Ekaterina Pravilova
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691159058
- eISBN:
- 9781400850266
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691159058.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, Russian and Former Soviet Union History
This chapter examines the development of copyright in Russia, focusing on one aspect of the debates—the balance of the private interests of the author (as a producer of material and immaterial ...
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This chapter examines the development of copyright in Russia, focusing on one aspect of the debates—the balance of the private interests of the author (as a producer of material and immaterial values) and the interests of society. These debates involved people of different professions—lawyers, journalists, economists, publishers, and literary critics—and encompassed a wide range of problems—cultural reform and Russia's backwardness, the role of intellectual capital in social development, the value of individual freedom, the state's role in the provision of cultural goods, and the importance and protection of private property. It shows that Russian discussions of copyright often masked attempts to provoke significant political and cultural shifts.Less
This chapter examines the development of copyright in Russia, focusing on one aspect of the debates—the balance of the private interests of the author (as a producer of material and immaterial values) and the interests of society. These debates involved people of different professions—lawyers, journalists, economists, publishers, and literary critics—and encompassed a wide range of problems—cultural reform and Russia's backwardness, the role of intellectual capital in social development, the value of individual freedom, the state's role in the provision of cultural goods, and the importance and protection of private property. It shows that Russian discussions of copyright often masked attempts to provoke significant political and cultural shifts.
John A. Lent and Xu Ying
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781496811745
- eISBN:
- 9781496811783
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781496811745.003.0005
- Subject:
- Literature, Comics Studies
The deaths of Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai in 1976 and subsequent arrests of the “Gang of Four” for their perpetuation of the Cultural Revolution paved the way for cultural reform, including in the ...
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The deaths of Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai in 1976 and subsequent arrests of the “Gang of Four” for their perpetuation of the Cultural Revolution paved the way for cultural reform, including in the realm of cartooning. After some hesitancy, cartoonists attacked the “Gang of Four” and in some cases, followed the “Scar” art tenets that gave them a sense of individualism and advocated that the audience be active.
Professional cartoonists organizations were instituted and individual cartoonists began to organize common people into worker-related cartoon groups for farmers, workers, and soldiers. New satire periodicals and columns in newspapers provided outlets for cartoonists. Lianhuanhua sales peaked and then bottomed out; Japanese-originated, Chinese manga hybridized with new comics (xinmanhua), and independent cartoonists popped up as comic book and online artists.
The state played key roles in supporting comics and animation with large sums of money, tax incentives, and subsidies, but also continued as a regulator and censor under a revamped infrastructure, and found ways to use comic art to suit its purposes.Less
The deaths of Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai in 1976 and subsequent arrests of the “Gang of Four” for their perpetuation of the Cultural Revolution paved the way for cultural reform, including in the realm of cartooning. After some hesitancy, cartoonists attacked the “Gang of Four” and in some cases, followed the “Scar” art tenets that gave them a sense of individualism and advocated that the audience be active.
Professional cartoonists organizations were instituted and individual cartoonists began to organize common people into worker-related cartoon groups for farmers, workers, and soldiers. New satire periodicals and columns in newspapers provided outlets for cartoonists. Lianhuanhua sales peaked and then bottomed out; Japanese-originated, Chinese manga hybridized with new comics (xinmanhua), and independent cartoonists popped up as comic book and online artists.
The state played key roles in supporting comics and animation with large sums of money, tax incentives, and subsidies, but also continued as a regulator and censor under a revamped infrastructure, and found ways to use comic art to suit its purposes.
Yu Hong
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252040917
- eISBN:
- 9780252099434
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252040917.003.0006
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Media Studies
This chapter argues that the 2008 global economic crisis and the economic restructuring that followed have accelerated state-led digitization, corporation, and capital accumulation within the state ...
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This chapter argues that the 2008 global economic crisis and the economic restructuring that followed have accelerated state-led digitization, corporation, and capital accumulation within the state media system. After contextualizing media reforms as part of the state’s cultural-system reform program, the chapter examines the case of digital TV, tracing the bumpy process of using convergence as a cover to corporatize cable networks and content production while revealing the leading role of state-owned digital media companies exemplified by Shanghai Media Group and Zhejiang Wasu in this process. It also underscores the inherent contradictions of the corporate digital-TV enterprise, especially demand deficiency resulting from systematic socioeconomic inequality and the contingency of public service left to the discretion of state companies that manage digital TV.Less
This chapter argues that the 2008 global economic crisis and the economic restructuring that followed have accelerated state-led digitization, corporation, and capital accumulation within the state media system. After contextualizing media reforms as part of the state’s cultural-system reform program, the chapter examines the case of digital TV, tracing the bumpy process of using convergence as a cover to corporatize cable networks and content production while revealing the leading role of state-owned digital media companies exemplified by Shanghai Media Group and Zhejiang Wasu in this process. It also underscores the inherent contradictions of the corporate digital-TV enterprise, especially demand deficiency resulting from systematic socioeconomic inequality and the contingency of public service left to the discretion of state companies that manage digital TV.
Timothy B. Weston
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520237674
- eISBN:
- 9780520929906
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520237674.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
Cai Yuanpei clearly believed that fundamental cultural and social reform was a long-term process built on a foundation of new and reordered knowledge, but he also believed that intellectuals were the ...
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Cai Yuanpei clearly believed that fundamental cultural and social reform was a long-term process built on a foundation of new and reordered knowledge, but he also believed that intellectuals were the rightful leaders of the nation in a broader, moral sense. The months leading up to the May Fourth Movement witnessed a notable acceleration and expansion of the New Culture group's campaign to shape public opinion. Cai refuted Lin Shu's attacks one by one, pointing out that Beida still taught classical Chinese and that many professors were admirers of Confucianism. The May Fourth Movement was both “overdetermined” and contingent. This Movement demonstrated to Cai that they were in fact more difficult to balance than he had realized, and that he had to be clearer as to his vision for the university.Less
Cai Yuanpei clearly believed that fundamental cultural and social reform was a long-term process built on a foundation of new and reordered knowledge, but he also believed that intellectuals were the rightful leaders of the nation in a broader, moral sense. The months leading up to the May Fourth Movement witnessed a notable acceleration and expansion of the New Culture group's campaign to shape public opinion. Cai refuted Lin Shu's attacks one by one, pointing out that Beida still taught classical Chinese and that many professors were admirers of Confucianism. The May Fourth Movement was both “overdetermined” and contingent. This Movement demonstrated to Cai that they were in fact more difficult to balance than he had realized, and that he had to be clearer as to his vision for the university.
Kate Merkel-Hess
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780226383279
- eISBN:
- 9780226383309
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226383309.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
Like reformers in many other places around the world, early twentieth century Chinese intellectuals believed rural China was disorganized, a state of being that was unnatural and the direct result of ...
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Like reformers in many other places around the world, early twentieth century Chinese intellectuals believed rural China was disorganized, a state of being that was unnatural and the direct result of violent incorporation into the global economy. Focusing on the notion that peasants lacked “organization” and should be encouraged to form group associations, Chinese reformers emphasized “social education” via both traditional and new village institutions, like teahouses, agricultural cooperatives, and opera troupes. Rural people, however, had their own ideas about what kinds of reform were useful or acceptable and they embraced some efforts in some places and rejected others, setting the stage for tensions between reformers and reformed that in part explain the contraction of excitement over rural reconstruction in the late 1930s. Moreover, notions of rural organization were easily adapted by the government and authoritarian regional leaders to their own ends of using rural social organization to extend government’s reach into the villages.Less
Like reformers in many other places around the world, early twentieth century Chinese intellectuals believed rural China was disorganized, a state of being that was unnatural and the direct result of violent incorporation into the global economy. Focusing on the notion that peasants lacked “organization” and should be encouraged to form group associations, Chinese reformers emphasized “social education” via both traditional and new village institutions, like teahouses, agricultural cooperatives, and opera troupes. Rural people, however, had their own ideas about what kinds of reform were useful or acceptable and they embraced some efforts in some places and rejected others, setting the stage for tensions between reformers and reformed that in part explain the contraction of excitement over rural reconstruction in the late 1930s. Moreover, notions of rural organization were easily adapted by the government and authoritarian regional leaders to their own ends of using rural social organization to extend government’s reach into the villages.
Eric T. Freyfogle
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780226326399
- eISBN:
- 9780226326429
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226326429.001.0001
- Subject:
- Environmental Science, Environmental Studies
Our environmental ills are due to the ways we interact with nature, variously using it appropriately and abusing it. These interactions, in turn, are much influenced by—their root causes are found ...
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Our environmental ills are due to the ways we interact with nature, variously using it appropriately and abusing it. These interactions, in turn, are much influenced by—their root causes are found in--modern culture, particularly how we see and value nature and our place in it. This book takes on the ambitious task of making sense, literally, of our place in nature, thereby assisting in what conservationist Aldo Leopold termed “our oldest task”—to live in nature without degrading it. The book addresses the topic in its fullness, in a way few scholars have attempted. Drawing as much on history, sociology, economics, ecology, and environmental politics as it does environmental philosophy the work transcends academic fields to engage basic issues pushed aside in environmental studies programs and calls for a “new economy.” The opening chapter explores how we gain knowledge (epistemology), what the world contains (metaphysics), how we make normative choices, how we define truth, and how parts of nature (humans included) interact to form larger wholes with emergent proprieties. This inquiry sets the stage for considering how we might best distinguish good from bad interactions with nature. The discussion critiques our overuse of science and dominant liberal moral frames in the course of identifying and drawing together the many normative considerations—social and inter-generational justice as well as ecological concerns—that bear on the challenge. Concluding chapters offer an ambitious program for reform of liberal culture and of the key institutions (the market and private property) that reflect and strengthen that flawed culture. Less
Our environmental ills are due to the ways we interact with nature, variously using it appropriately and abusing it. These interactions, in turn, are much influenced by—their root causes are found in--modern culture, particularly how we see and value nature and our place in it. This book takes on the ambitious task of making sense, literally, of our place in nature, thereby assisting in what conservationist Aldo Leopold termed “our oldest task”—to live in nature without degrading it. The book addresses the topic in its fullness, in a way few scholars have attempted. Drawing as much on history, sociology, economics, ecology, and environmental politics as it does environmental philosophy the work transcends academic fields to engage basic issues pushed aside in environmental studies programs and calls for a “new economy.” The opening chapter explores how we gain knowledge (epistemology), what the world contains (metaphysics), how we make normative choices, how we define truth, and how parts of nature (humans included) interact to form larger wholes with emergent proprieties. This inquiry sets the stage for considering how we might best distinguish good from bad interactions with nature. The discussion critiques our overuse of science and dominant liberal moral frames in the course of identifying and drawing together the many normative considerations—social and inter-generational justice as well as ecological concerns—that bear on the challenge. Concluding chapters offer an ambitious program for reform of liberal culture and of the key institutions (the market and private property) that reflect and strengthen that flawed culture.
Adeeb Khalid
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801454097
- eISBN:
- 9781501701351
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801454097.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, Russian and Former Soviet Union History
This chapter narrates the events that happened after the fall of the Tsarist Autocracy in February 1917. The abdication of the tsar was universally acclaimed as the dawn of liberty—the beginning of a ...
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This chapter narrates the events that happened after the fall of the Tsarist Autocracy in February 1917. The abdication of the tsar was universally acclaimed as the dawn of liberty—the beginning of a new era in the history of the various peoples inhabiting the empire. In a series of sweeping reforms, the Provisional Government abolished all legal distinctions between citizens on the basis of rank, religion, sex, or ethnicity, and granted every citizen over the age of twenty the right to vote. The government also guaranteed the absolute freedom of the press and of assembly. In general, the fall of the Tsarist Autocracy gave way to the cultural mobilization of Turkestan.Less
This chapter narrates the events that happened after the fall of the Tsarist Autocracy in February 1917. The abdication of the tsar was universally acclaimed as the dawn of liberty—the beginning of a new era in the history of the various peoples inhabiting the empire. In a series of sweeping reforms, the Provisional Government abolished all legal distinctions between citizens on the basis of rank, religion, sex, or ethnicity, and granted every citizen over the age of twenty the right to vote. The government also guaranteed the absolute freedom of the press and of assembly. In general, the fall of the Tsarist Autocracy gave way to the cultural mobilization of Turkestan.
James H. Meyer
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- March 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780198725145
- eISBN:
- 9780191792564
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198725145.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter looks at another consequence of late nineteenth-century developments: the emergence of cultural civil wars within Muslim communities. Matters pertaining to education were not simply the ...
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This chapter looks at another consequence of late nineteenth-century developments: the emergence of cultural civil wars within Muslim communities. Matters pertaining to education were not simply the concern of intellectuals. Rather, developments relating to schools had been highly politicized for years prior to the Revolution of 1905. This was largely the result of highly unpopular policies adopted by government officials in connection to Muslim education. The interests of the pan-Turkists were hardly on the fringe. While these figures were not always popular, they were nevertheless part of events that were seen by many Muslims as important and consequential.Less
This chapter looks at another consequence of late nineteenth-century developments: the emergence of cultural civil wars within Muslim communities. Matters pertaining to education were not simply the concern of intellectuals. Rather, developments relating to schools had been highly politicized for years prior to the Revolution of 1905. This was largely the result of highly unpopular policies adopted by government officials in connection to Muslim education. The interests of the pan-Turkists were hardly on the fringe. While these figures were not always popular, they were nevertheless part of events that were seen by many Muslims as important and consequential.
Leslie Butler
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- July 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780807830840
- eISBN:
- 9781469606125
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/9780807877579_butler.8
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
After emancipation and national reunion had been achieved, the American liberal critics returned to their earlier work on cultural reform. This chapter focuses on the Gilded Age project that liberal ...
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After emancipation and national reunion had been achieved, the American liberal critics returned to their earlier work on cultural reform. This chapter focuses on the Gilded Age project that liberal men of letters were engaged in to foster a national commitment to liberal culture. It describes Higginson's “plea for culture” in which he insisted that aesthetic endeavors allow the country to continue its moral development even as it entered a prolonged period of peace and “gilded” prosperity. The chapter also discusses the “Arnoldian” view of culture and its role in Gilded Age cultural debates.Less
After emancipation and national reunion had been achieved, the American liberal critics returned to their earlier work on cultural reform. This chapter focuses on the Gilded Age project that liberal men of letters were engaged in to foster a national commitment to liberal culture. It describes Higginson's “plea for culture” in which he insisted that aesthetic endeavors allow the country to continue its moral development even as it entered a prolonged period of peace and “gilded” prosperity. The chapter also discusses the “Arnoldian” view of culture and its role in Gilded Age cultural debates.
James H. Meyer
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- March 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780198725145
- eISBN:
- 9780191792564
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198725145.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This book traces the paths of Muslim community activists from Russia who followed a wave of revolutions unfolding in Russia (1905), Iran (1906), and the Ottoman Empire (1908). Centered on the lives ...
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This book traces the paths of Muslim community activists from Russia who followed a wave of revolutions unfolding in Russia (1905), Iran (1906), and the Ottoman Empire (1908). Centered on the lives and careers of İsmail Gasprinskii, Yusuf Akçura, and Ahmet Ağaoğlu, this book tells a wide-ranging story about the late imperial era in the Russian-Ottoman borderlands. Honing in on bigger developments taking place in the region from the end of the Crimean War until the beginning of World War I, the book discusses events occurring in central Russia, Crimea, the Caucasus, and the Ottoman Empire. Situating these future icons of Turkish and pan-Turkic identity within the broader contexts, the book examines changes happening in the region with respect to trans-imperial border crossing, an outbreak of revolutions, and what the book calls the politicization of “civilizational” identity. This book then connects the late imperial to our own, arguing that the post-Cold War has much in common with the time of the pan-Turkists. Drawing upon a wide array of sources in Russian and the Turkish languages of the Russian-Ottoman borderlands, this book explores bigger questions concerning the lessons that the post-Cold War world can learn from the hyper-politicized identity struggles of the late imperial era. The lives and experiences of Gasprinskii, Akçura, Ağaoğlu, and their comrades were fascinating and frenetically paced.Less
This book traces the paths of Muslim community activists from Russia who followed a wave of revolutions unfolding in Russia (1905), Iran (1906), and the Ottoman Empire (1908). Centered on the lives and careers of İsmail Gasprinskii, Yusuf Akçura, and Ahmet Ağaoğlu, this book tells a wide-ranging story about the late imperial era in the Russian-Ottoman borderlands. Honing in on bigger developments taking place in the region from the end of the Crimean War until the beginning of World War I, the book discusses events occurring in central Russia, Crimea, the Caucasus, and the Ottoman Empire. Situating these future icons of Turkish and pan-Turkic identity within the broader contexts, the book examines changes happening in the region with respect to trans-imperial border crossing, an outbreak of revolutions, and what the book calls the politicization of “civilizational” identity. This book then connects the late imperial to our own, arguing that the post-Cold War has much in common with the time of the pan-Turkists. Drawing upon a wide array of sources in Russian and the Turkish languages of the Russian-Ottoman borderlands, this book explores bigger questions concerning the lessons that the post-Cold War world can learn from the hyper-politicized identity struggles of the late imperial era. The lives and experiences of Gasprinskii, Akçura, Ağaoğlu, and their comrades were fascinating and frenetically paced.
Christopher Herbert
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226327327
- eISBN:
- 9780226327365
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226327365.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, History of Science, Technology, and Medicine
One of the articles of faith of twentieth-century intellectual history is that the theory of relativity in physics sprang in its essentials from the unaided genius of Albert Einstein; another is that ...
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One of the articles of faith of twentieth-century intellectual history is that the theory of relativity in physics sprang in its essentials from the unaided genius of Albert Einstein; another is that scientific relativity is unconnected to ethical, cultural, or epistemological relativisms. This book challenges these assumptions, unearthing a forgotten tradition of avant-garde speculation that took as its guiding principle “the negation of the absolute” and set itself under the militant banner of “relativity.” The author shows that the idea of relativity produced revolutionary changes in one field after another in the nineteenth century. Surveying a long line of thinkers including Herbert Spencer, Charles Darwin, Alexander Bain, W. K. Clifford, W. S. Jevons, Karl Pearson, James Frazer, and Einstein himself, the book argues that the early relativity movement was bound closely to motives of political and cultural reform and, in particular, to radical critiques of the ideology of authoritarianism. Recuperating relativity from those who treat it as synonymous with nihilism, the author portrays it as the basis of some of our crucial intellectual and ethical traditions.Less
One of the articles of faith of twentieth-century intellectual history is that the theory of relativity in physics sprang in its essentials from the unaided genius of Albert Einstein; another is that scientific relativity is unconnected to ethical, cultural, or epistemological relativisms. This book challenges these assumptions, unearthing a forgotten tradition of avant-garde speculation that took as its guiding principle “the negation of the absolute” and set itself under the militant banner of “relativity.” The author shows that the idea of relativity produced revolutionary changes in one field after another in the nineteenth century. Surveying a long line of thinkers including Herbert Spencer, Charles Darwin, Alexander Bain, W. K. Clifford, W. S. Jevons, Karl Pearson, James Frazer, and Einstein himself, the book argues that the early relativity movement was bound closely to motives of political and cultural reform and, in particular, to radical critiques of the ideology of authoritarianism. Recuperating relativity from those who treat it as synonymous with nihilism, the author portrays it as the basis of some of our crucial intellectual and ethical traditions.
