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This chapter discusses how a pervasive institutional culture at Catholic colleges and universities has eroded in the absence of highly visible, knowledgeable, and committed nuns, brothers, and priests. It defines what a critical mass of knowledgeable and committed Catholic faculty members means for each of the four models of Catholic colleges and universities. It offers strategies for developing visible clusters of committed and knowledgeable faculty and administrators who can serve as religious cultural catalysts on each of the four types of campuses.

This chapter is about how some things catch on while others do not. These situations are explained by the model “critical mass,”sometimes referred to as the “bandwagon effect.” An explanation of critical mass in a nuclear reaction is related to social science. The success or failure of many things is determined by whether “critical mass” is achieved so that increasing numbers are encouraged to join. An example of something achieving critical mass is presented, and this is McDonalds. The competition between Betamax and VHS for home video cassettes is discussed, and the 1989 critical mass achieved when Communist countries began collapsing is outlined. A subset Schelling introduced is presented and that is “tipping.” This typically refers to racial groups tipping in and out, as a previously homogeneously racial neighborhood becomes integrated. Tipping can describe any critical mass phenomenon. The “tipping point” is the exact point at which the reaction becomes self-sustaining. The chapter provides a number of instructions on converting numbers into a curve and determining the location of the tipping point, plus stable outcomes. A problem presented that deals with the Rodney King trial, which makes for a dramatic example of how much control of the tipping point can matter as a policy issue.

This chapter discusses critical mass and social movements. It argues that critical mass is understood as a strategy for making things happen by mobilizing large numbers to effect a desired change. Driven by political, business, and military concepts, we seem to have an image that this kind of strategic thinking translates into maximizing output. Constructive social change requires a different image of strategy. Strategy in peacebuilding means thinking about what gives life and what keeps things alive. In the simplest terms, to be strategic requires that we create something beyond what exists from what is available but has exponential potential. In reference to social change, it means we must develop a capacity to recognize and build the locus of potential for change.

This chapter summarizes the book's theoretical contribution and most important findings. It also assesses the post-Doha trade agenda in light of the difficulties experienced in concluding the Doha Round as a Single Undertaking, following the emergence of the G20 group of developing countries at the time of the Cancún ministerial conference; and of the possible renaissance of agricultural expectionalism within the EU triggered by the 2008 world food ‘crisis’. Critical mass decision-making is unlikely to unlock the impasse on the farm trade negotiations.

Chapter 5 explores the reasons behind, and potential solutions for, asymmetric tokenism. The chapter shows that minority group members face a coordination problem when their group size grows to a critical mass, or the point at which they ought to be able to work together effectively. Minority group members remain “stuck” in the inefficient equilibrium of working with members of the majority. The chapter presents a simple evolutionary game theoretic model whereby coordination with “invaders” of an extant population becomes possible. The implications of that model are then tested using leadership PAC contributions from U.S. Senators, both to incumbents and challengers. A double-hurdle regression model provide evidence that although male Senate incumbents devalue both female incumbents and challengers, female Senate incumbents differentiate between incumbents and challengers in their valuation decisions. Specifically, women value challenger women more highly than incumbent women, indicating evidence of attempting to coordinate with potential newcomers.

Conservatism and conformity lead to inertia and critical mass phenomena. As a consequence, smooth changes in circumstances may induce discontinuous changes in custom and give rise to phenomena of hysteresis.

Because custom is only vaguely defined with respect to its scope and content, this gives rise to the problem of erosion: people will bend the rules of custom in ambiguous cases by slightly underperforming or overperforming. This changes what is normal and thereby shifts the custom in response to other motives and incentives over time. A constraining custom must be expected to eventually disappear, for instance. Critical mass effects can be expected to be undermined by such erosion.

This chapter concludes the book and provides some closing thoughts. The chapter explains how the results in the book indicate that the link between descriptive and substantive representation may not be as close as some presume. Furthermore, the chapter argues that the goal of those wishing to increase the substantive representation of minority groups ought not to focus solely on reaching some “critical mass,” a proportion of minority group members above which the concerns of the minority will have voice. Critical mass is a necessary, but not a sufficient condition for minority group representation, because proper mechanisms for encouraging coordination are also necessary. The chapter concludes with a discussion of how minority groups are at least partially responsible for the construction of their own glass ceiling, which will be dismantled only when they achieve both sufficient numbers and a working solution to their coordination problem.

Little information is available about the impact brought about by women leaders to companies, since women are rarely granted with high positions, especially in large institutions that are mostly comprised of male workers. While the term “critical mass” refers to a threshold number associated with a point wherein certain changes take place, it is important to ask whether critical mass brings about significant impacts or not. It is also important to establish what is meant by impact and how it can be measured. Through looking into studies of government officials, entrepreneurs, and corporate executives, this chapter looks into the impacts that women have, specifically on power relationships, agenda setting, management, the quality and quantity of benefits, and the behavior of both men and women.

The magnetic virial theorem shows that for a cool, self-gravitating gas cloud with a large-scale, frozen-in magnetic field of total flux F, there exists a critical mass M_c αF/G^1/2 , broadly separating masses that can be held in magneto-gravitational equilibrium from those that will undergo gravitational collapse and even fragmentation, following spontaneous flattening along the field. In a contracting, rotating cloud that conserves its angular momentum, the ratio of centrifugal force to gravity will steadily increase. The mutual interaction of gravity, rotation, magnetism, and Alfvènic turbulence, with magnetic transfer of angular momentum playing a crucial role, can in principle allow contraction and fragmentation into smaller masses, but with magnetic energy still a large fraction of the gravitational energy of each fragment. At some epoch, ambipolar diffusion or some other dissipative process will enable future proto-stars to lose most of their magnetic flux.

The debate on the impact of women's proportional strength in decision-making bodies has focused mainly on whether it affects public policy priorities, in the context of western legislatures. This focus misses the in-between process: the impact of women's numbers on their effective participation, such as attending meetings, speaking up at them, and holding office. There is also a dearth of rigorous empirical analysis which controls for factors other than gender. This chapter provides a typology of participation, examines the extent to which women are participating in different activities within community forestry institutions in India and Nepal, and statistically examines whether a group's gender composition affects women's effective participation. It also tests for any critical mass effects. The results support the popularly emphasized proportions of one-quarter to one-third, but women's economic position also matters. On office bearing, going towards gender parity further improves a woman's chances of holding office, as do her personal attributes, such as being literate and single.

The magnetic virial theorem shows that for a cool, self-gravitating gas cloud with a large-scale,frozen-in magnetic field of total flux F, there exists a critical mass M_c αF/G^1/2 , broadly separating masses that can be held in magneto-gravitational equilibrium from those that will undergo gravitational collapse and even fragmentation, following spontaneous flattening along the field. In a contracting, rotating cloud that conserves its angular momentum, the ratio of centrifugal force to gravity will steadily increase. The mutual interaction of gravity, rotation, magnetism, and Alfvènic turbulence, with magnetic transfer of angular momentum playing a crucial role, can in principle allow contraction and fragmentation into smaller masses, but with magnetic energy still a large fraction of the gravitational energy of each fragment. At some epoch, ambipolar diffusion or some other dissipative process will enable future proto-stars to lose most of their magnetic flux.

This chapter introduces the book and outlines its scope. It spells out the ideas that motivated the research, what we can learn from existing studies, and where the gaps lie. It also outlines the range of questions that the book will address, such as: what impact might we expect from increasing women's proportionate presence in institutions of forest governance, on their effective (rather than simply nominal) participation; on the rules made; on forest conservation; and on gender equity in access to forest products? Why would we expect such an impact? How much presence – ‘critical mass’ – do women need, to be effective? Would socio-economic inequality and heterogeneity among women impinge on their interests and their ability to co-operate in governance? Are there limits to what women's presence, in itself, might achieve? What extra-local alliances do women need to promote their interests? These questions are explored within the book's three-part structure: The potential of presence, the impact of presence, and beyond presence.

This chapter focuses on the influence of parents’ collective action and social networks in processes of school choice and urban school transformation. Specifically, the chapter examines the efforts of a middle-class neighborhood parent group to increase neighborhood enrollment and investment in their local school. Through an analysis of parents’ efforts to create what several described as a “critical mass” of middle-class families at the school, this chapter explores the equity implications of neighborhood parent-group organizing for urban school reform. The findings suggest that middle-class parents are not simply taking advantage of urban revitalization efforts led by developers and civic leaders, but may be collective actors in processes of school and neighborhood change.

The chapter begins by exploring the experiential politics of drift. Considering concepts and practices like the flâneur and the Situationist dérive, the chapter argues that drift can produce an expanding realm of experiential politics that incorporates a critical, comparative exteriority. Given this, drifters are able—or are forced—to see beyond the certainty of any one situation. The chapter then outlines a collective politics of drift by considering such groups as Critical Mass, Food Not Bombs, and PublicAdCampaign, noting their success in creating a culture and cultural politics of drift. Next, the collective experience of “precarity” and the work of those who organize around this concept are explored, along with the politics of squatters, freelancers, and Occupy activists. The chapter concludes with a consideration of swarming as a form of collective drift politics.

Decision-making in the World Trade Organization (WTO) is based on consensus, which is difficult to achieve in a large organization, especially under the constraint of an all-or-nothing “single undertaking.” The internal structure of WTO deliberations depends on work in committees, led by chairpersons, with the WTO Director-General playing a key role in moving trade negotiations toward consensus. In moving from the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) to the WTO, consensus building has become more difficult, due in part to the diversity of trade interests among WTO members and also to leftover anger by developing countries over the Uruguay Round. Informal institutions of “trust” and leadership by the Director-General, which served the GATT so well, appear to be lacking in the Doha Round negotiations. Possible internal WTO solutions to deadlock include wider use of “critical mass” and plurilateral agreements, and decision-making reforms.

The chapter is an examination of the voice and influence of Black and Minority Ethnic (BAME) community groups in rural and urban areas of England using primary research to analyse the experiences of groups in the West Midlands, the North West and the South West. The research focuses on recent experience in the wake of the economic downtown of 2008 and the economic and social consequences of the Government’s austerity programme, and includes interviews articulating the personal experiences of activists in the sector. The chapter discusses and compares experiences of theurban and rural BAME community sector and looks at ways forward for the sector.

Black legislative caucuses allow blacks to leverage their strength in numbers and best advocate for shared interests. This chapter examines the conditions under which 32 state legislative black caucuses emerged, from 1966 to 1986. It also provides the first systematic analysis of the emergence of state legislative black caucuses, and it presents a new theory of black caucus emergence by combining two existing explanations of why these entities form. The findings show that legislative black caucuses are more likely to form than not when around 17 blacks serve in office. However, there is more to the emergence of black caucuses than black presence. Democratic seat share and the number of standing committees in states also influence the emergence of black caucuses.