Han Smit and Thras Moraitis
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691140001
- eISBN:
- 9781400852178
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691140001.003.0002
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Knowledge Management
It is puzzling to note that while companies seem to rush into acquisitions during global economic booms—even when they are aware of the dangers of overpaying—they appear to lose all interest in ...
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It is puzzling to note that while companies seem to rush into acquisitions during global economic booms—even when they are aware of the dangers of overpaying—they appear to lose all interest in dealing when the global economy is sluggish and the market invariably offers bargains. Deal framing in executives' analyses—the way they perceive and model their acquisition or divestment opportunities—can cause them to overestimate acquisition opportunities in hot deal markets, while their dismay in cold markets often induces them to frame deals as representing too high risk, so they hold back from making viable new acquisitions or delay divesting loss-making divisions. Decision biases can play surprisingly strong roles in the valuation analyses of even experienced executives. This chapter focuses on this particular problem: how rational analyses can become infected and lead executives to manipulate their analyses to get the answers they expect or require. It proposes a remedy that goes beyond currently applied valuation models.Less
It is puzzling to note that while companies seem to rush into acquisitions during global economic booms—even when they are aware of the dangers of overpaying—they appear to lose all interest in dealing when the global economy is sluggish and the market invariably offers bargains. Deal framing in executives' analyses—the way they perceive and model their acquisition or divestment opportunities—can cause them to overestimate acquisition opportunities in hot deal markets, while their dismay in cold markets often induces them to frame deals as representing too high risk, so they hold back from making viable new acquisitions or delay divesting loss-making divisions. Decision biases can play surprisingly strong roles in the valuation analyses of even experienced executives. This chapter focuses on this particular problem: how rational analyses can become infected and lead executives to manipulate their analyses to get the answers they expect or require. It proposes a remedy that goes beyond currently applied valuation models.
Peter Taylor-Gooby and Trine P. Larsen
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199267262
- eISBN:
- 9780191602023
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019926726X.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
The UK developed an innovative agenda of new social risk policies through the 1980s and 1990s. The Conservative government up to 1997 essentially pursued liberal market reforms with minimal provision ...
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The UK developed an innovative agenda of new social risk policies through the 1980s and 1990s. The Conservative government up to 1997 essentially pursued liberal market reforms with minimal provision for vulnerable minorities. After 1997, new labour developed a programme of work‐life balance and New Deal labour market reforms that represented a change of direction in the UK context. These policies relied heavily on market provision and on market incentives, with a state safety net for those on low incomes, but were more generous than the previous provision and were carefully and consciously structured to enhance work incentives for women with domestic responsibilities and others. They were influential in welfare state debate across Europe and at EU level. Reliance on a private sector, which government cannot directly control, created problems, most notably in childcare, elder care, and pensions. The UK is able to change policy rapidly due to its highly centralised ‘Westminster’ governmental system. Its reform experience has important lessons for other European countries.Less
The UK developed an innovative agenda of new social risk policies through the 1980s and 1990s. The Conservative government up to 1997 essentially pursued liberal market reforms with minimal provision for vulnerable minorities. After 1997, new labour developed a programme of work‐life balance and New Deal labour market reforms that represented a change of direction in the UK context. These policies relied heavily on market provision and on market incentives, with a state safety net for those on low incomes, but were more generous than the previous provision and were carefully and consciously structured to enhance work incentives for women with domestic responsibilities and others. They were influential in welfare state debate across Europe and at EU level. Reliance on a private sector, which government cannot directly control, created problems, most notably in childcare, elder care, and pensions. The UK is able to change policy rapidly due to its highly centralised ‘Westminster’ governmental system. Its reform experience has important lessons for other European countries.
Peter A. Swenson
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195142976
- eISBN:
- 9780199872190
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195142977.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Challenges the conventional wisdom that welfare state builders take their cues solely from labor and other progressive interests. It argues instead that pragmatic social reformers in the U.S. and ...
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Challenges the conventional wisdom that welfare state builders take their cues solely from labor and other progressive interests. It argues instead that pragmatic social reformers in the U.S. and Sweden looked for support from above as well as below, taking into account capitalists’ interests and preferences in the political process. Legislation associated with the American New Deal and Swedish social democracy was built, consequently, on cross‐class alliances of interest. Capitalists in both countries appreciated the regulatory impact of reformist social and labor legislation. Their interests in such legislation derived from their distinct systems of labor market governance. Thus, new theory and historical evidence in this book illuminate the political conditions for greater equality and security in capitalist societies.Less
Challenges the conventional wisdom that welfare state builders take their cues solely from labor and other progressive interests. It argues instead that pragmatic social reformers in the U.S. and Sweden looked for support from above as well as below, taking into account capitalists’ interests and preferences in the political process. Legislation associated with the American New Deal and Swedish social democracy was built, consequently, on cross‐class alliances of interest. Capitalists in both countries appreciated the regulatory impact of reformist social and labor legislation. Their interests in such legislation derived from their distinct systems of labor market governance. Thus, new theory and historical evidence in this book illuminate the political conditions for greater equality and security in capitalist societies.
Iain McLean
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199546954
- eISBN:
- 9780191720031
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199546954.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, UK Politics
Veto players and win sets in a pluralitarian democracy, compared to those in a proportional regime; and in a unitary compared to a federal regime. Duverger's Law. Constitutional moments in the United ...
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Veto players and win sets in a pluralitarian democracy, compared to those in a proportional regime; and in a unitary compared to a federal regime. Duverger's Law. Constitutional moments in the United States. The unconstitutionality of the great constitutional changes there.Less
Veto players and win sets in a pluralitarian democracy, compared to those in a proportional regime; and in a unitary compared to a federal regime. Duverger's Law. Constitutional moments in the United States. The unconstitutionality of the great constitutional changes there.
Gary Scott Smith
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195300604
- eISBN:
- 9780199785285
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195300604.003.0006
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Scholars have provided scant analysis of Franklin D. Roosevelt’s personal faith, regular use of religious rhetoric, relationship with religious constituencies and leaders, the impact of his religious ...
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Scholars have provided scant analysis of Franklin D. Roosevelt’s personal faith, regular use of religious rhetoric, relationship with religious constituencies and leaders, the impact of his religious convictions on his policies as president, or the role of religion in his four presidential campaigns. The Democrat, however, repeatedly emphasized the importance of the Bible, prayer, and Christian morality. In numerous speeches and letters, he urged Americans to work for spiritual renewal, promote social justice, and strive to achieve a more abundant material and spiritual life. He frequently asserted that God directed history, labeled himself God’s agent, and insisted that the United States would prosper only if its citizens sought divine guidance and followed biblical principles. His courage, confidence, and calm in dealing with the Great Depression and World War II sprang from his temperament, life experiences, and faith. Interested much more in the moral, character-building, and social justice emphases of Christianity than its theological or devotional aspects, Roosevelt’s faith was sincere but not intellectually sophisticated. Like his approach to politics, his faith focused more on action than contemplation, more on results than on principles. More than any other 20th-century president, Roosevelt managed to maintain cordial relations with Protestants (especially ones concerned about social justice), Catholics, and Jews. In September 1935, Roosevelt sent a letter to more than 120,000 “representative clergymen” to ask them for “counsel and advice”, particularly about the impact of his administration’s new social security legislation and public works program. His faith played a significant role in shaping the New Deal and his approach to international relations.Less
Scholars have provided scant analysis of Franklin D. Roosevelt’s personal faith, regular use of religious rhetoric, relationship with religious constituencies and leaders, the impact of his religious convictions on his policies as president, or the role of religion in his four presidential campaigns. The Democrat, however, repeatedly emphasized the importance of the Bible, prayer, and Christian morality. In numerous speeches and letters, he urged Americans to work for spiritual renewal, promote social justice, and strive to achieve a more abundant material and spiritual life. He frequently asserted that God directed history, labeled himself God’s agent, and insisted that the United States would prosper only if its citizens sought divine guidance and followed biblical principles. His courage, confidence, and calm in dealing with the Great Depression and World War II sprang from his temperament, life experiences, and faith. Interested much more in the moral, character-building, and social justice emphases of Christianity than its theological or devotional aspects, Roosevelt’s faith was sincere but not intellectually sophisticated. Like his approach to politics, his faith focused more on action than contemplation, more on results than on principles. More than any other 20th-century president, Roosevelt managed to maintain cordial relations with Protestants (especially ones concerned about social justice), Catholics, and Jews. In September 1935, Roosevelt sent a letter to more than 120,000 “representative clergymen” to ask them for “counsel and advice”, particularly about the impact of his administration’s new social security legislation and public works program. His faith played a significant role in shaping the New Deal and his approach to international relations.
Peter A. Swenson
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195142976
- eISBN:
- 9780199872190
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195142977.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Submits additional evidence for the cross‐class alliance theory of welfare state development in order to challenge competing theories, especially those that deny the positive role that capitalist ...
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Submits additional evidence for the cross‐class alliance theory of welfare state development in order to challenge competing theories, especially those that deny the positive role that capitalist power plays in determining the timing and shaping of reform. It shows, contrary to influential institutionalist theory, that the New Dealers did not act in bold defiance of monolithic opposition from capitalists, for in fact business organizations were internally divided; that corporate progressives were not disappointed with the New Deal; and that the New Dealers were not interested in building or defending state institutions that would endow bureaucrats and policy experts with the autonomous power to execute progressive policy without regard to capitalist interests. The discussion also challenges other theories that focus on the following: the loss of capitalist power due to the Depression and therefore politicians’ supposed new freedom to ignore business confidence; horse trading between internationalist business interests with little to lose from progressive legislation, and labor groups with little to lose from free trade; and direct pressure from capitalists for regulatory social reform.Less
Submits additional evidence for the cross‐class alliance theory of welfare state development in order to challenge competing theories, especially those that deny the positive role that capitalist power plays in determining the timing and shaping of reform. It shows, contrary to influential institutionalist theory, that the New Dealers did not act in bold defiance of monolithic opposition from capitalists, for in fact business organizations were internally divided; that corporate progressives were not disappointed with the New Deal; and that the New Dealers were not interested in building or defending state institutions that would endow bureaucrats and policy experts with the autonomous power to execute progressive policy without regard to capitalist interests. The discussion also challenges other theories that focus on the following: the loss of capitalist power due to the Depression and therefore politicians’ supposed new freedom to ignore business confidence; horse trading between internationalist business interests with little to lose from progressive legislation, and labor groups with little to lose from free trade; and direct pressure from capitalists for regulatory social reform.
Michael Freeden
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294146
- eISBN:
- 9780191599323
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019829414X.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Philosophical liberalism poses a challenge for the ideological analyst since it illustrates the divide between ideology and political philosophy discussed in Part I of the book, even though at least ...
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Philosophical liberalism poses a challenge for the ideological analyst since it illustrates the divide between ideology and political philosophy discussed in Part I of the book, even though at least one of its most representative formulators (R. Dworkin) refers to its distinct ideological features. It is almost entirely ahistorical despite superficial allusions to the historical liberal tradition, and adopts the conceptual purism of some philosophers in its attempts to isolate the synchronic constitutive principles of liberalism ‘as such’; it is formalistic and rule bound. It is currently the most carefully argued and academically the most widely discussed liberal theory, and moreover, follows the academic trend of resurrecting major ideologies—Marxism is the best‐known example—within the confines of philosophical discourse and, like twentieth‐century Marxism, it exhibits the scholastic tendency of relatively circumscribed circles to focus detailed and often repetitive debate on a small number of texts, so that liberal principles are stated in such a way as to blur the distinctions between the theory and the ideology. Significantly, American philosophical liberalism is both similar to and different from other American liberal counterparts and a comparison between the two is therefore of some interest. Philosophical liberalism, it is contended, has borrowed a false horizon for American liberalism, stretching back to Kant but unrelated to the thought‐behaviour of American liberals; the hitherto existing horizons of those liberals, whether accumulative or diminishing, and whether compatible or incongruous, hark back instead to Locke, to progressivism and the New Deal, and to the civil rights movement of the 1960s.Less
Philosophical liberalism poses a challenge for the ideological analyst since it illustrates the divide between ideology and political philosophy discussed in Part I of the book, even though at least one of its most representative formulators (R. Dworkin) refers to its distinct ideological features. It is almost entirely ahistorical despite superficial allusions to the historical liberal tradition, and adopts the conceptual purism of some philosophers in its attempts to isolate the synchronic constitutive principles of liberalism ‘as such’; it is formalistic and rule bound. It is currently the most carefully argued and academically the most widely discussed liberal theory, and moreover, follows the academic trend of resurrecting major ideologies—Marxism is the best‐known example—within the confines of philosophical discourse and, like twentieth‐century Marxism, it exhibits the scholastic tendency of relatively circumscribed circles to focus detailed and often repetitive debate on a small number of texts, so that liberal principles are stated in such a way as to blur the distinctions between the theory and the ideology. Significantly, American philosophical liberalism is both similar to and different from other American liberal counterparts and a comparison between the two is therefore of some interest. Philosophical liberalism, it is contended, has borrowed a false horizon for American liberalism, stretching back to Kant but unrelated to the thought‐behaviour of American liberals; the hitherto existing horizons of those liberals, whether accumulative or diminishing, and whether compatible or incongruous, hark back instead to Locke, to progressivism and the New Deal, and to the civil rights movement of the 1960s.
Martin Rhodes
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198297567
- eISBN:
- 9780191600104
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198297564.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This is the third of three chapters on the role of economic interests, and of systems for representing those interests, in the politics of welfare state reform; they explore the linkages between ...
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This is the third of three chapters on the role of economic interests, and of systems for representing those interests, in the politics of welfare state reform; they explore the linkages between national welfare states and national economies, and examine the processes through which economic actors press their interests on policy makers. Here Rhodes explores the implications for welfare states of nationally negotiated social pacts in bridging and making innovative linkages between social security systems and employment rules and wage bargaining. The essential argument of Sect. 1 is that the emergence of social pacts is linked to common domestic and external pressures for welfare state reform in the European Union, and that contrary to the expectations of many commentators, these pressures are neither ‘disorganizing’ European capitalism nor neutralizing the power of the state; furthermore, rather than fragmenting political‐economic structures, pressures for reform have in many instances modified or even bolstered efforts at coordination via bargaining. Section 2 introduces the notion of ‘competitive corporatism’, and shows that underpinning these social pacts are varying degrees of associational cohesion, and two types of coalition — seeking distributional deals and productivity gains — which have complex linkages and overlaps. In ideal typical terms, it can be suggested that competitive corporatism is successfully achieved if underpinned by a close but flexible interlocking of these two types of coalition, although in practice it is not always possible, as has been demonstrated in various continental European countries.Less
This is the third of three chapters on the role of economic interests, and of systems for representing those interests, in the politics of welfare state reform; they explore the linkages between national welfare states and national economies, and examine the processes through which economic actors press their interests on policy makers. Here Rhodes explores the implications for welfare states of nationally negotiated social pacts in bridging and making innovative linkages between social security systems and employment rules and wage bargaining. The essential argument of Sect. 1 is that the emergence of social pacts is linked to common domestic and external pressures for welfare state reform in the European Union, and that contrary to the expectations of many commentators, these pressures are neither ‘disorganizing’ European capitalism nor neutralizing the power of the state; furthermore, rather than fragmenting political‐economic structures, pressures for reform have in many instances modified or even bolstered efforts at coordination via bargaining. Section 2 introduces the notion of ‘competitive corporatism’, and shows that underpinning these social pacts are varying degrees of associational cohesion, and two types of coalition — seeking distributional deals and productivity gains — which have complex linkages and overlaps. In ideal typical terms, it can be suggested that competitive corporatism is successfully achieved if underpinned by a close but flexible interlocking of these two types of coalition, although in practice it is not always possible, as has been demonstrated in various continental European countries.
Devin Caughey
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780691181806
- eISBN:
- 9780691184005
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691181806.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
During the Jim Crow era, the Democratic Party dominated the American South, presiding over a racially segregated society while also playing an outsized role in national politics. This book provides ...
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During the Jim Crow era, the Democratic Party dominated the American South, presiding over a racially segregated society while also playing an outsized role in national politics. This book provides an entirely new understanding of electoral competition and national representation in this exclusionary one-party enclave. Challenging the notion that the Democratic Party's political monopoly inhibited competition and served only the Southern elite, the book demonstrates how Democratic primaries—even as they excluded African Americans—provided forums for ordinary whites to press their interests. Focusing on politics during and after the New Deal, the book shows that congressional primary elections effectively substituted for partisan competition, in part because the spillover from national party conflict helped compensate for the informational deficits of elections without party labels. The book draws on a broad range of historical and quantitative evidence, including archival materials, primary election returns, congressional voting records, and hundreds of early public opinion polls that illuminate ideological patterns in the Southern public. Defying the received wisdom, this evidence reveals that members of Congress from the one-party South were no less responsive to their electorates than members from states with true partisan competition. Reinterpreting a critical period in American history, this book reshapes our understanding of the role of parties in democratic theory and sheds critical new light on electoral politics in authoritarian regimes.Less
During the Jim Crow era, the Democratic Party dominated the American South, presiding over a racially segregated society while also playing an outsized role in national politics. This book provides an entirely new understanding of electoral competition and national representation in this exclusionary one-party enclave. Challenging the notion that the Democratic Party's political monopoly inhibited competition and served only the Southern elite, the book demonstrates how Democratic primaries—even as they excluded African Americans—provided forums for ordinary whites to press their interests. Focusing on politics during and after the New Deal, the book shows that congressional primary elections effectively substituted for partisan competition, in part because the spillover from national party conflict helped compensate for the informational deficits of elections without party labels. The book draws on a broad range of historical and quantitative evidence, including archival materials, primary election returns, congressional voting records, and hundreds of early public opinion polls that illuminate ideological patterns in the Southern public. Defying the received wisdom, this evidence reveals that members of Congress from the one-party South were no less responsive to their electorates than members from states with true partisan competition. Reinterpreting a critical period in American history, this book reshapes our understanding of the role of parties in democratic theory and sheds critical new light on electoral politics in authoritarian regimes.
Kimberley Johnson
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195387421
- eISBN:
- 9780199776771
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195387421.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter explores how Jim Crow reformers, energized by the New Deal and with access to its resources, attempted to further centralize government power in a political order that was characterized ...
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This chapter explores how Jim Crow reformers, energized by the New Deal and with access to its resources, attempted to further centralize government power in a political order that was characterized by a pervasive localism and general hostility toward government power. Although southern New Dealers played an important role in pushing for state-level administrative reform, university-based reformers and northern foundations also played a critical and largely overlooked role in this attempt to reshape and modernize southern state government. Their awkward position as critics of the state as well as state functionaries reflected the contradictory position in which many reformers found themselves. In the end, reformers' attempts to reorient government power toward the needs of the South's have-nots faltered on the reformers' lack of political power and their inability as servants of the state to directly address issues of power and race.Less
This chapter explores how Jim Crow reformers, energized by the New Deal and with access to its resources, attempted to further centralize government power in a political order that was characterized by a pervasive localism and general hostility toward government power. Although southern New Dealers played an important role in pushing for state-level administrative reform, university-based reformers and northern foundations also played a critical and largely overlooked role in this attempt to reshape and modernize southern state government. Their awkward position as critics of the state as well as state functionaries reflected the contradictory position in which many reformers found themselves. In the end, reformers' attempts to reorient government power toward the needs of the South's have-nots faltered on the reformers' lack of political power and their inability as servants of the state to directly address issues of power and race.
Kimberley Johnson
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195387421
- eISBN:
- 9780199776771
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195387421.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter shows how the struggle to reshape the southern state would lead to a new struggle for political citizenship for whites. Guided by their belief that the root of the South's problems was ...
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This chapter shows how the struggle to reshape the southern state would lead to a new struggle for political citizenship for whites. Guided by their belief that the root of the South's problems was economic inequality, southern New Dealers began a drive to re-enfranchise the South's whites through an attack on the poll tax. Though not the most fundamental problem of the South's variety of discriminatory voting practices, the poll tax was the one that was most widespread, and strategically it was the one that seemed to harm whites the most. Some reformers embraced poll tax reform as a reflection of white privilege that was wrongfully withheld; others saw it as the means to other ends. For many New Deal southern liberals the goal of poll tax reform was the enfranchisement of a huge pool of have-not whites, who in turn would “naturally” support New Deal-friendly politicians in their struggle against the South's conservative elites.Less
This chapter shows how the struggle to reshape the southern state would lead to a new struggle for political citizenship for whites. Guided by their belief that the root of the South's problems was economic inequality, southern New Dealers began a drive to re-enfranchise the South's whites through an attack on the poll tax. Though not the most fundamental problem of the South's variety of discriminatory voting practices, the poll tax was the one that was most widespread, and strategically it was the one that seemed to harm whites the most. Some reformers embraced poll tax reform as a reflection of white privilege that was wrongfully withheld; others saw it as the means to other ends. For many New Deal southern liberals the goal of poll tax reform was the enfranchisement of a huge pool of have-not whites, who in turn would “naturally” support New Deal-friendly politicians in their struggle against the South's conservative elites.
Michael J. Piore
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199269761
- eISBN:
- 9780191710087
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199269761.003.0007
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Corporate Governance and Accountability
This chapter offers a historical reconstruction of the evolution of governance structures in the modern history of the US; seen through the lenses of Polanyi's thesis, the main problem of ...
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This chapter offers a historical reconstruction of the evolution of governance structures in the modern history of the US; seen through the lenses of Polanyi's thesis, the main problem of contemporary economic organization is the clash between the competitive market and the social nature of human beings. This chapter analyses how this clash was resolved in different historical phases: by the adjustment of the social system to the requirement of production under the old regime of mass production, by negotiation and unionization under the New Deal. It characterizes the current phase as one of ‘disarticulation’ of the relationship between the economic and the social structures, where they are neither separate nor related in any clear way, to which a solution is yet to be found.Less
This chapter offers a historical reconstruction of the evolution of governance structures in the modern history of the US; seen through the lenses of Polanyi's thesis, the main problem of contemporary economic organization is the clash between the competitive market and the social nature of human beings. This chapter analyses how this clash was resolved in different historical phases: by the adjustment of the social system to the requirement of production under the old regime of mass production, by negotiation and unionization under the New Deal. It characterizes the current phase as one of ‘disarticulation’ of the relationship between the economic and the social structures, where they are neither separate nor related in any clear way, to which a solution is yet to be found.
Michael Foley
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199232673
- eISBN:
- 9780191716362
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199232673.003.0013
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter discusses liberalism in American society. Topics covered include the populist movement, the progressive movement, the New Deal as the pivotal point in the development of American ...
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This chapter discusses liberalism in American society. Topics covered include the populist movement, the progressive movement, the New Deal as the pivotal point in the development of American liberalism, liberal disturbances, and liberal complaints.Less
This chapter discusses liberalism in American society. Topics covered include the populist movement, the progressive movement, the New Deal as the pivotal point in the development of American liberalism, liberal disturbances, and liberal complaints.
Kiran Klaus Patel
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691149127
- eISBN:
- 9781400873623
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691149127.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This book provides a radically new interpretation of a pivotal period in US history. The first comprehensive study of the New Deal in a global context, the book compares American responses to the ...
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This book provides a radically new interpretation of a pivotal period in US history. The first comprehensive study of the New Deal in a global context, the book compares American responses to the international crisis of capitalism and democracy during the 1930s to responses by other countries around the globe—not just in Europe but also in Latin America, Asia, and other parts of the world. Work creation, agricultural intervention, state planning, immigration policy, the role of mass media, forms of political leadership, and new ways of ruling America's colonies—all had parallels elsewhere and unfolded against a backdrop of intense global debates. By avoiding the distortions of American exceptionalism, the book shows how America's reaction to the Great Depression connected it to the wider world. Among much else, the book explains why the New Deal had enormous repercussions on China; why Franklin D. Roosevelt studied the welfare schemes of Nazi Germany; and why the New Dealers were fascinated by cooperatives in Sweden—but ignored similar schemes in Japan. Ultimately, the book argues, the New Deal provided the institutional scaffolding for the construction of American global hegemony in the postwar era, making this history essential for understanding both the New Deal and America's rise to global leadership.Less
This book provides a radically new interpretation of a pivotal period in US history. The first comprehensive study of the New Deal in a global context, the book compares American responses to the international crisis of capitalism and democracy during the 1930s to responses by other countries around the globe—not just in Europe but also in Latin America, Asia, and other parts of the world. Work creation, agricultural intervention, state planning, immigration policy, the role of mass media, forms of political leadership, and new ways of ruling America's colonies—all had parallels elsewhere and unfolded against a backdrop of intense global debates. By avoiding the distortions of American exceptionalism, the book shows how America's reaction to the Great Depression connected it to the wider world. Among much else, the book explains why the New Deal had enormous repercussions on China; why Franklin D. Roosevelt studied the welfare schemes of Nazi Germany; and why the New Dealers were fascinated by cooperatives in Sweden—but ignored similar schemes in Japan. Ultimately, the book argues, the New Deal provided the institutional scaffolding for the construction of American global hegemony in the postwar era, making this history essential for understanding both the New Deal and America's rise to global leadership.
Cybelle Fox
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691152233
- eISBN:
- 9781400842582
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691152233.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Public Policy
This book examines the role of race and immigration in the development of the American social welfare system by comparing how blacks, Mexicans, and European immigrants were treated by welfare ...
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This book examines the role of race and immigration in the development of the American social welfare system by comparing how blacks, Mexicans, and European immigrants were treated by welfare policies during the Progressive Era and the New Deal. Taking readers from the turn of the twentieth century to the dark days of the Depression, the book finds that, despite rampant nativism, European immigrants received generous access to social welfare programs. The communities in which they lived invested heavily in relief. Social workers protected them from snooping immigration agents, and ensured that noncitizenship and illegal status did not prevent them from receiving the assistance they needed. But that same helping hand was not extended to Mexicans and blacks. The book reveals, for example, how blacks were relegated to racist and degrading public assistance programs, while Mexicans who asked for assistance were deported with the help of the very social workers they turned to for aid. Drawing on a wealth of archival evidence, the book paints a riveting portrait of how race, labor, and politics combined to create three starkly different worlds of relief. It debunks the myth that white America's immigrant ancestors pulled themselves up by their bootstraps, unlike immigrants and minorities today. The book challenges us to reconsider not only the historical record but also the implications of our past on contemporary debates about race, immigration, and the American welfare state.Less
This book examines the role of race and immigration in the development of the American social welfare system by comparing how blacks, Mexicans, and European immigrants were treated by welfare policies during the Progressive Era and the New Deal. Taking readers from the turn of the twentieth century to the dark days of the Depression, the book finds that, despite rampant nativism, European immigrants received generous access to social welfare programs. The communities in which they lived invested heavily in relief. Social workers protected them from snooping immigration agents, and ensured that noncitizenship and illegal status did not prevent them from receiving the assistance they needed. But that same helping hand was not extended to Mexicans and blacks. The book reveals, for example, how blacks were relegated to racist and degrading public assistance programs, while Mexicans who asked for assistance were deported with the help of the very social workers they turned to for aid. Drawing on a wealth of archival evidence, the book paints a riveting portrait of how race, labor, and politics combined to create three starkly different worlds of relief. It debunks the myth that white America's immigrant ancestors pulled themselves up by their bootstraps, unlike immigrants and minorities today. The book challenges us to reconsider not only the historical record but also the implications of our past on contemporary debates about race, immigration, and the American welfare state.
Robyn Muncy
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691122731
- eISBN:
- 9781400852413
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691122731.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Josephine Roche (1886–1976) was a progressive activist, New Deal policymaker, and businesswoman. As a pro-labor and feminist member of Franklin D. Roosevelt's administration, she shaped the founding ...
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Josephine Roche (1886–1976) was a progressive activist, New Deal policymaker, and businesswoman. As a pro-labor and feminist member of Franklin D. Roosevelt's administration, she shaped the founding legislation of the U.S. welfare state and generated the national conversation about health care policy that Americans are still having today. This book offers Roche's persistent progressivism as evidence for surprising continuities among the Progressive Era, the New Deal, and the Great Society. The book explains that Roche became the second-highest-ranking woman in the New Deal government after running a Colorado coal company in partnership with coal miners themselves. Once in office, Roche developed a national health plan that was stymied by World War II but enacted piecemeal during the postwar period, culminating in Medicare and Medicaid in the 1960s. By then, Roche directed the United Mine Workers of America Welfare and Retirement Fund, an initiative aimed at bolstering the labor movement, advancing managed health care, and reorganizing medicine to facilitate national health insurance, one of Roche's unrealized dreams. This book uses Roche's dramatic life story as a unique vantage point from which to examine the challenges that women have faced in public life and to reassess the meaning and trajectory of progressive reform.Less
Josephine Roche (1886–1976) was a progressive activist, New Deal policymaker, and businesswoman. As a pro-labor and feminist member of Franklin D. Roosevelt's administration, she shaped the founding legislation of the U.S. welfare state and generated the national conversation about health care policy that Americans are still having today. This book offers Roche's persistent progressivism as evidence for surprising continuities among the Progressive Era, the New Deal, and the Great Society. The book explains that Roche became the second-highest-ranking woman in the New Deal government after running a Colorado coal company in partnership with coal miners themselves. Once in office, Roche developed a national health plan that was stymied by World War II but enacted piecemeal during the postwar period, culminating in Medicare and Medicaid in the 1960s. By then, Roche directed the United Mine Workers of America Welfare and Retirement Fund, an initiative aimed at bolstering the labor movement, advancing managed health care, and reorganizing medicine to facilitate national health insurance, one of Roche's unrealized dreams. This book uses Roche's dramatic life story as a unique vantage point from which to examine the challenges that women have faced in public life and to reassess the meaning and trajectory of progressive reform.
Michael Quinlan
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199563944
- eISBN:
- 9780191721274
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199563944.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter first discusses whether the term ‘arms race’ is accurately applied to the history of nuclear-armoury development, and whether the costs of such development have been disproportionate to ...
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This chapter first discusses whether the term ‘arms race’ is accurately applied to the history of nuclear-armoury development, and whether the costs of such development have been disproportionate to their value. It then examines the contribution which arms control agreements can make to reducing cost, risk, and uncertainty in the stable management of nuclear deterrence. It illustrates from the Cold War period some of the complications, both political and technical, that can arise in the shaping of such agreements, and the difficulty of including smaller armouries like that of Britain in formal limitation bargains. It next considers what future there is for bilateral US/Russia deals, and finally notes the value of nuclear-weapon-free zones and certain treaties constraining the deployment of nuclear weapons into new environments.Less
This chapter first discusses whether the term ‘arms race’ is accurately applied to the history of nuclear-armoury development, and whether the costs of such development have been disproportionate to their value. It then examines the contribution which arms control agreements can make to reducing cost, risk, and uncertainty in the stable management of nuclear deterrence. It illustrates from the Cold War period some of the complications, both political and technical, that can arise in the shaping of such agreements, and the difficulty of including smaller armouries like that of Britain in formal limitation bargains. It next considers what future there is for bilateral US/Russia deals, and finally notes the value of nuclear-weapon-free zones and certain treaties constraining the deployment of nuclear weapons into new environments.
Landon R. Y. Storrs
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691153964
- eISBN:
- 9781400845255
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691153964.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
The loyalty investigations triggered by the Red Scare of the 1940s and 1950s marginalized many talented women and men who had entered government service during the Great Depression seeking to promote ...
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The loyalty investigations triggered by the Red Scare of the 1940s and 1950s marginalized many talented women and men who had entered government service during the Great Depression seeking to promote social democracy as a means to economic reform. Their influence over New Deal policymaking and their alliances with progressive labor and consumer movements elicited a powerful reaction from conservatives, who accused them of being subversives. This book draws on newly declassified records of the federal employee loyalty program—created in response to fears that Communists were infiltrating the U.S. government—to reveal how disloyalty charges were used to silence these New Dealers and discredit their policies. Because loyalty investigators rarely distinguished between Communists and other leftists, many noncommunist leftists were forced to leave government or deny their political views. This book finds that loyalty defendants were more numerous at higher ranks of the civil service than previously thought, and that many were women, or men with accomplished leftist wives. Uncovering a forceful left-feminist presence in the New Deal, the book shows how opponents on the Right exploited popular hostility to powerful women and their “effeminate” spouses. The loyalty program not only destroyed many promising careers, it prohibited discussion of social democratic policy ideas in government circles, narrowing the scope of political discourse to this day. This book demonstrates how the Second Red Scare undermined the reform potential of the New Deal and crippled the American welfare state.Less
The loyalty investigations triggered by the Red Scare of the 1940s and 1950s marginalized many talented women and men who had entered government service during the Great Depression seeking to promote social democracy as a means to economic reform. Their influence over New Deal policymaking and their alliances with progressive labor and consumer movements elicited a powerful reaction from conservatives, who accused them of being subversives. This book draws on newly declassified records of the federal employee loyalty program—created in response to fears that Communists were infiltrating the U.S. government—to reveal how disloyalty charges were used to silence these New Dealers and discredit their policies. Because loyalty investigators rarely distinguished between Communists and other leftists, many noncommunist leftists were forced to leave government or deny their political views. This book finds that loyalty defendants were more numerous at higher ranks of the civil service than previously thought, and that many were women, or men with accomplished leftist wives. Uncovering a forceful left-feminist presence in the New Deal, the book shows how opponents on the Right exploited popular hostility to powerful women and their “effeminate” spouses. The loyalty program not only destroyed many promising careers, it prohibited discussion of social democratic policy ideas in government circles, narrowing the scope of political discourse to this day. This book demonstrates how the Second Red Scare undermined the reform potential of the New Deal and crippled the American welfare state.
Neil M. Maher
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195306019
- eISBN:
- 9780199867820
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195306019.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This introduction asks two questions that are central to this book. First, how did Progressive Era conservation become post–World War II environmentalism? And second, how did Franklin Roosevelt forge ...
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This introduction asks two questions that are central to this book. First, how did Progressive Era conservation become post–World War II environmentalism? And second, how did Franklin Roosevelt forge and maintain his liberal New Deal coalition? One answer to both questions, the introduction argues, is the New Deal's unique brand of conservation. The introduction then describes the differences between conservation and environmentalism, explaining that while progressive conservation involved elites interested in the efficient use of natural resources, postwar environmentalism represented a more grassroots phenomenon concerned with more human-centered and non-utilitarian issues including wilderness preservation, ecological balance, and health through outdoor recreation. This introduction also explains the peculiar politics of Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal coalition, which brought together an unlikely alliance of eastern intellectuals and western farmers, urban immigrants and rural native-born Americans, the American working class and a particular type of industrial capitalist. The introduction concludes by suggesting that New Deal conservation in general, and the CCC in particular, helped transform progressive conservation into postwar environmentalism while simultaneously aiding Franklin Roosevelt in overcoming various divisions within this New Deal coalition.Less
This introduction asks two questions that are central to this book. First, how did Progressive Era conservation become post–World War II environmentalism? And second, how did Franklin Roosevelt forge and maintain his liberal New Deal coalition? One answer to both questions, the introduction argues, is the New Deal's unique brand of conservation. The introduction then describes the differences between conservation and environmentalism, explaining that while progressive conservation involved elites interested in the efficient use of natural resources, postwar environmentalism represented a more grassroots phenomenon concerned with more human-centered and non-utilitarian issues including wilderness preservation, ecological balance, and health through outdoor recreation. This introduction also explains the peculiar politics of Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal coalition, which brought together an unlikely alliance of eastern intellectuals and western farmers, urban immigrants and rural native-born Americans, the American working class and a particular type of industrial capitalist. The introduction concludes by suggesting that New Deal conservation in general, and the CCC in particular, helped transform progressive conservation into postwar environmentalism while simultaneously aiding Franklin Roosevelt in overcoming various divisions within this New Deal coalition.
Christopher P. Loss
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691148274
- eISBN:
- 9781400840052
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691148274.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter turns to venues that linked the New Deal state and higher education in the 1930s, when federal policymakers used higher education to help adjust the American people to life in a ...
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This chapter turns to venues that linked the New Deal state and higher education in the 1930s, when federal policymakers used higher education to help adjust the American people to life in a bureaucratic state. The country's land-grant colleges and universities proved absolutely indispensible to this state-building effort. Resting at the literal and metaphoric intersection of the state and society, but completely beholden to neither, the land grants captured the attention of entrepreneurial New Dealers in search of discreet ways to extend federal power at the grassroots. Attention to the land grants eventually spilled over to the entire higher education sector as President Roosevelt and a handful of top New Deal administrators encouraged and rewarded higher education institutions, and many of the students who attended them, for their help in combating the Great Depression. Higher education won, extending the government's reach into citizens' lives.Less
This chapter turns to venues that linked the New Deal state and higher education in the 1930s, when federal policymakers used higher education to help adjust the American people to life in a bureaucratic state. The country's land-grant colleges and universities proved absolutely indispensible to this state-building effort. Resting at the literal and metaphoric intersection of the state and society, but completely beholden to neither, the land grants captured the attention of entrepreneurial New Dealers in search of discreet ways to extend federal power at the grassroots. Attention to the land grants eventually spilled over to the entire higher education sector as President Roosevelt and a handful of top New Deal administrators encouraged and rewarded higher education institutions, and many of the students who attended them, for their help in combating the Great Depression. Higher education won, extending the government's reach into citizens' lives.
