Josh Whitford
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199286010
- eISBN:
- 9780191713903
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199286010.001.0001
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Political Economy
American manufacturing is in crisis: the sector lost three million jobs between 2000 and 2003 as the American trade deficit shot to record highs. Manufacturers have increasingly decentralized ...
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American manufacturing is in crisis: the sector lost three million jobs between 2000 and 2003 as the American trade deficit shot to record highs. Manufacturers have increasingly decentralized productive responsibilities to armies of supplier firms, both domestically and abroad. Many have speculated as to whether or not manufacturing is even feasible in the United States, given the difficulties. This book examines the issues behind this crisis, looking at the emergence of a ‘new old economy’, in which relationships between firms have become much more important. It shows that discussion of this shift, in the media and in the academic literature, hits on the right issues — globalization, de-industrialization, and the outsourcing of production in marketized and in network relationships — but in an overly polarized way that obscures as much as it enlightens. Drawing on the results of interviews conducted with manufacturers in the American Upper Midwest, the book shows that the range of possibilities is more complex and contingent than is usually recognised. Highlighting heretofore unexamined elements of constraint, contradiction, and innovation that characterize contemporary network production models, the book shakes received understandings in economic and organizational sociology, comparative political economy, and economic geography to reveal ways in which the American economic development apparatus can be adjusted to better meet the challenges of a highly decentralized production regime.Less
American manufacturing is in crisis: the sector lost three million jobs between 2000 and 2003 as the American trade deficit shot to record highs. Manufacturers have increasingly decentralized productive responsibilities to armies of supplier firms, both domestically and abroad. Many have speculated as to whether or not manufacturing is even feasible in the United States, given the difficulties. This book examines the issues behind this crisis, looking at the emergence of a ‘new old economy’, in which relationships between firms have become much more important. It shows that discussion of this shift, in the media and in the academic literature, hits on the right issues — globalization, de-industrialization, and the outsourcing of production in marketized and in network relationships — but in an overly polarized way that obscures as much as it enlightens. Drawing on the results of interviews conducted with manufacturers in the American Upper Midwest, the book shows that the range of possibilities is more complex and contingent than is usually recognised. Highlighting heretofore unexamined elements of constraint, contradiction, and innovation that characterize contemporary network production models, the book shakes received understandings in economic and organizational sociology, comparative political economy, and economic geography to reveal ways in which the American economic development apparatus can be adjusted to better meet the challenges of a highly decentralized production regime.
Gøsta Esping‐Andersen
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198742005
- eISBN:
- 9780191599163
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198742002.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The macroscopic changes to post‐industrial employment that were examined in the previous chapter are unlikely to affect all nations similarly. Job loss through de‐industrialization, e.g., will be ...
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The macroscopic changes to post‐industrial employment that were examined in the previous chapter are unlikely to affect all nations similarly. Job loss through de‐industrialization, e.g., will be more massive where existing industries are uncompetitive (as in Britain or Spain) and less devastating elsewhere—perhaps because firms are more adaptable (as in much of Danish, Italian, or German industry), but possibly also because wage costs decline (as in the US). De‐industrialization may or may not cause heavy unemployment, depending on skill and production structure, and also on how labour markets are managed; most of Europe has,e.g., transformed mass lay‐offs into early retirement. Similar root causes of post‐industrial employment will, therefore, have radically divergent outcomes—there is no such thing as one post‐industrial model because the institutional make‐up of nations differs, and so also does their choice of how to manage change. The different sections of this chapter are: Industrial Relations; Labour Market Regulation; The Dilemmas of Flexibilization; The Welfare State and the Reservation Wage; Wage Regulation; Employment Protection; The Regulatory Infrastructure and the Management of Industrial Decline; Managing the Equality—Jobs Trade‐Off; The Hump‐Shaped Curve—a quadratic measure of labour market rigidities; and National Idiosyncrasies and Welfare Regimes.Less
The macroscopic changes to post‐industrial employment that were examined in the previous chapter are unlikely to affect all nations similarly. Job loss through de‐industrialization, e.g., will be more massive where existing industries are uncompetitive (as in Britain or Spain) and less devastating elsewhere—perhaps because firms are more adaptable (as in much of Danish, Italian, or German industry), but possibly also because wage costs decline (as in the US). De‐industrialization may or may not cause heavy unemployment, depending on skill and production structure, and also on how labour markets are managed; most of Europe has,e.g., transformed mass lay‐offs into early retirement. Similar root causes of post‐industrial employment will, therefore, have radically divergent outcomes—there is no such thing as one post‐industrial model because the institutional make‐up of nations differs, and so also does their choice of how to manage change. The different sections of this chapter are: Industrial Relations; Labour Market Regulation; The Dilemmas of Flexibilization; The Welfare State and the Reservation Wage; Wage Regulation; Employment Protection; The Regulatory Infrastructure and the Management of Industrial Decline; Managing the Equality—Jobs Trade‐Off; The Hump‐Shaped Curve—a quadratic measure of labour market rigidities; and National Idiosyncrasies and Welfare Regimes.
Torben Iversen
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198297567
- eISBN:
- 9780191600104
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198297564.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This is the second of three chapters on the sources of pressure on contemporary national welfare states, all of which seek to show how examining the sources of strain carries implications for ...
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This is the second of three chapters on the sources of pressure on contemporary national welfare states, all of which seek to show how examining the sources of strain carries implications for identifying who is likely to fight with whom over what; the authors of the three chapters are not of one mind on this issue. Iversen's analysis seeks to show that de‐industrialization—caused by the dramatic increases in productivity in the manufacturing sector rather than by globalization—is the crucial motor of social change. He directly challenges a variant of the globalization thesis that has been popular among scholars: the idea that exposure to the heightened labour market risks of an open economy fuelled the expansion of the welfare state as a form of compensation. Instead, he marshals considerable evidence for the view that it is the shrinkage of the manufacturing sector, and not economic (trade) openness, that fuelled the growth of compensatory social policy. He finds little evidence in favour of the view that the various dimensions of globalization constitute a source of real threat to the contemporary welfare state.Less
This is the second of three chapters on the sources of pressure on contemporary national welfare states, all of which seek to show how examining the sources of strain carries implications for identifying who is likely to fight with whom over what; the authors of the three chapters are not of one mind on this issue. Iversen's analysis seeks to show that de‐industrialization—caused by the dramatic increases in productivity in the manufacturing sector rather than by globalization—is the crucial motor of social change. He directly challenges a variant of the globalization thesis that has been popular among scholars: the idea that exposure to the heightened labour market risks of an open economy fuelled the expansion of the welfare state as a form of compensation. Instead, he marshals considerable evidence for the view that it is the shrinkage of the manufacturing sector, and not economic (trade) openness, that fuelled the growth of compensatory social policy. He finds little evidence in favour of the view that the various dimensions of globalization constitute a source of real threat to the contemporary welfare state.
Mark McCormack
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199778249
- eISBN:
- 9780199933051
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199778249.003.0020
- Subject:
- Psychology, Social Psychology, Developmental Psychology
This chapter uses both survey data and qualitative research to examine the shifting nature of homophobia over the past thirty years. It argues that homophobia reached its apex in the 1980s, as a ...
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This chapter uses both survey data and qualitative research to examine the shifting nature of homophobia over the past thirty years. It argues that homophobia reached its apex in the 1980s, as a result of three factors: 1) the AIDS crisis; 2) a resurgence of conservative politics; 3) the rise of the religious right. However, recent evidence shows that there has been a dramatic cultural decline in homophobia since the 1990s, particularly among male youth. Highlighting that declining homophobia is an uneven social process, it is argued that rather than being the result of economic changes, declining homophobia is primarily attributable to the success of the gay rights movement and the democratizing power of the Internet.Less
This chapter uses both survey data and qualitative research to examine the shifting nature of homophobia over the past thirty years. It argues that homophobia reached its apex in the 1980s, as a result of three factors: 1) the AIDS crisis; 2) a resurgence of conservative politics; 3) the rise of the religious right. However, recent evidence shows that there has been a dramatic cultural decline in homophobia since the 1990s, particularly among male youth. Highlighting that declining homophobia is an uneven social process, it is argued that rather than being the result of economic changes, declining homophobia is primarily attributable to the success of the gay rights movement and the democratizing power of the Internet.
Matthew Schneider-Mayerson
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780226285269
- eISBN:
- 9780226285573
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226285573.003.0005
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Technology and Society
Why were most peakists white males? This chapter explores the racial and gender dynamics of the peak oil movement using survey responses, online forum comments and peak oil fiction. It explains the ...
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Why were most peakists white males? This chapter explores the racial and gender dynamics of the peak oil movement using survey responses, online forum comments and peak oil fiction. It explains the demographic composition of the peak oil movement with reference to early twenty-first century white male fears that gender equality and immigration would erode their own privilege. These fears were aggravated by long-term political economic changes (such as deindustrialization) and the recent economic recession, which led some male peakists to posit (or hope for) surprising developments in the post-carbon future: the reversal of feminism and a return to a mythical pioneer masculinity (‘retrosexuality’). With these issues in mind, it analyzes the gendered and raced individualism and false meritocracy of many recent post-apocalyptic fantasies, from peak oil visions to the zombie survival scenarios, via analyses of the television show Revolution (2012-2014) and other popular culture.Less
Why were most peakists white males? This chapter explores the racial and gender dynamics of the peak oil movement using survey responses, online forum comments and peak oil fiction. It explains the demographic composition of the peak oil movement with reference to early twenty-first century white male fears that gender equality and immigration would erode their own privilege. These fears were aggravated by long-term political economic changes (such as deindustrialization) and the recent economic recession, which led some male peakists to posit (or hope for) surprising developments in the post-carbon future: the reversal of feminism and a return to a mythical pioneer masculinity (‘retrosexuality’). With these issues in mind, it analyzes the gendered and raced individualism and false meritocracy of many recent post-apocalyptic fantasies, from peak oil visions to the zombie survival scenarios, via analyses of the television show Revolution (2012-2014) and other popular culture.
Graham Brownlow
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199583119
- eISBN:
- 9780191744822
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199583119.003.0019
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
The economic performance of Northern Ireland since 1945 is considered in its broader UK and European context. In general, unemployment was considerably higher, and incomes per head generally much ...
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The economic performance of Northern Ireland since 1945 is considered in its broader UK and European context. In general, unemployment was considerably higher, and incomes per head generally much lower, than the UK average. The region never achieved full employment and missed out on the ‘golden age’ of economic growth in Western Europe between 1950 and 1973. The 1970s were a particularly disappointing decade and the economic fragility discussed in earlier chapters is reaffirmed for the later twentieth century. Brownlow considers it ‘implausible’ to attribute Northern Ireland's relatively poor performance to the ‘Troubles’ and looks instead to institutions, innovation, entrepreneurship and productivity. Above all, the region's dependence on the public sector in the later twentieth and early twenty-first centuries stands out. Deindustrialisation and the growing importance of the public sector were reflected in the region's trade union membership and pattern of industrial relations.Less
The economic performance of Northern Ireland since 1945 is considered in its broader UK and European context. In general, unemployment was considerably higher, and incomes per head generally much lower, than the UK average. The region never achieved full employment and missed out on the ‘golden age’ of economic growth in Western Europe between 1950 and 1973. The 1970s were a particularly disappointing decade and the economic fragility discussed in earlier chapters is reaffirmed for the later twentieth century. Brownlow considers it ‘implausible’ to attribute Northern Ireland's relatively poor performance to the ‘Troubles’ and looks instead to institutions, innovation, entrepreneurship and productivity. Above all, the region's dependence on the public sector in the later twentieth and early twenty-first centuries stands out. Deindustrialisation and the growing importance of the public sector were reflected in the region's trade union membership and pattern of industrial relations.
Kenneth O Morgan
- Published in print:
- 1990
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198227649
- eISBN:
- 9780191678769
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198227649.003.0012
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter details the early years of Margaret Thatcher's regime and the related shift in national sentiment towards market philosophy, private ethic, and liberalism. Dubbed as the ‘Iron Lady,’ ...
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This chapter details the early years of Margaret Thatcher's regime and the related shift in national sentiment towards market philosophy, private ethic, and liberalism. Dubbed as the ‘Iron Lady,’ Thatcher's regime banked on a strong political base to deal with mass de-industrialization, high inflation, and a possible economic downturn. The implementation of tax increases on petrol, tobacco, and liquor coupled with sizeable public spending cuts caused unemployment to rise and public sentiment to turn against the new administration. A less rigorous monetary policy to curb inflation was adopted later on. Thatcher's industrial and social policy showed cautious moderation and compromise while foreign dealings showed her instinctive pragmatism, resulting in improved relations with Africa, the commonwealth, and the United States as well. Thatcher survived internal party turmoil, the terrorist violence in Northern Ireland, and the war with Argentina over the Falklands to continue on as Prime Minister for another term.Less
This chapter details the early years of Margaret Thatcher's regime and the related shift in national sentiment towards market philosophy, private ethic, and liberalism. Dubbed as the ‘Iron Lady,’ Thatcher's regime banked on a strong political base to deal with mass de-industrialization, high inflation, and a possible economic downturn. The implementation of tax increases on petrol, tobacco, and liquor coupled with sizeable public spending cuts caused unemployment to rise and public sentiment to turn against the new administration. A less rigorous monetary policy to curb inflation was adopted later on. Thatcher's industrial and social policy showed cautious moderation and compromise while foreign dealings showed her instinctive pragmatism, resulting in improved relations with Africa, the commonwealth, and the United States as well. Thatcher survived internal party turmoil, the terrorist violence in Northern Ireland, and the war with Argentina over the Falklands to continue on as Prime Minister for another term.
Lionel Fontagné and Ann Harrison (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780198779162
- eISBN:
- 9780191824333
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198779162.001.0001
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Macro- and Monetary Economics
In the United States, Europe, and Japan, the share of manufacturing employment has steadily declined, a process reinforced by offshoring and the international fragmentation of value chains. Are we ...
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In the United States, Europe, and Japan, the share of manufacturing employment has steadily declined, a process reinforced by offshoring and the international fragmentation of value chains. Are we heading towards a factory-free economy where products are manufactured in emerging markets?. Comparative advantage of emerging economies has shifted towards more advanced goods and their growing populations command an increasing share in global demand. This shift towards a factory-free economy in high-income countries has drawn the attention of policy makers in North America and Europe. Some politicians have articulated alarming views, initiating mercantilist or beggar-thy-neighbour cost-competitiveness policies. Yet companies which concentrate research and design innovations at home but no longer have home-based factories may be the norm in future. This volume proposes an economic analysis of this phenomenon, with eleven complementary contributions tackling the problem from various angles. The evidence suggests that de-industrialization is a process that happens over time in all countries, even China today. One implication is that the current vogue for China-bashing is unlikely to provide a solution to these long-term trends. Another implication is that the distinction between manufacturing and services is likely to become increasingly blurry. More manufacturing firms are engaging in services activities, and more wholesale firms are engaging in manufacturing (factoryless goods producers). One optimistic perspective suggests that industrial country firms may be able to exploit the high-value-added and skill-intensive activities associated with design and innovation. This transformation of industrial economies has significant short-term costs and requires far-sighted investments. There are costs involved for workers caught in this shift from industrial to service economies. Investment is needed in new infrastructure and education to prepare coming generations for their changing roles.Less
In the United States, Europe, and Japan, the share of manufacturing employment has steadily declined, a process reinforced by offshoring and the international fragmentation of value chains. Are we heading towards a factory-free economy where products are manufactured in emerging markets?. Comparative advantage of emerging economies has shifted towards more advanced goods and their growing populations command an increasing share in global demand. This shift towards a factory-free economy in high-income countries has drawn the attention of policy makers in North America and Europe. Some politicians have articulated alarming views, initiating mercantilist or beggar-thy-neighbour cost-competitiveness policies. Yet companies which concentrate research and design innovations at home but no longer have home-based factories may be the norm in future. This volume proposes an economic analysis of this phenomenon, with eleven complementary contributions tackling the problem from various angles. The evidence suggests that de-industrialization is a process that happens over time in all countries, even China today. One implication is that the current vogue for China-bashing is unlikely to provide a solution to these long-term trends. Another implication is that the distinction between manufacturing and services is likely to become increasingly blurry. More manufacturing firms are engaging in services activities, and more wholesale firms are engaging in manufacturing (factoryless goods producers). One optimistic perspective suggests that industrial country firms may be able to exploit the high-value-added and skill-intensive activities associated with design and innovation. This transformation of industrial economies has significant short-term costs and requires far-sighted investments. There are costs involved for workers caught in this shift from industrial to service economies. Investment is needed in new infrastructure and education to prepare coming generations for their changing roles.
David Harvey
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780199264315
- eISBN:
- 9780191917646
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780199264315.003.0005
- Subject:
- Earth Sciences and Geography, Social and Political Geography
Imperialism is a word that trips easily off the tongue. But it has such different meanings that it is difficult to use it without clarification as an analytic rather ...
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Imperialism is a word that trips easily off the tongue. But it has such different meanings that it is difficult to use it without clarification as an analytic rather than a polemical term. I here define that special brand of it called ‘capitalist imperialism’ as a contradictory fusion of ‘the politics of state and empire’ (imperialism as a distinctively political project on the part of actors whose power is based in command of a territory and a capacity to mobilize its human and natural resources towards political, economic, and military ends) and ‘the molecular processes of capital accumulation in space and time’ (imperialism as a diffuse political-economic process in space and time in which command over and use of capital takes primacy). With the former I want to stress the political, diplomatic, and military strategies invoked and used by a state (or some collection of states operating as a political power bloc) as it struggles to assert its interests and achieve its goals in the world at large. With the latter, I focus on the ways in which economic power flows across and through continuous space, towards or away from territorial entities (such as states or regional power blocs) through the daily practices of production, trade, commerce, capital flows, money transfers, labour migration, technology transfer, currency speculation, flows of information, cultural impulses, and the like. What Arrighi refers to as the ‘territorial’ and the ‘capitalist’ logics of power are rather different from each other. To begin with, the motivations and interests of agents differ. The capitalist holding money capital will wish to put it wherever profits can be had, and typically seeks to accumulate more capital. Politicians and statesmen typically seek outcomes that sustain or augment the power of their own state vis-à-vis other states. The capitalist seeks individual advantage and (though usually constrained by law) is responsible to no one other than his or her immediate social circle, while the statesman seeks a collective advantage and is constrained by the political and military situation of the state and is in some sense or other responsible to a citizenry or, more often, to an elite group, a class, a kinship structure, or some other social group.
Less
Imperialism is a word that trips easily off the tongue. But it has such different meanings that it is difficult to use it without clarification as an analytic rather than a polemical term. I here define that special brand of it called ‘capitalist imperialism’ as a contradictory fusion of ‘the politics of state and empire’ (imperialism as a distinctively political project on the part of actors whose power is based in command of a territory and a capacity to mobilize its human and natural resources towards political, economic, and military ends) and ‘the molecular processes of capital accumulation in space and time’ (imperialism as a diffuse political-economic process in space and time in which command over and use of capital takes primacy). With the former I want to stress the political, diplomatic, and military strategies invoked and used by a state (or some collection of states operating as a political power bloc) as it struggles to assert its interests and achieve its goals in the world at large. With the latter, I focus on the ways in which economic power flows across and through continuous space, towards or away from territorial entities (such as states or regional power blocs) through the daily practices of production, trade, commerce, capital flows, money transfers, labour migration, technology transfer, currency speculation, flows of information, cultural impulses, and the like. What Arrighi refers to as the ‘territorial’ and the ‘capitalist’ logics of power are rather different from each other. To begin with, the motivations and interests of agents differ. The capitalist holding money capital will wish to put it wherever profits can be had, and typically seeks to accumulate more capital. Politicians and statesmen typically seek outcomes that sustain or augment the power of their own state vis-à-vis other states. The capitalist seeks individual advantage and (though usually constrained by law) is responsible to no one other than his or her immediate social circle, while the statesman seeks a collective advantage and is constrained by the political and military situation of the state and is in some sense or other responsible to a citizenry or, more often, to an elite group, a class, a kinship structure, or some other social group.
Dick Hobbs
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199565955
- eISBN:
- 9780191701948
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199565955.003.0005
- Subject:
- Law, Criminal Law and Criminology
David Downes' Delinquent Solution was publicized in 1966 and presented a rich and rewarding picture of East London in the early 1960s. It produced a platform for scholars to understand the worlds of ...
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David Downes' Delinquent Solution was publicized in 1966 and presented a rich and rewarding picture of East London in the early 1960s. It produced a platform for scholars to understand the worlds of successive generations of British Youth. This chapter reconsiders the socio-economic changes that have taken place in the East End during the past forty years. A few of Downes' old haunts are described in a contemporary context, and the validity of the concept of dissociation that emerged from his fieldwork is interrogated along with the relevance of the subcultural canon. It specifically had a tremendous influence upon the study of British youth subcultures. In general, The Delinquent Solution was an important text in the sociology of youth culture, and in its careful unravelling of the realities of being young in the 1960s Downes succeeded in contradicting some of the crude stereotyping of working-class youth, and in its place created a complex picture of a rich culture that was both oppositional and subservient.Less
David Downes' Delinquent Solution was publicized in 1966 and presented a rich and rewarding picture of East London in the early 1960s. It produced a platform for scholars to understand the worlds of successive generations of British Youth. This chapter reconsiders the socio-economic changes that have taken place in the East End during the past forty years. A few of Downes' old haunts are described in a contemporary context, and the validity of the concept of dissociation that emerged from his fieldwork is interrogated along with the relevance of the subcultural canon. It specifically had a tremendous influence upon the study of British youth subcultures. In general, The Delinquent Solution was an important text in the sociology of youth culture, and in its careful unravelling of the realities of being young in the 1960s Downes succeeded in contradicting some of the crude stereotyping of working-class youth, and in its place created a complex picture of a rich culture that was both oppositional and subservient.
Jacob Shell
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780262029339
- eISBN:
- 9780262330404
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- The MIT Press
- DOI:
- 10.7551/mitpress/9780262029339.003.0004
- Subject:
- Earth Sciences and Geography, Cultural and Historical Geography
The preceding chapters of the book are primarily focused on rural or inter-urban transportation. This final chapter suggests that, at least in some places, top-down fears of patterns of subversive ...
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The preceding chapters of the book are primarily focused on rural or inter-urban transportation. This final chapter suggests that, at least in some places, top-down fears of patterns of subversive mobility have also shaped transportation investments within cities. To make this case, the chapter uses the example of New York City. The chapter argues that elite refusals to invest in New York City’s freight infrastructure during the 1920s must be understood in the political context of the German sabotages and Red Scare of the 1910s. The memoirs of the city’s bomb squad captain during the 1910s indicate a local official perception that the inner city’s primary methods and spaces for freight-handling—the lighter-boats of New York Harbor, the city’s riverfront piers, and the adjacent urban complex of factories which made use of this local freight transport network—were being utilized by politically subversive parties. Ultimately, elite refusals to modernize the inner city’s freight-handling facilities helped to undermine New York City’s strength as a manufacturing center.Less
The preceding chapters of the book are primarily focused on rural or inter-urban transportation. This final chapter suggests that, at least in some places, top-down fears of patterns of subversive mobility have also shaped transportation investments within cities. To make this case, the chapter uses the example of New York City. The chapter argues that elite refusals to invest in New York City’s freight infrastructure during the 1920s must be understood in the political context of the German sabotages and Red Scare of the 1910s. The memoirs of the city’s bomb squad captain during the 1910s indicate a local official perception that the inner city’s primary methods and spaces for freight-handling—the lighter-boats of New York Harbor, the city’s riverfront piers, and the adjacent urban complex of factories which made use of this local freight transport network—were being utilized by politically subversive parties. Ultimately, elite refusals to modernize the inner city’s freight-handling facilities helped to undermine New York City’s strength as a manufacturing center.
Dick Hobbs
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199668281
- eISBN:
- 9780191760563
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199668281.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Criminal Law and Criminology
This book opens ‘the box marked do not open, too difficult to deal with’, in the words of one Assistant Chief Constable, to explore the contested notion of British organized crime. The book traces ...
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This book opens ‘the box marked do not open, too difficult to deal with’, in the words of one Assistant Chief Constable, to explore the contested notion of British organized crime. The book traces the history and policing of British organized crime, and addresses how the interlocking processes of de-industrialization, globalization, and neo-liberalism have normalized activity that was previously the exclusive domain of professional criminals. With both historical and sociological analyses, informed by the author's long term connection to an ethnographic site called ‘Dogtown’ — a composite of several overlapping neighbourhoods in East London — this book critically addresses clichés such as criminal underworlds and the notion of the criminal firm. It considers the precursors to British organized crime, as well as the careers of famous crime families such as the Krays and the Richardsons, alongside the emergence of specialized law enforcement institutions to deal with this newly discovered threat. It also focuses on the various ways in which violence functions within organized crime, the role of rumour in formulating order within crime networks, the social construction of organized crime, the development of the cosmopolitan criminal and the all-inclusive nature of the contemporary criminal community of practice. Permeating throughout is a discussion of the flexible nature of the criminal market, the constructed nature of the notion of organized crime, and the normalization of criminality.Less
This book opens ‘the box marked do not open, too difficult to deal with’, in the words of one Assistant Chief Constable, to explore the contested notion of British organized crime. The book traces the history and policing of British organized crime, and addresses how the interlocking processes of de-industrialization, globalization, and neo-liberalism have normalized activity that was previously the exclusive domain of professional criminals. With both historical and sociological analyses, informed by the author's long term connection to an ethnographic site called ‘Dogtown’ — a composite of several overlapping neighbourhoods in East London — this book critically addresses clichés such as criminal underworlds and the notion of the criminal firm. It considers the precursors to British organized crime, as well as the careers of famous crime families such as the Krays and the Richardsons, alongside the emergence of specialized law enforcement institutions to deal with this newly discovered threat. It also focuses on the various ways in which violence functions within organized crime, the role of rumour in formulating order within crime networks, the social construction of organized crime, the development of the cosmopolitan criminal and the all-inclusive nature of the contemporary criminal community of practice. Permeating throughout is a discussion of the flexible nature of the criminal market, the constructed nature of the notion of organized crime, and the normalization of criminality.
Elizabeth Lominska Johnson and Graham E. Johnson
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- January 2020
- ISBN:
- 9789888455898
- eISBN:
- 9789882204331
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789888455898.003.0009
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Asian Cultural Anthropology
The 1970s were marked by dramatic changes in government policies during the governorship of Sir Murray MacLehose. The New Territories became the locus of a planned population shift away from crowded ...
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The 1970s were marked by dramatic changes in government policies during the governorship of Sir Murray MacLehose. The New Territories became the locus of a planned population shift away from crowded Hong Kong and Kowloon, and the idea of ‘New Towns’, based on Tsuen Wan’s developments, was central. It went hand-in-hand with infrastructural developments, which revolutionized transportation and ended the relative isolation of Tsuen Wan through the MTR. The administration of Tsuen Wan fundamentally changed and the creation of District Boards (later Councils), beginning first in Tsuen Wan, altered the system of political consultation throughout Hong Kong. The 1980s were marked by dramatic changes in economic policies within China, not least in the areas of China adjacent to Hong Kong, which saw industrialization through the Pearl River delta region and de-industrialization in Tsuen Wan. Emergence of a distinctive Hong Kong identity, and a new political culture, emerged as sovereignty over Hong Kong was resumed by China in 1997. Tsuen Wan changed from the working class town that it has been into one dominated by middle class housing developments, much like the rest of Hong Kong, although the villages of the original inhabitants remained.Less
The 1970s were marked by dramatic changes in government policies during the governorship of Sir Murray MacLehose. The New Territories became the locus of a planned population shift away from crowded Hong Kong and Kowloon, and the idea of ‘New Towns’, based on Tsuen Wan’s developments, was central. It went hand-in-hand with infrastructural developments, which revolutionized transportation and ended the relative isolation of Tsuen Wan through the MTR. The administration of Tsuen Wan fundamentally changed and the creation of District Boards (later Councils), beginning first in Tsuen Wan, altered the system of political consultation throughout Hong Kong. The 1980s were marked by dramatic changes in economic policies within China, not least in the areas of China adjacent to Hong Kong, which saw industrialization through the Pearl River delta region and de-industrialization in Tsuen Wan. Emergence of a distinctive Hong Kong identity, and a new political culture, emerged as sovereignty over Hong Kong was resumed by China in 1997. Tsuen Wan changed from the working class town that it has been into one dominated by middle class housing developments, much like the rest of Hong Kong, although the villages of the original inhabitants remained.
Mari Miura
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801451058
- eISBN:
- 9780801465925
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801451058.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Asian Politics
This chapter examines how employer preferences with respect to labor market reforms evolved in the new economic environment shaped by prolonged recession and globalization since the 1990s. More ...
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This chapter examines how employer preferences with respect to labor market reforms evolved in the new economic environment shaped by prolonged recession and globalization since the 1990s. More specifically, it considers the policy demands pursued by Japanese businesses and what shaped their policy preferences. It also explores why Japanese firms advocated deregulation of the labor market rather than reduction of employment protection, and whether an ideational shift from cooperatism to neoliberalism occurred in the realm of employment policy. Finally, it discusses the impacts of globalization and de-industrialization on employers as well as the ways in which human resource businesses were able to influence the policy-making process.Less
This chapter examines how employer preferences with respect to labor market reforms evolved in the new economic environment shaped by prolonged recession and globalization since the 1990s. More specifically, it considers the policy demands pursued by Japanese businesses and what shaped their policy preferences. It also explores why Japanese firms advocated deregulation of the labor market rather than reduction of employment protection, and whether an ideational shift from cooperatism to neoliberalism occurred in the realm of employment policy. Finally, it discusses the impacts of globalization and de-industrialization on employers as well as the ways in which human resource businesses were able to influence the policy-making process.
John Tutino
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781469648750
- eISBN:
- 9781469648774
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469648750.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History
Traces changing economic ways and political participations in the Mexican capital from the era of late nineteenth liberalism and emerging informalities, into times of revolution after 1910, through ...
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Traces changing economic ways and political participations in the Mexican capital from the era of late nineteenth liberalism and emerging informalities, into times of revolution after 1910, through the post-revolutionary turn to national capitalism and the construction of an authoritarian regime. With industrial boom after 1940, neither employment or resources proved sufficient to formal development in a rapidly expanding city, leading to barrio-based informal urbanization, as people built their own homes and new neighbourhoods—and turned to neighbourhood mobilizations to make demands and preserve limited gains. With globalization under NAFTA from 1990s, de-industrialization spread marginality while population continued to grow. The democratization of 2000 brought few gains to people facing marginal and informal lives in a city still the national capital, a pivot of power serving globalization, and the largest metropolitan region in the Americas.Less
Traces changing economic ways and political participations in the Mexican capital from the era of late nineteenth liberalism and emerging informalities, into times of revolution after 1910, through the post-revolutionary turn to national capitalism and the construction of an authoritarian regime. With industrial boom after 1940, neither employment or resources proved sufficient to formal development in a rapidly expanding city, leading to barrio-based informal urbanization, as people built their own homes and new neighbourhoods—and turned to neighbourhood mobilizations to make demands and preserve limited gains. With globalization under NAFTA from 1990s, de-industrialization spread marginality while population continued to grow. The democratization of 2000 brought few gains to people facing marginal and informal lives in a city still the national capital, a pivot of power serving globalization, and the largest metropolitan region in the Americas.
Mark Healey
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781469648750
- eISBN:
- 9781469648774
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469648750.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History
Buenos Aires began the twentieth century as a prosperous port drawing European immigrants to serve a booming export economy. It expanded outward from its core of urban power and prosperity through ...
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Buenos Aires began the twentieth century as a prosperous port drawing European immigrants to serve a booming export economy. It expanded outward from its core of urban power and prosperity through suburbanization, early on segregating slaughterhouse zones from sites of recreation for the comfortable. Mid-century industrialization drew workers to the peripheries—which became zones of labor politics and bases for active citizenship and Peronist power. Peronist economic and political power sustained an unequally shared prosperity past World War I. Then de-industrialization in times of population expansion accompanied by military dictatorship (1976-1983) and a new suburbanization to protect the wealthy brought the polarizing mix wealth and marginality, formality and informality faced earlier in other New World cities. Re-democratization failed to bring more shared prosperity—or an escape from repeated cycles of promise and crisis.Less
Buenos Aires began the twentieth century as a prosperous port drawing European immigrants to serve a booming export economy. It expanded outward from its core of urban power and prosperity through suburbanization, early on segregating slaughterhouse zones from sites of recreation for the comfortable. Mid-century industrialization drew workers to the peripheries—which became zones of labor politics and bases for active citizenship and Peronist power. Peronist economic and political power sustained an unequally shared prosperity past World War I. Then de-industrialization in times of population expansion accompanied by military dictatorship (1976-1983) and a new suburbanization to protect the wealthy brought the polarizing mix wealth and marginality, formality and informality faced earlier in other New World cities. Re-democratization failed to bring more shared prosperity—or an escape from repeated cycles of promise and crisis.
Tara Martin López
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- January 2015
- ISBN:
- 9781781380291
- eISBN:
- 9781781381588
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5949/liverpool/9781781380291.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
The chapter examines the crucial strikes in the National Health Service (NHS) during the Winter of Discontent and contextualizes them within historic currents in the health service since its ...
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The chapter examines the crucial strikes in the National Health Service (NHS) during the Winter of Discontent and contextualizes them within historic currents in the health service since its foundation. The chapter describes how acute staff shortages, combined with the Government’s need for cheap labour created low-paid, working-class vocations within the NHS and how three major groups were recruited: men left redundant from de-industrialization; white working- class women who were primary and/or essential breadwinners, and overseas workers, particularly from the West Indies, restricted to such work partly by racism. The chapter details how the National Union of Public Employees (NUPE) harnessed workers’ dissatisfaction with low pay and the political energy of a new generation of local male and female activists like Celia Newman, Lorraine Donovan, and Robert Gregory during the disputes of 1978-1979. The chapter ends with the Prime Minister James Callaghan’s dramatic defeat in March 1979 with the Conservative Party’s call for a vote of no confidence in the Labour Government and the commencement of the General Election of 1979.Less
The chapter examines the crucial strikes in the National Health Service (NHS) during the Winter of Discontent and contextualizes them within historic currents in the health service since its foundation. The chapter describes how acute staff shortages, combined with the Government’s need for cheap labour created low-paid, working-class vocations within the NHS and how three major groups were recruited: men left redundant from de-industrialization; white working- class women who were primary and/or essential breadwinners, and overseas workers, particularly from the West Indies, restricted to such work partly by racism. The chapter details how the National Union of Public Employees (NUPE) harnessed workers’ dissatisfaction with low pay and the political energy of a new generation of local male and female activists like Celia Newman, Lorraine Donovan, and Robert Gregory during the disputes of 1978-1979. The chapter ends with the Prime Minister James Callaghan’s dramatic defeat in March 1979 with the Conservative Party’s call for a vote of no confidence in the Labour Government and the commencement of the General Election of 1979.
Deepak Nayyar
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199652983
- eISBN:
- 9780191761263
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199652983.003.0002
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
This chapter considers the evolution of the world economy in a long-term historical perspective. In 1820, Asia, Africa and Latin America accounted for almost three-fourths of world population and ...
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This chapter considers the evolution of the world economy in a long-term historical perspective. In 1820, Asia, Africa and Latin America accounted for almost three-fourths of world population and around two-thirds of world income. The dramatic transformation of the world economy began thereafter, as geographical divides in the world turned into economic divides. The rise of ‘The West’ was concentrated in Western Europe and North America. The decline and fall of ‘The Rest’ was concentrated in Asia, much of it attributable to China and India. The Great Divergence in per capita incomes between ‘The West’ and ‘The Rest’ led to the Great Specialization, in which the former produced manufactured goods while the latter produced primary commodities. The outcome of this process was the decline and fall of Asia and a retrogression of Africa, even if Latin America fared better, so that, by 1950, the divide between rich countries and poor countries was enormous.Less
This chapter considers the evolution of the world economy in a long-term historical perspective. In 1820, Asia, Africa and Latin America accounted for almost three-fourths of world population and around two-thirds of world income. The dramatic transformation of the world economy began thereafter, as geographical divides in the world turned into economic divides. The rise of ‘The West’ was concentrated in Western Europe and North America. The decline and fall of ‘The Rest’ was concentrated in Asia, much of it attributable to China and India. The Great Divergence in per capita incomes between ‘The West’ and ‘The Rest’ led to the Great Specialization, in which the former produced manufactured goods while the latter produced primary commodities. The outcome of this process was the decline and fall of Asia and a retrogression of Africa, even if Latin America fared better, so that, by 1950, the divide between rich countries and poor countries was enormous.
Christian Albrekt Larsen
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199681846
- eISBN:
- 9780191761683
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199681846.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
De-industrialization, de-familization, and immigrants do shake our image of the ‘golden-age’ social fabric, but these forces do not necessarily lead to social erosion. This chapter demonstrates that ...
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De-industrialization, de-familization, and immigrants do shake our image of the ‘golden-age’ social fabric, but these forces do not necessarily lead to social erosion. This chapter demonstrates that Sweden and Denmark have also been exposed to these forces, which fact is often used to explain social erosion in the US and UK. The main point of this chapter is to demonstrate the common point of and show how similar developments came to pose a potential threat to the image of the ‘golden-age’ social fabric. Most important here is the documented long-term decline in jobs in the male-dominated industrial sector. But the chapter also discusses de-familization and immigration patterns.Less
De-industrialization, de-familization, and immigrants do shake our image of the ‘golden-age’ social fabric, but these forces do not necessarily lead to social erosion. This chapter demonstrates that Sweden and Denmark have also been exposed to these forces, which fact is often used to explain social erosion in the US and UK. The main point of this chapter is to demonstrate the common point of and show how similar developments came to pose a potential threat to the image of the ‘golden-age’ social fabric. Most important here is the documented long-term decline in jobs in the male-dominated industrial sector. But the chapter also discusses de-familization and immigration patterns.
Jeffrey G. Williamson
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- August 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780262015158
- eISBN:
- 9780262295727
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- The MIT Press
- DOI:
- 10.7551/mitpress/9780262015158.003.0189
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Economic History
This chapter examines the spread of industrialization to the poor periphery, focusing on Brazil and Mexico. It shows that industrialization of Brazil and Mexico was very impressive between 1870 and ...
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This chapter examines the spread of industrialization to the poor periphery, focusing on Brazil and Mexico. It shows that industrialization of Brazil and Mexico was very impressive between 1870 and 1913, especially compared with the rest of the poor periphery; the industrial liftoff started well before 1890; Mexico recorded the most rapid industrialization before 1901; and after 1900, Argentina, Chile, and Brazil all recorded rapid industrial growth well in excess of their GDP growth. What makes this performance all the more striking is that it was preceded by seven decades of de-industrialization. The chapter also argues that the Latin American findings generalize to other parts of the poor periphery.Less
This chapter examines the spread of industrialization to the poor periphery, focusing on Brazil and Mexico. It shows that industrialization of Brazil and Mexico was very impressive between 1870 and 1913, especially compared with the rest of the poor periphery; the industrial liftoff started well before 1890; Mexico recorded the most rapid industrialization before 1901; and after 1900, Argentina, Chile, and Brazil all recorded rapid industrial growth well in excess of their GDP growth. What makes this performance all the more striking is that it was preceded by seven decades of de-industrialization. The chapter also argues that the Latin American findings generalize to other parts of the poor periphery.