the Soviet Union, Yugoslavia, and Czechoslovakia, and the unifications of Germany and Yemen brought to light the fundamentally unresolved character of issues within the law of succession. Why have attempts to codify the practice of succession met with so little success? Why has succession remained so problematic a feature of international law? This book argues that the answers to these questions lie in the political backdrop of decolonization and self-determination, and that the tensions and ambiguities that run throughout the law of succession can only be understood by looking at the historical relationship between discourses on state succession, decolonization, and imperialism within the framework of international law. It provides a critical assessment of the failed attempts to codify the law of state succession, and explores the implications of a new pragmatic framework for the future development of the law.
Leigh A. Gardner
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199661527
- eISBN:
- 9780191744877
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199661527.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Economic History, British and Irish Modern History
How much did the British Empire cost, and how did Britain pay for it? This volume explores a source of funds much neglected in research on the financial structure of the Empire, namely revenue raised ...
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How much did the British Empire cost, and how did Britain pay for it? This volume explores a source of funds much neglected in research on the financial structure of the Empire, namely revenue raised in the colonies themselves. Requiring colonies to be financially self-sufficient was one of a range of strategies the British government used to lower the cost of imperial expansion to its own Treasury. Focusing on British colonies in Africa, the book examines how their efforts to balance their budgets influenced their relationships with local political stakeholders as well as the imperial government. It finds that efforts to balance the budget shaped colonial public policy at every level, and that compromises made in the face of financial constraints shaped the political and economic institutions that were established by colonial administrations and inherited by the former colonies at independence.Using both quantitative data on public revenue and expenditure as well as archival records from archives in both the UK and the former colonies, this book follows the development of fiscal policies in British Africa from the beginning of colonial rule through the first years of independence. During the formative years of colonial administration, both the structure of taxation and the allocation of public spending reflected the two central goals of colonial rule: maintaining order as cheaply as possible, and encouraging export production. The book examines how the fiscal systems established before 1914 coped with the upheavals of subsequent decades, including the two world wars, the Great Depression, and finally the transfer of power.Less
How much did the British Empire cost, and how did Britain pay for it? This volume explores a source of funds much neglected in research on the financial structure of the Empire, namely revenue raised in the colonies themselves. Requiring colonies to be financially self-sufficient was one of a range of strategies the British government used to lower the cost of imperial expansion to its own Treasury. Focusing on British colonies in Africa, the book examines how their efforts to balance their budgets influenced their relationships with local political stakeholders as well as the imperial government. It finds that efforts to balance the budget shaped colonial public policy at every level, and that compromises made in the face of financial constraints shaped the political and economic institutions that were established by colonial administrations and inherited by the former colonies at independence.Using both quantitative data on public revenue and expenditure as well as archival records from archives in both the UK and the former colonies, this book follows the development of fiscal policies in British Africa from the beginning of colonial rule through the first years of independence. During the formative years of colonial administration, both the structure of taxation and the allocation of public spending reflected the two central goals of colonial rule: maintaining order as cheaply as possible, and encouraging export production. The book examines how the fiscal systems established before 1914 coped with the upheavals of subsequent decades, including the two world wars, the Great Depression, and finally the transfer of power.
Adom Getachew
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780691179155
- eISBN:
- 9780691184340
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691179155.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
Decolonization revolutionized the international order during the twentieth century. Yet standard histories that present the end of colonialism as an inevitable transition from a world of empires to ...
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Decolonization revolutionized the international order during the twentieth century. Yet standard histories that present the end of colonialism as an inevitable transition from a world of empires to one of nations—a world in which self-determination was synonymous with nation-building—obscure just how radical this change was. Drawing on the political thought of anticolonial intellectuals and statesmen such as Nnamdi Azikiwe, W. E. B Du Bois, George Padmore, Kwame Nkrumah, Eric Williams, Michael Manley, and Julius Nyerere, this book reveals the full extent of their unprecedented ambition to remake not only nations but the world. The book shows that African, African American, and Caribbean anticolonial nationalists were not solely or even primarily nation-builders. Responding to the experience of racialized sovereign inequality, dramatized by interwar Ethiopia and Liberia, Black Atlantic thinkers and politicians challenged international racial hierarchy and articulated alternative visions of worldmaking. Seeking to create an egalitarian postimperial world, they attempted to transcend legal, political, and economic hierarchies by securing a right to self-determination within the newly founded United Nations, constituting regional federations in Africa and the Caribbean, and creating the New International Economic Order. Using archival sources from Barbados, Trinidad, Ghana, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom, this book recasts the history of decolonization, reconsiders the failure of anticolonial nationalism, and offers a new perspective on debates about today's international order.Less
Decolonization revolutionized the international order during the twentieth century. Yet standard histories that present the end of colonialism as an inevitable transition from a world of empires to one of nations—a world in which self-determination was synonymous with nation-building—obscure just how radical this change was. Drawing on the political thought of anticolonial intellectuals and statesmen such as Nnamdi Azikiwe, W. E. B Du Bois, George Padmore, Kwame Nkrumah, Eric Williams, Michael Manley, and Julius Nyerere, this book reveals the full extent of their unprecedented ambition to remake not only nations but the world. The book shows that African, African American, and Caribbean anticolonial nationalists were not solely or even primarily nation-builders. Responding to the experience of racialized sovereign inequality, dramatized by interwar Ethiopia and Liberia, Black Atlantic thinkers and politicians challenged international racial hierarchy and articulated alternative visions of worldmaking. Seeking to create an egalitarian postimperial world, they attempted to transcend legal, political, and economic hierarchies by securing a right to self-determination within the newly founded United Nations, constituting regional federations in Africa and the Caribbean, and creating the New International Economic Order. Using archival sources from Barbados, Trinidad, Ghana, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom, this book recasts the history of decolonization, reconsiders the failure of anticolonial nationalism, and offers a new perspective on debates about today's international order.
William Bain
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199260263
- eISBN:
- 9780191600975
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199260265.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The international administration of troubled states—whether in Bosnia, Kosovo, or East Timor—has seen a return to the principle of trusteeship: i.e. situations in which some form of international ...
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The international administration of troubled states—whether in Bosnia, Kosovo, or East Timor—has seen a return to the principle of trusteeship: i.e. situations in which some form of international supervision is required in a particular territory in order both to maintain order and to foster the norms and practices of fair self‐government. This book rescues the normative discourse of trusteeship from the obscurity into which it has fallen since decolonization. It traces the development of trusteeship from its emergence out of debates concerning the misrule of the East India Company (Ch. 2), to its internationalization in imperial Africa (Ch. 3), to its institutionalization in the League of Nations mandates system (Ch. 4) and in the UN trusteeship system, and to the destruction of its legitimacy by the ideas of self‐determination and human equality (Ch. 5). The book brings this rich historical experience to bear on the dilemmas posed by the resurrection of trusteeship after the end of the cold war (Ch. 6) and, in the context of contemporary world problems, explores the obligations that attach to preponderant power and the limits that should be observed in exercising that power for the sake of global good. In Ch. 7, the book concludes by arguing that trusteeship remains fundamentally at odds with the ideas of human dignity and equality.Less
The international administration of troubled states—whether in Bosnia, Kosovo, or East Timor—has seen a return to the principle of trusteeship: i.e. situations in which some form of international supervision is required in a particular territory in order both to maintain order and to foster the norms and practices of fair self‐government. This book rescues the normative discourse of trusteeship from the obscurity into which it has fallen since decolonization. It traces the development of trusteeship from its emergence out of debates concerning the misrule of the East India Company (Ch. 2), to its internationalization in imperial Africa (Ch. 3), to its institutionalization in the League of Nations mandates system (Ch. 4) and in the UN trusteeship system, and to the destruction of its legitimacy by the ideas of self‐determination and human equality (Ch. 5). The book brings this rich historical experience to bear on the dilemmas posed by the resurrection of trusteeship after the end of the cold war (Ch. 6) and, in the context of contemporary world problems, explores the obligations that attach to preponderant power and the limits that should be observed in exercising that power for the sake of global good. In Ch. 7, the book concludes by arguing that trusteeship remains fundamentally at odds with the ideas of human dignity and equality.
David E. Apter
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294719
- eISBN:
- 9780191599361
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294719.003.0015
- Subject:
- Political Science, Reference
Traces the development of intellectual traditions in comparative politics from the ‘old’ to the ‘new’. ‘Old’ comparative politics reflects a focus on institutionalism and ‘new’ comparative politics ...
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Traces the development of intellectual traditions in comparative politics from the ‘old’ to the ‘new’. ‘Old’ comparative politics reflects a focus on institutionalism and ‘new’ comparative politics has arisen in part because of the end of the Cold War, devolution of powers, the rise of social democracy in Europe, decolonization, and democratization. We are now witnessing ‘neo‐institutionalism’, characterized by a restoration of the political to centre stage, the use of rational choice perspectives, and economic analysis due to the importance of market forces and globalization.Less
Traces the development of intellectual traditions in comparative politics from the ‘old’ to the ‘new’. ‘Old’ comparative politics reflects a focus on institutionalism and ‘new’ comparative politics has arisen in part because of the end of the Cold War, devolution of powers, the rise of social democracy in Europe, decolonization, and democratization. We are now witnessing ‘neo‐institutionalism’, characterized by a restoration of the political to centre stage, the use of rational choice perspectives, and economic analysis due to the importance of market forces and globalization.
William Bain
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199260263
- eISBN:
- 9780191600975
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199260265.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The place and purpose of trusteeship in the post‐Second World War world order aroused passions and suspicions that were no less pronounced than those which threatened to disrupt the peace ...
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The place and purpose of trusteeship in the post‐Second World War world order aroused passions and suspicions that were no less pronounced than those which threatened to disrupt the peace negotiations at Versailles two decades earlier, and these tensions, which divided the US and Britain in particular, emanated from a fundamental disagreement over the purpose of trusteeship and its relation to the future of empire in world affairs. British commentators on empire tended to interpret the idea of trusteeship in the context of an imperial tradition that dated back to Edmund Burke's interest in the affairs of the East India Company, invoking trusteeship as a principle against which to judge colonial administration and, therefore, understood the tutelage of dependent peoples as a justification of empire. Americans, who were born of a very different colonial and political experience, were a great deal less inclined to see trusteeship as a justification of empire than as an alternative to the perpetuation of empire. Interrogates the claims that structured the terms of this debate, how they shaped the purpose of trusteeship as contemplated in the Charter of the UN, and the ideas upon which the anti‐colonial movement seized in order to destroy the legitimacy of trusteeship in international society. There are five sections: The Atlantic Charter and the Future of Empire; The Reform of Empire; Trusteeship and the Charter of the UN; The End of Empire; and Human Equality and the Illegitimacy of Trusteeship.Less
The place and purpose of trusteeship in the post‐Second World War world order aroused passions and suspicions that were no less pronounced than those which threatened to disrupt the peace negotiations at Versailles two decades earlier, and these tensions, which divided the US and Britain in particular, emanated from a fundamental disagreement over the purpose of trusteeship and its relation to the future of empire in world affairs. British commentators on empire tended to interpret the idea of trusteeship in the context of an imperial tradition that dated back to Edmund Burke's interest in the affairs of the East India Company, invoking trusteeship as a principle against which to judge colonial administration and, therefore, understood the tutelage of dependent peoples as a justification of empire. Americans, who were born of a very different colonial and political experience, were a great deal less inclined to see trusteeship as a justification of empire than as an alternative to the perpetuation of empire. Interrogates the claims that structured the terms of this debate, how they shaped the purpose of trusteeship as contemplated in the Charter of the UN, and the ideas upon which the anti‐colonial movement seized in order to destroy the legitimacy of trusteeship in international society. There are five sections: The Atlantic Charter and the Future of Empire; The Reform of Empire; Trusteeship and the Charter of the UN; The End of Empire; and Human Equality and the Illegitimacy of Trusteeship.
William Bain
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199260263
- eISBN:
- 9780191600975
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199260265.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
On 1 Nov 1994, the UN Trusteeship Council voted to suspend operations after Palau, the last remaining trust territory, attained independence. The sovereign state has emerged out of decolonization as ...
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On 1 Nov 1994, the UN Trusteeship Council voted to suspend operations after Palau, the last remaining trust territory, attained independence. The sovereign state has emerged out of decolonization as the supreme form of political organization in post‐colonial international society—an international society in which dominions, colonies, principalities, free cities, and, of course, mandates and trust territories have all but vanished. However, the ostensible failure of this post‐colonial project—the fact that the promise of peace and prosperity held out by independent statehood is too often betrayed by appalling violence and absolute poverty—has reinvigorated interest in trusteeship as a way of responding to problems of international disorder and injustice. The purpose of this chapter is threefold: first, it examines the principal dilemma of decolonization that has resulted in a renewed interest in trusteeship; second, it considers this renewed interest in trusteeship in the context of international involvement in administering Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, and, until recently, East Timor; third, it reflects upon the normative implications that a resurrected practice of trusteeship carries for a society of states that is premised on the juridical equality of all its members. The five sections of the chapter are: The False Promise of post‐Colonial Independence; Innovation and Convention—the case for trusteeship in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, and East Timor; The New International Legitimacy—the resurrection of trusteeship; A Universal Society of States?; and Answering the Call of Humanity.Less
On 1 Nov 1994, the UN Trusteeship Council voted to suspend operations after Palau, the last remaining trust territory, attained independence. The sovereign state has emerged out of decolonization as the supreme form of political organization in post‐colonial international society—an international society in which dominions, colonies, principalities, free cities, and, of course, mandates and trust territories have all but vanished. However, the ostensible failure of this post‐colonial project—the fact that the promise of peace and prosperity held out by independent statehood is too often betrayed by appalling violence and absolute poverty—has reinvigorated interest in trusteeship as a way of responding to problems of international disorder and injustice. The purpose of this chapter is threefold: first, it examines the principal dilemma of decolonization that has resulted in a renewed interest in trusteeship; second, it considers this renewed interest in trusteeship in the context of international involvement in administering Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, and, until recently, East Timor; third, it reflects upon the normative implications that a resurrected practice of trusteeship carries for a society of states that is premised on the juridical equality of all its members. The five sections of the chapter are: The False Promise of post‐Colonial Independence; Innovation and Convention—the case for trusteeship in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, and East Timor; The New International Legitimacy—the resurrection of trusteeship; A Universal Society of States?; and Answering the Call of Humanity.
Margaret Moore
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198297468
- eISBN:
- 9780191599958
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198297467.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter examines the dominant conception of self‐determination in the decolonization period, and in much international law and practice, according to which self‐determination occurs within ...
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This chapter examines the dominant conception of self‐determination in the decolonization period, and in much international law and practice, according to which self‐determination occurs within existing administrative units and there is civic integration within that territory. This chapter argues that this conception of self‐determination is only appropriate in a limited range of cases.Less
This chapter examines the dominant conception of self‐determination in the decolonization period, and in much international law and practice, according to which self‐determination occurs within existing administrative units and there is civic integration within that territory. This chapter argues that this conception of self‐determination is only appropriate in a limited range of cases.
Gil Loescher
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199246915
- eISBN:
- 9780191599781
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199246912.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The 1960s brought fundamental changes to the UN system of refugee assistance and protection. The developing world replaced Europe as the central focus of the UNHCR's world. The expansion of the UNHCR ...
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The 1960s brought fundamental changes to the UN system of refugee assistance and protection. The developing world replaced Europe as the central focus of the UNHCR's world. The expansion of the UNHCR under the third High Commissioner, Felix Schnyder, coincided with the decolonization and the ensuing emergence of newly independent states in Africa and Asia. Using his ‘good offices’, Schnyder undertook a de facto expansion of the UNHCR's refugee definition and through the development of rural settlement schemes and ‘zonal’ development, progressively increased the range of the services UNHCR provided both to refugees and to host governments.Less
The 1960s brought fundamental changes to the UN system of refugee assistance and protection. The developing world replaced Europe as the central focus of the UNHCR's world. The expansion of the UNHCR under the third High Commissioner, Felix Schnyder, coincided with the decolonization and the ensuing emergence of newly independent states in Africa and Asia. Using his ‘good offices’, Schnyder undertook a de facto expansion of the UNHCR's refugee definition and through the development of rural settlement schemes and ‘zonal’ development, progressively increased the range of the services UNHCR provided both to refugees and to host governments.
Mikulas Fabry
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199564446
- eISBN:
- 9780191722325
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199564446.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, International Relations and Politics
Chapter 5 shows that despite the problematic character of self‐determination as a positive claim against international society, the Wilsonian conception was the basis of post‐1945 decolonization. ...
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Chapter 5 shows that despite the problematic character of self‐determination as a positive claim against international society, the Wilsonian conception was the basis of post‐1945 decolonization. Reflecting the new normative consensus that colonialism was no longer tolerable, international society defined, for the first time, specific peoples entitled to sovereignty: the populations of colonial jurisdictions. The key to their foreign recognition was not their attainment of de facto statehood but rather prior international acceptance of their asserted right to independence. This right required colonial powers to withdraw and third parties to facilitate the emergence of a new state in their place as soon as colonial peoples voiced their desire for independence. While in its most important documents decolonization was explicitly premised on the tenet that all peoples had a right to self‐determination, it was evident, just as in 1919, that self‐determination could not be a universal positive right. Post‐decolonization recognition practice restricted the legitimate candidates for statehood to colonial territories, to constituent units of dissolved states, and to seceding entities that received the consent of their parent states. Unilateral secession, which gave rise to recognition of de facto statehood, became illegitimate.Less
Chapter 5 shows that despite the problematic character of self‐determination as a positive claim against international society, the Wilsonian conception was the basis of post‐1945 decolonization. Reflecting the new normative consensus that colonialism was no longer tolerable, international society defined, for the first time, specific peoples entitled to sovereignty: the populations of colonial jurisdictions. The key to their foreign recognition was not their attainment of de facto statehood but rather prior international acceptance of their asserted right to independence. This right required colonial powers to withdraw and third parties to facilitate the emergence of a new state in their place as soon as colonial peoples voiced their desire for independence. While in its most important documents decolonization was explicitly premised on the tenet that all peoples had a right to self‐determination, it was evident, just as in 1919, that self‐determination could not be a universal positive right. Post‐decolonization recognition practice restricted the legitimate candidates for statehood to colonial territories, to constituent units of dissolved states, and to seceding entities that received the consent of their parent states. Unilateral secession, which gave rise to recognition of de facto statehood, became illegitimate.
Maud S. Mandel
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691125817
- eISBN:
- 9781400848584
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691125817.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This book traces the global, national, and local origins of the conflict between Muslims and Jews in France, challenging the belief that rising anti-Semitism in France is rooted solely in the ...
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This book traces the global, national, and local origins of the conflict between Muslims and Jews in France, challenging the belief that rising anti-Semitism in France is rooted solely in the unfolding crisis in Israel and Palestine. The book shows how the conflict in fact emerged from processes internal to French society itself even as it was shaped by affairs elsewhere, particularly in North Africa during the era of decolonization. It examines moments in which conflicts between Muslims and Jews became a matter of concern to French police, the media, and an array of self-appointed spokesmen from both communities: Israel's War of Independence in 1948, France's decolonization of North Africa, the 1967 Arab–Israeli War, the 1968 student riots, and François Mitterrand's experiments with multiculturalism in the 1980s. The book takes an in-depth, on-the-ground look at interethnic relations in Marseille, which is home to the country's largest Muslim and Jewish populations outside of Paris. It reveals how Muslims and Jews in France have related to each other in diverse ways throughout this history—as former residents of French North Africa, as immigrants competing for limited resources, as employers and employees, as victims of racist aggression, as religious minorities in a secularizing state, and as French citizens. The book traces the way these multiple, complex interactions have been overshadowed and obscured by a reductionist narrative of Muslim–Jewish polarization.Less
This book traces the global, national, and local origins of the conflict between Muslims and Jews in France, challenging the belief that rising anti-Semitism in France is rooted solely in the unfolding crisis in Israel and Palestine. The book shows how the conflict in fact emerged from processes internal to French society itself even as it was shaped by affairs elsewhere, particularly in North Africa during the era of decolonization. It examines moments in which conflicts between Muslims and Jews became a matter of concern to French police, the media, and an array of self-appointed spokesmen from both communities: Israel's War of Independence in 1948, France's decolonization of North Africa, the 1967 Arab–Israeli War, the 1968 student riots, and François Mitterrand's experiments with multiculturalism in the 1980s. The book takes an in-depth, on-the-ground look at interethnic relations in Marseille, which is home to the country's largest Muslim and Jewish populations outside of Paris. It reveals how Muslims and Jews in France have related to each other in diverse ways throughout this history—as former residents of French North Africa, as immigrants competing for limited resources, as employers and employees, as victims of racist aggression, as religious minorities in a secularizing state, and as French citizens. The book traces the way these multiple, complex interactions have been overshadowed and obscured by a reductionist narrative of Muslim–Jewish polarization.
B. V. A. Röling
- Published in print:
- 1992
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198277712
- eISBN:
- 9780191598890
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198277717.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Many of Grotius's ideas are obsolete and even dangerous due to radical changes in the four centuries since his birth. In particular: (1) Technological change can call into question prevailing ...
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Many of Grotius's ideas are obsolete and even dangerous due to radical changes in the four centuries since his birth. In particular: (1) Technological change can call into question prevailing principles and rules, one case in point being the development of nuclear weapons, which has made Grotius's doctrine of just war dangerous. (2) The growth of international interdependence needs new international structures and new principles and rules of international law. (3) In the period since European decolonization, positive international law, based on conferences and treaties, and reflecting the interests of a wide range of states, has largely replaced the essentially European preoccupations and natural law thinking of Grotius’ time. Today at a ‘Grotian moment’, Grotius should be honoured not by adhering to his teaching but by recognizing his achievement in formulating a new law for a new time.Less
Many of Grotius's ideas are obsolete and even dangerous due to radical changes in the four centuries since his birth. In particular: (1) Technological change can call into question prevailing principles and rules, one case in point being the development of nuclear weapons, which has made Grotius's doctrine of just war dangerous. (2) The growth of international interdependence needs new international structures and new principles and rules of international law. (3) In the period since European decolonization, positive international law, based on conferences and treaties, and reflecting the interests of a wide range of states, has largely replaced the essentially European preoccupations and natural law thinking of Grotius’ time. Today at a ‘Grotian moment’, Grotius should be honoured not by adhering to his teaching but by recognizing his achievement in formulating a new law for a new time.
Jason C. Parker
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195332025
- eISBN:
- 9780199868179
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195332025.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This book is an international history of the relations between the United States, Britain, and the West Indies during the long decolonization of the latter. It draws on archives in seven countries to ...
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This book is an international history of the relations between the United States, Britain, and the West Indies during the long decolonization of the latter. It draws on archives in seven countries to recover the story of that process, which resulted in the first new nations in the hemisphere—Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago—since the turn of the century. The process had begun amid depression, riot, and World War II, and it concluded at the moment of highest tension in the Cold War Caribbean. Moreover, the islands were a historical fount of black radicalism, which coursed intermittently through the hemisphere as the civil rights movement made the issue of American race relations particularly acute. In addition, the structure built to bring the islands to independence—the West Indies Federation—unexpectedly collapsed at perhaps the worst possible moment. Yet despite these ominous circumstances, the West Indian transition to independence was ultimately among the smoothest seen anywhere in the “Third World.” It avoided the bloodshed that accompanied the end of empire in many areas, and avoided the U.S. military intervention so historically promiscuous around the Caribbean littoral. This book argues that a unique “protean partnership” between the U.S. and the West Indies, one which complemented the Anglo-American relationship, explains the smooth transition. That partnership encompassed the U.S. pursuit of national-security assets such as military bases and strategic materials, the give-and-take of formal Anglo-American diplomacy, and the informal “diaspora diplomacy” of transnational race-activism that nurtured West Indian nationalism and the African American freedom struggle alike. This study contributes to the literatures on inter-American relations, race and foreign affairs, the Cold War, and decolonization.Less
This book is an international history of the relations between the United States, Britain, and the West Indies during the long decolonization of the latter. It draws on archives in seven countries to recover the story of that process, which resulted in the first new nations in the hemisphere—Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago—since the turn of the century. The process had begun amid depression, riot, and World War II, and it concluded at the moment of highest tension in the Cold War Caribbean. Moreover, the islands were a historical fount of black radicalism, which coursed intermittently through the hemisphere as the civil rights movement made the issue of American race relations particularly acute. In addition, the structure built to bring the islands to independence—the West Indies Federation—unexpectedly collapsed at perhaps the worst possible moment. Yet despite these ominous circumstances, the West Indian transition to independence was ultimately among the smoothest seen anywhere in the “Third World.” It avoided the bloodshed that accompanied the end of empire in many areas, and avoided the U.S. military intervention so historically promiscuous around the Caribbean littoral. This book argues that a unique “protean partnership” between the U.S. and the West Indies, one which complemented the Anglo-American relationship, explains the smooth transition. That partnership encompassed the U.S. pursuit of national-security assets such as military bases and strategic materials, the give-and-take of formal Anglo-American diplomacy, and the informal “diaspora diplomacy” of transnational race-activism that nurtured West Indian nationalism and the African American freedom struggle alike. This study contributes to the literatures on inter-American relations, race and foreign affairs, the Cold War, and decolonization.
Jason Edward Black
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781628461961
- eISBN:
- 9781626744899
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781628461961.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
Situating U.S. governmental and American Indian rhetoric in a colonial context, Native Dualities examines the ways that both the government’s rhetoric and American Indian voices contributed to the ...
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Situating U.S. governmental and American Indian rhetoric in a colonial context, Native Dualities examines the ways that both the government’s rhetoric and American Indian voices contributed to the policies of Native-U.S. relations throughout the removal and allotment eras. These discourses co-constructed the silhouette of both the U.S. government and American Indian communities and contributed textures to the relationship. Such interactions – though certainly not equal between the two – illustrated the hybrid-like potentialities of Native-U.S. rhetoric in the nineteenth century. That is, both colonizing discourse and decolonizing discourse added arguments, identity constructions, and rhetorical moves to the colonizing relationship. Native Dualities demonstrates how American Indians decolonized dominant rhetoric in terms of impeding the realization of the removal and allotment policies. Likewise, by turning around the U.S. government’s discursive frameworks and inventing their own rhetorical tactics, American Indian communities helped restyle their own and the government’s identities. Interestingly, during the first third of the twentieth century, Native decolonization was shown to impact the Native-U.S. relationship as American Indians urged for the successful passage of the Indian Citizenship Act of 1924 and the Indian New Deal of 1934. In the end, Native communities were granted increased rhetorical power through decolonization, though the U.S. government still retained a powerful colonial influence over them. This duality of inclusion (controlled citizenship) and exclusion (controlled sovereignty) was built incrementally through the removal and allotment periods, and existed as residues of nineteenth century Native-U.S. rhetorical relations.Less
Situating U.S. governmental and American Indian rhetoric in a colonial context, Native Dualities examines the ways that both the government’s rhetoric and American Indian voices contributed to the policies of Native-U.S. relations throughout the removal and allotment eras. These discourses co-constructed the silhouette of both the U.S. government and American Indian communities and contributed textures to the relationship. Such interactions – though certainly not equal between the two – illustrated the hybrid-like potentialities of Native-U.S. rhetoric in the nineteenth century. That is, both colonizing discourse and decolonizing discourse added arguments, identity constructions, and rhetorical moves to the colonizing relationship. Native Dualities demonstrates how American Indians decolonized dominant rhetoric in terms of impeding the realization of the removal and allotment policies. Likewise, by turning around the U.S. government’s discursive frameworks and inventing their own rhetorical tactics, American Indian communities helped restyle their own and the government’s identities. Interestingly, during the first third of the twentieth century, Native decolonization was shown to impact the Native-U.S. relationship as American Indians urged for the successful passage of the Indian Citizenship Act of 1924 and the Indian New Deal of 1934. In the end, Native communities were granted increased rhetorical power through decolonization, though the U.S. government still retained a powerful colonial influence over them. This duality of inclusion (controlled citizenship) and exclusion (controlled sovereignty) was built incrementally through the removal and allotment periods, and existed as residues of nineteenth century Native-U.S. rhetorical relations.
Azzedine Haddour
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199288076
- eISBN:
- 9780191713439
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199288076.003.0010
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, Literary Studies: Classical, Early, and Medieval
In the Western tradition, there is a sort of ‘intellectual fundamentalism’ that refuses to acknowledge the contribution of Islamic culture to the fields of sciences and to the Humanities. The same ...
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In the Western tradition, there is a sort of ‘intellectual fundamentalism’ that refuses to acknowledge the contribution of Islamic culture to the fields of sciences and to the Humanities. The same ethnocentricism which conceals the fact that the Arabs made significant strides in the field of science, and particularly in mathematics and medicine is also at work in the study of the classics as well as in philosophy. As a matter of fact, it created a diremption between the Islamic culture and the classical heritage it helped preserve. This chapter begins by examining the ethnocentric underpinnings of the Western tradition which made Islam and classicism incongruous notions. It argues that Islam is part of the fabric of Western epistemology. Through the study of the role played by the translation movements from Greek to Arabic and from the latter to Latin, the chapter undertakes the project of deconstructing the foundational idea that the classics are inherited directly from ancient Greek and Latin. Arguably, this fundamentalism and the religious fanaticism which putatively came to be associated with this culture represent two sides of the same coin: both are in fact sustained by an Orientalism which subjected the latter to the colonial rules of the former. Contra the Orientalizing characterization of Islam as a religion of fanaticism, it is shown that through translation it in fact promoted rationalism. The chapter provides a critique of Western colonialism which suppressed the contribution of the Arabs. Through a consideration of Frantz Fanon and Abdelkabir Khatibi, it argues that a genuine decolonization must be sought at the level of European thought.Less
In the Western tradition, there is a sort of ‘intellectual fundamentalism’ that refuses to acknowledge the contribution of Islamic culture to the fields of sciences and to the Humanities. The same ethnocentricism which conceals the fact that the Arabs made significant strides in the field of science, and particularly in mathematics and medicine is also at work in the study of the classics as well as in philosophy. As a matter of fact, it created a diremption between the Islamic culture and the classical heritage it helped preserve. This chapter begins by examining the ethnocentric underpinnings of the Western tradition which made Islam and classicism incongruous notions. It argues that Islam is part of the fabric of Western epistemology. Through the study of the role played by the translation movements from Greek to Arabic and from the latter to Latin, the chapter undertakes the project of deconstructing the foundational idea that the classics are inherited directly from ancient Greek and Latin. Arguably, this fundamentalism and the religious fanaticism which putatively came to be associated with this culture represent two sides of the same coin: both are in fact sustained by an Orientalism which subjected the latter to the colonial rules of the former. Contra the Orientalizing characterization of Islam as a religion of fanaticism, it is shown that through translation it in fact promoted rationalism. The chapter provides a critique of Western colonialism which suppressed the contribution of the Arabs. Through a consideration of Frantz Fanon and Abdelkabir Khatibi, it argues that a genuine decolonization must be sought at the level of European thought.
