Milada Anna Vachudova
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- April 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199241194
- eISBN:
- 9780191602382
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199241198.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
In all candidate states, the EU’s active leverage forced governments to embark on politically difficult reforms of the state and of the economy, committing politicians to a predictable agenda of ...
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In all candidate states, the EU’s active leverage forced governments to embark on politically difficult reforms of the state and of the economy, committing politicians to a predictable agenda of economic liberalization. This happened not only because of straightforward conditionality but also because the pre-accession process served as a credible commitment to economic reform and as an impetus for the growth of pro-EU groups in society. The Czech Republic stands out as a hybrid case that experienced a greater concentration (and abuse) of political and economic power than Poland or Hungary, forcing it to change more dramatically in response to the EU’s active leverage. In the post-illiberal states, keeping ruling elites within the parameters set by the EU’s pre-accession process while locking all mainstream political parties into a pro-EU orientation signifies a great success. This chapter analyses the convergence of domestic politics in Slovakia, Bulgaria, and Romania after more liberal elites took power, and also explains the significant and persistent variation in the performance of the three states in implementing comprehensive reforms.Less
In all candidate states, the EU’s active leverage forced governments to embark on politically difficult reforms of the state and of the economy, committing politicians to a predictable agenda of economic liberalization. This happened not only because of straightforward conditionality but also because the pre-accession process served as a credible commitment to economic reform and as an impetus for the growth of pro-EU groups in society. The Czech Republic stands out as a hybrid case that experienced a greater concentration (and abuse) of political and economic power than Poland or Hungary, forcing it to change more dramatically in response to the EU’s active leverage. In the post-illiberal states, keeping ruling elites within the parameters set by the EU’s pre-accession process while locking all mainstream political parties into a pro-EU orientation signifies a great success. This chapter analyses the convergence of domestic politics in Slovakia, Bulgaria, and Romania after more liberal elites took power, and also explains the significant and persistent variation in the performance of the three states in implementing comprehensive reforms.
Iain McLean
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295297
- eISBN:
- 9780191599873
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295294.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
Introduces basic concepts of social choice. Describes the median voter theorem for one issue dimension, and its chaotic failure in more than one. It explains what rhetoric and heresthetics are, also ...
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Introduces basic concepts of social choice. Describes the median voter theorem for one issue dimension, and its chaotic failure in more than one. It explains what rhetoric and heresthetics are, also how veto games and credible commitments have operated in British politics since 1846. It introduces W.H. Riker's account of the triumph of Abraham Lincoln in 1860.Less
Introduces basic concepts of social choice. Describes the median voter theorem for one issue dimension, and its chaotic failure in more than one. It explains what rhetoric and heresthetics are, also how veto games and credible commitments have operated in British politics since 1846. It introduces W.H. Riker's account of the triumph of Abraham Lincoln in 1860.
Siegwart Lindenberg
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199269761
- eISBN:
- 9780191710087
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199269761.003.0010
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Corporate Governance and Accountability
This chapter uses the cognitive psychology notion of ‘framing’ to highlight how profitable cooperation can benefit from a partial suspension of a gain frame. It argues that even when interests are ...
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This chapter uses the cognitive psychology notion of ‘framing’ to highlight how profitable cooperation can benefit from a partial suspension of a gain frame. It argues that even when interests are broadly aligned, there is too much room for opportunism in the absence of an alignment of commitment to the relationship, and the suspension of the possibility of its instrumental use. The chapter then focuses on how a perception of transactions as ‘joint production’ can be built through a variety of ‘relational signals’ (credible commitments to the suspension of a calculative propensity to exploit any opportunity of gain even if it would damage the relationship).Less
This chapter uses the cognitive psychology notion of ‘framing’ to highlight how profitable cooperation can benefit from a partial suspension of a gain frame. It argues that even when interests are broadly aligned, there is too much room for opportunism in the absence of an alignment of commitment to the relationship, and the suspension of the possibility of its instrumental use. The chapter then focuses on how a perception of transactions as ‘joint production’ can be built through a variety of ‘relational signals’ (credible commitments to the suspension of a calculative propensity to exploit any opportunity of gain even if it would damage the relationship).
William D. Ferguson
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781503604612
- eISBN:
- 9781503611979
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9781503604612.003.0006
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
This chapter develops a social conflict theory of institutions. The third hypothesis posits that unequal distributions of power shape the creation, evolution, and demise of economic and political ...
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This chapter develops a social conflict theory of institutions. The third hypothesis posits that unequal distributions of power shape the creation, evolution, and demise of economic and political institutions. A background discussion defines power—a slightly slippery concept—and addresses key sources and manifestations of power. Unequal distributions of power then generate a series of CAPs associated with asymmetric influence on institutional construction and evolution. A flowchart model illustrates. To complicate matters, the fourth hypothesis posits that powerful parties cannot, left to themselves, credibly promise to refrain from using their power for their own future gain—often at the expense of others. Specifically, without institutional and motivational constraint, powerful parties may seize the gains from others’ investments in potentially fruitful economic and political activities. Functional development thus requires resolving multiple, largely second-order, CAPs related to credibly restraining powerful actors—when such actors, simultaneously, exert disproportionate influence over institution building.Less
This chapter develops a social conflict theory of institutions. The third hypothesis posits that unequal distributions of power shape the creation, evolution, and demise of economic and political institutions. A background discussion defines power—a slightly slippery concept—and addresses key sources and manifestations of power. Unequal distributions of power then generate a series of CAPs associated with asymmetric influence on institutional construction and evolution. A flowchart model illustrates. To complicate matters, the fourth hypothesis posits that powerful parties cannot, left to themselves, credibly promise to refrain from using their power for their own future gain—often at the expense of others. Specifically, without institutional and motivational constraint, powerful parties may seize the gains from others’ investments in potentially fruitful economic and political activities. Functional development thus requires resolving multiple, largely second-order, CAPs related to credibly restraining powerful actors—when such actors, simultaneously, exert disproportionate influence over institution building.
Adam J. Kosto
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199651702
- eISBN:
- 9780191741999
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199651702.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, European Medieval History
This chapter presents the variety of forms of medieval hostageship from across the whole period: unilateral and bilateral (exchange); open-ended and finite; true, where the hostage was turned over at ...
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This chapter presents the variety of forms of medieval hostageship from across the whole period: unilateral and bilateral (exchange); open-ended and finite; true, where the hostage was turned over at the formation of the agreement, and conditional, where the hostage was turned over upon violation. It shows that with respect to the subject of the agreements for which hostages were granted and their structure, as well as the identity and treatment of the hostages themselves, there was no ‘typical’ medieval hostage. Execution of hostages is shown to be quite rare, and the fate of the hostage does not always seem to correspond to the status of the agreement. This prompts an analysis of the logics of hostageship with reference to modern literature on contract theory and credible commitments.Less
This chapter presents the variety of forms of medieval hostageship from across the whole period: unilateral and bilateral (exchange); open-ended and finite; true, where the hostage was turned over at the formation of the agreement, and conditional, where the hostage was turned over upon violation. It shows that with respect to the subject of the agreements for which hostages were granted and their structure, as well as the identity and treatment of the hostages themselves, there was no ‘typical’ medieval hostage. Execution of hostages is shown to be quite rare, and the fate of the hostage does not always seem to correspond to the status of the agreement. This prompts an analysis of the logics of hostageship with reference to modern literature on contract theory and credible commitments.
Stephan W. Schill
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199589104
- eISBN:
- 9780191595455
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199589104.003.0010
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law, Public International Law
This chapter deals with the function, scope, and effect of umbrella clauses in international investment treaties. It proposes to understand the clauses as breaking with customary international law ...
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This chapter deals with the function, scope, and effect of umbrella clauses in international investment treaties. It proposes to understand the clauses as breaking with customary international law and argues that their function consists in stabilizing investor-State relations by opening recourse to dispute settlement by arbitral tribunals for breaches of specific and individual promises made by the State. Umbrella clauses prevent host States from acting opportunistically in reneging on their initial promises whether through acts of a governmental or purely commercial nature. While reinforcing the principle of pacta sunt servanda as a fundamental basis for investor-State cooperation, they do not exclude, however, variations of contracts due to contingencies arising during the life of a contract, nor do they override the State's police power to regulate investor-State contracts in the public interest.Less
This chapter deals with the function, scope, and effect of umbrella clauses in international investment treaties. It proposes to understand the clauses as breaking with customary international law and argues that their function consists in stabilizing investor-State relations by opening recourse to dispute settlement by arbitral tribunals for breaches of specific and individual promises made by the State. Umbrella clauses prevent host States from acting opportunistically in reneging on their initial promises whether through acts of a governmental or purely commercial nature. While reinforcing the principle of pacta sunt servanda as a fundamental basis for investor-State cooperation, they do not exclude, however, variations of contracts due to contingencies arising during the life of a contract, nor do they override the State's police power to regulate investor-State contracts in the public interest.
Adam N. Stulberg
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780804784177
- eISBN:
- 9780804785303
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804784177.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Conflict Politics and Policy
This chapter tackles the puzzle of international fuel supply cooperation. It explains why the historical record of multilateral nuclear approaches (MNAs) is mixed even though internationalizing the ...
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This chapter tackles the puzzle of international fuel supply cooperation. It explains why the historical record of multilateral nuclear approaches (MNAs) is mixed even though internationalizing the nuclear fuel cycle could make markets function more efficiently and reduce the risk of proliferation by eliminating the need for indigenous enrichment or reprocessing facilities. Framing this issue as an international credible commitment problem, the analysis demonstrates that the efficacy of MNAs hinges on the degree of power asymmetry and vulnerability among the bargaining parties. These factors shape the character of risk and trust at issue with reliance on international fuel supply. The evidence from contrasting cases studies of the UAE, South Korea, South Africa, and Kazakhstan shows that countries are most likely to support MNAs when suppliers do not wield sufficient market power to blackmail other states and when customers do not expect to be overly reliant on nuclear energy.Less
This chapter tackles the puzzle of international fuel supply cooperation. It explains why the historical record of multilateral nuclear approaches (MNAs) is mixed even though internationalizing the nuclear fuel cycle could make markets function more efficiently and reduce the risk of proliferation by eliminating the need for indigenous enrichment or reprocessing facilities. Framing this issue as an international credible commitment problem, the analysis demonstrates that the efficacy of MNAs hinges on the degree of power asymmetry and vulnerability among the bargaining parties. These factors shape the character of risk and trust at issue with reliance on international fuel supply. The evidence from contrasting cases studies of the UAE, South Korea, South Africa, and Kazakhstan shows that countries are most likely to support MNAs when suppliers do not wield sufficient market power to blackmail other states and when customers do not expect to be overly reliant on nuclear energy.
Alasdair Roberts
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781501714405
- eISBN:
- 9781501745607
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501714405.003.0019
- Subject:
- Political Science, Public Policy
This chapter distinguishes between commitment and equivocation in the design of governance strategies. For the last thirty years, “credible commitment” has been a stock phrase in scholarly writing ...
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This chapter distinguishes between commitment and equivocation in the design of governance strategies. For the last thirty years, “credible commitment” has been a stock phrase in scholarly writing about government. Governments are said to have a credibility problem, because citizens and businesses do not trust them to keep promises about how they will behave in the future. The task for leaders is to find techniques for demonstrating that they will keep their word, by designing institutions that make it hard to break promises. These institutional arrangements are called commitment devices. It can then be concluded that leaders are mainly concerned with finding clever ways to solve commitment problems. Commitment, it seems, is the key to prosperity, order, and legitimacy. Leaders want people and businesses to make choices that stimulate growth and deepen their own attachment to the existing order. However, the situation confronting leaders is actually more difficult than this. Sometimes equivocation rather than commitment is the sound choice. Leaders know that there will inevitably be emergencies where everyday rules have to be put aside, and they do not want to make it impossible to do this. For example, property might need to be seized in the name of national defense.Less
This chapter distinguishes between commitment and equivocation in the design of governance strategies. For the last thirty years, “credible commitment” has been a stock phrase in scholarly writing about government. Governments are said to have a credibility problem, because citizens and businesses do not trust them to keep promises about how they will behave in the future. The task for leaders is to find techniques for demonstrating that they will keep their word, by designing institutions that make it hard to break promises. These institutional arrangements are called commitment devices. It can then be concluded that leaders are mainly concerned with finding clever ways to solve commitment problems. Commitment, it seems, is the key to prosperity, order, and legitimacy. Leaders want people and businesses to make choices that stimulate growth and deepen their own attachment to the existing order. However, the situation confronting leaders is actually more difficult than this. Sometimes equivocation rather than commitment is the sound choice. Leaders know that there will inevitably be emergencies where everyday rules have to be put aside, and they do not want to make it impossible to do this. For example, property might need to be seized in the name of national defense.
Mark A. Graber
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199943883
- eISBN:
- 9780199369799
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199943883.003.0003
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
Constitutions attempt to secure important social benefits by establishing fundamental laws, mandating the rule of law, entrenching political procedures, limiting government powers, and, in liberal ...
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Constitutions attempt to secure important social benefits by establishing fundamental laws, mandating the rule of law, entrenching political procedures, limiting government powers, and, in liberal orders, guaranteeing basic human rights. Entrenched constitutional provisions organize government, vest governing officials with necessary powers, structure politics, enable government to make credible commitments to investors and foreign powers, facilitate coordination between subnational governing units, prevent self-dealing by governing officials, promote deliberation on the public interest, offer some insurance against uncertain futures, articulate national aspirations, and foster compromises among persons who disagree on national aspirations. The Constitution of the United States proposes to help Americans secure national union, social peace, commercial prosperity, and various liberal rights.Less
Constitutions attempt to secure important social benefits by establishing fundamental laws, mandating the rule of law, entrenching political procedures, limiting government powers, and, in liberal orders, guaranteeing basic human rights. Entrenched constitutional provisions organize government, vest governing officials with necessary powers, structure politics, enable government to make credible commitments to investors and foreign powers, facilitate coordination between subnational governing units, prevent self-dealing by governing officials, promote deliberation on the public interest, offer some insurance against uncertain futures, articulate national aspirations, and foster compromises among persons who disagree on national aspirations. The Constitution of the United States proposes to help Americans secure national union, social peace, commercial prosperity, and various liberal rights.
Alexander Brown
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780198812753
- eISBN:
- 9780191851926
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198812753.003.0006
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
Section I explores the possibility that the principles of administrative justice are partly grounded by the Difference Principle. Section II considers whether the administrative goods of ...
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Section I explores the possibility that the principles of administrative justice are partly grounded by the Difference Principle. Section II considers whether the administrative goods of trust-building and making credible commitments might also normatively support or ground principles concerning the protection of legitimate expectations. Section III looks to the more basic aim of minimizing the pain of frustration as normative support or grounding for my principles of administrative justice. Finally, Section IV considers whether the principles have any negative unintended consequences that could potentially derail the proposed consequentialist grounding of them.Less
Section I explores the possibility that the principles of administrative justice are partly grounded by the Difference Principle. Section II considers whether the administrative goods of trust-building and making credible commitments might also normatively support or ground principles concerning the protection of legitimate expectations. Section III looks to the more basic aim of minimizing the pain of frustration as normative support or grounding for my principles of administrative justice. Finally, Section IV considers whether the principles have any negative unintended consequences that could potentially derail the proposed consequentialist grounding of them.
Paul Poast and Johannes Urpelainen
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780226543345
- eISBN:
- 9780226543512
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226543512.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter summarizes the book’s findings and reflects on their implications for how scholars and policy makers understand IOs, democratic transitions, and the relationship between the two. The ...
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This chapter summarizes the book’s findings and reflects on their implications for how scholars and policy makers understand IOs, democratic transitions, and the relationship between the two. The chapter describes how this study speaks to research on leaders credibly committing to domestic reforms, the origins of democratization, and the development of democratic institutions. The chapter then considers implications of this study for current policy, using the recent crisis in Ukraine to explore how established democracies can encourage democratizing states to form new IOs and provide material support to those newly created IOs.Less
This chapter summarizes the book’s findings and reflects on their implications for how scholars and policy makers understand IOs, democratic transitions, and the relationship between the two. The chapter describes how this study speaks to research on leaders credibly committing to domestic reforms, the origins of democratization, and the development of democratic institutions. The chapter then considers implications of this study for current policy, using the recent crisis in Ukraine to explore how established democracies can encourage democratizing states to form new IOs and provide material support to those newly created IOs.
Albert Weale
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780198752868
- eISBN:
- 9780191814297
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198752868.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Deepening economic governance and the crisis of the eurozone underscore the issue of political legitimacy in the EU. Analytically, legitimacy may be understood by reference to modern social contract ...
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Deepening economic governance and the crisis of the eurozone underscore the issue of political legitimacy in the EU. Analytically, legitimacy may be understood by reference to modern social contract theory, which states the conditions under which actors can credibly commit to one another for their mutual advantage. The same theory also shows that when a promised commitment is broken, various instruments of monitoring and compliance will be introduced, a pattern that has been observed in reforms to eurozone governance. Yet, in understanding such a contract, attention needs to be paid to context. The depoliticisation of money involves an affirmation of some types of political responsibility and the denationalisation of money is not credible unless it can secure continuing domestic political support. Given the constraint on political developments, the greater inclusion of national parliaments in the European policy process is essential.Less
Deepening economic governance and the crisis of the eurozone underscore the issue of political legitimacy in the EU. Analytically, legitimacy may be understood by reference to modern social contract theory, which states the conditions under which actors can credibly commit to one another for their mutual advantage. The same theory also shows that when a promised commitment is broken, various instruments of monitoring and compliance will be introduced, a pattern that has been observed in reforms to eurozone governance. Yet, in understanding such a contract, attention needs to be paid to context. The depoliticisation of money involves an affirmation of some types of political responsibility and the denationalisation of money is not credible unless it can secure continuing domestic political support. Given the constraint on political developments, the greater inclusion of national parliaments in the European policy process is essential.
Marie-Joëlle Zahar
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199791743
- eISBN:
- 9780199919222
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199791743.003.0009
- Subject:
- Psychology, Social Psychology
This chapter focuses on the violence committed by ethnic nonstate armed groups (NSAGs). It develops an argument about the conditions under which mediators can successfully devise winning strategies ...
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This chapter focuses on the violence committed by ethnic nonstate armed groups (NSAGs). It develops an argument about the conditions under which mediators can successfully devise winning strategies to bring identity conflicts involving NSAGs to an end. In contrast to the literature that describes ethnic NSAGs as spoilers, the author contends that identity, though important, is not the only determinant of NSAG decision making. Instead, she argues that contextual factors provide a set of constraints on the ability of ethnic NSAGs to resort to violence. She then develops a typology of ethnic NSAGs and identifies the specific strategies most likely to bring different subcategories of NSAGs to the negotiating table and to ensure their commitment to peace. The contribution uses the Bosnian civil war as an example to probe the expectations of the model.Less
This chapter focuses on the violence committed by ethnic nonstate armed groups (NSAGs). It develops an argument about the conditions under which mediators can successfully devise winning strategies to bring identity conflicts involving NSAGs to an end. In contrast to the literature that describes ethnic NSAGs as spoilers, the author contends that identity, though important, is not the only determinant of NSAG decision making. Instead, she argues that contextual factors provide a set of constraints on the ability of ethnic NSAGs to resort to violence. She then develops a typology of ethnic NSAGs and identifies the specific strategies most likely to bring different subcategories of NSAGs to the negotiating table and to ensure their commitment to peace. The contribution uses the Bosnian civil war as an example to probe the expectations of the model.
Turkuler Isiksel
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780198759072
- eISBN:
- 9780191819698
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198759072.003.0002
- Subject:
- Law, EU Law
What rides on whether a regime is considered constitutional? This chapter lays out alternative justifications of constitutional authority as a background against which to situate the EU’s legal ...
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What rides on whether a regime is considered constitutional? This chapter lays out alternative justifications of constitutional authority as a background against which to situate the EU’s legal system. Although the attention of contemporary political theorists has been absorbed by the challenge of reconciling the liberal and democratic impulses of constitutionalism, this debate captures only two horns of the trilemma of constitutional legitimacy. In addition to enabling individual and collective autonomy, constitutional mechanisms have long been marshaled to enable the effective exercise of public power. The distinguishing feature of the EU’s system of functional constitutionalism is the fact that its authority is premised primarily on this pragmatic pattern of justification rather than on enabling democratic self-rule or protecting individual liberty. Surrendering power over the adoption, monitoring, and enforcement of certain policies to EU institutions is intended to help member states secure a range of collective goods in the long run.Less
What rides on whether a regime is considered constitutional? This chapter lays out alternative justifications of constitutional authority as a background against which to situate the EU’s legal system. Although the attention of contemporary political theorists has been absorbed by the challenge of reconciling the liberal and democratic impulses of constitutionalism, this debate captures only two horns of the trilemma of constitutional legitimacy. In addition to enabling individual and collective autonomy, constitutional mechanisms have long been marshaled to enable the effective exercise of public power. The distinguishing feature of the EU’s system of functional constitutionalism is the fact that its authority is premised primarily on this pragmatic pattern of justification rather than on enabling democratic self-rule or protecting individual liberty. Surrendering power over the adoption, monitoring, and enforcement of certain policies to EU institutions is intended to help member states secure a range of collective goods in the long run.
David A. Rezvani
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- August 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199688494
- eISBN:
- 9780191767739
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199688494.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Chapter 2 lays out the principal reasons for the advantages and evolution of partially independent territories (PITs). PITs often benefit from high degrees of nationalistic compromise, core state ...
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Chapter 2 lays out the principal reasons for the advantages and evolution of partially independent territories (PITs). PITs often benefit from high degrees of nationalistic compromise, core state public goods, and credible commitments that their fully independent counterparts do not enjoy. They not only emerge because of these advantages, but also because they are initially seen by core states as an institutional response for preventing catastrophes such as state fragmentation, war, and/or economic disaster. In time the sense of self-interest and fear that tends to launch partially independent unions often gives way to mutual trust that is bolstered by core state norms of shared identity and PIT perceptions of fairness. PIT secession will, however, become an increasing possibility if this mutual trust—especially the trust that is underpinned by PIT perceptions of fairness—becomes weakened.Less
Chapter 2 lays out the principal reasons for the advantages and evolution of partially independent territories (PITs). PITs often benefit from high degrees of nationalistic compromise, core state public goods, and credible commitments that their fully independent counterparts do not enjoy. They not only emerge because of these advantages, but also because they are initially seen by core states as an institutional response for preventing catastrophes such as state fragmentation, war, and/or economic disaster. In time the sense of self-interest and fear that tends to launch partially independent unions often gives way to mutual trust that is bolstered by core state norms of shared identity and PIT perceptions of fairness. PIT secession will, however, become an increasing possibility if this mutual trust—especially the trust that is underpinned by PIT perceptions of fairness—becomes weakened.
Brain Levy
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199363803
- eISBN:
- 9780199363834
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199363803.003.0010
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
Chapter 10 explores the potential of multistakeholder initiatives to address three familiar challenges of private-sector development in settings where the background politics and institutions needed ...
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Chapter 10 explores the potential of multistakeholder initiatives to address three familiar challenges of private-sector development in settings where the background politics and institutions needed for standard policy prescriptions to work are absent. First is the challenge of providing a business environment which offers the credible commitment necessary to attract private investment—multistakeholder approaches work via innovative (but sometimes personalized) linkages between powerful economic and political actors to provide personalized property rights. Second is the challenge of providing proactive support to firms and farmers—Zambia’s cotton and South Africa’s garments sectors illustrate the potential and limits of collective efforts to strengthen industrial clusters and provide the requisite local public goods. Third is the challenge of aligning private and social benefits and costs when neither regulation nor fiscal policy are effective—here the focus is on issue-specific global initiatives organized around collectively agreed rulemaking, monitoring, and enforcement (for example the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, the Marine Stewardship Council, and the Chad-Cameroon pipeline project. These institutional alternatives can facilitate gains, but risk locking in rigidities.Less
Chapter 10 explores the potential of multistakeholder initiatives to address three familiar challenges of private-sector development in settings where the background politics and institutions needed for standard policy prescriptions to work are absent. First is the challenge of providing a business environment which offers the credible commitment necessary to attract private investment—multistakeholder approaches work via innovative (but sometimes personalized) linkages between powerful economic and political actors to provide personalized property rights. Second is the challenge of providing proactive support to firms and farmers—Zambia’s cotton and South Africa’s garments sectors illustrate the potential and limits of collective efforts to strengthen industrial clusters and provide the requisite local public goods. Third is the challenge of aligning private and social benefits and costs when neither regulation nor fiscal policy are effective—here the focus is on issue-specific global initiatives organized around collectively agreed rulemaking, monitoring, and enforcement (for example the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, the Marine Stewardship Council, and the Chad-Cameroon pipeline project. These institutional alternatives can facilitate gains, but risk locking in rigidities.
Hendrik Spruyt
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199760114
- eISBN:
- 9780199949991
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199760114.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Similar to other colonial withdrawals, the Dutch exit from Indonesia was influenced by the balance of power, metropolitan ideology, and the nature of the nationalist regime. The Dutch-Indonesian case ...
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Similar to other colonial withdrawals, the Dutch exit from Indonesia was influenced by the balance of power, metropolitan ideology, and the nature of the nationalist regime. The Dutch-Indonesian case was further complicated by the instability of the home government. Fragile coalitions in The Hague impeded compromise, leading the government to try to defeat the nationalists by force. Third parties also played a important role in determining the eventual outcome: the United States and Britain exercised their leverage to induce the combatants to compromise. The Indonesian nationalists assured themselves of third-party support by repudiating communist influences. The Indonesian Republic’s willingness to embrace a nascent parliamentary democracy led Dutch interest groups to realize that a negotiated settlement with a noncommunist regime was acceptable. These factors led to the Round Table Agreement of 1949 and Dutch withdrawal.Less
Similar to other colonial withdrawals, the Dutch exit from Indonesia was influenced by the balance of power, metropolitan ideology, and the nature of the nationalist regime. The Dutch-Indonesian case was further complicated by the instability of the home government. Fragile coalitions in The Hague impeded compromise, leading the government to try to defeat the nationalists by force. Third parties also played a important role in determining the eventual outcome: the United States and Britain exercised their leverage to induce the combatants to compromise. The Indonesian nationalists assured themselves of third-party support by repudiating communist influences. The Indonesian Republic’s willingness to embrace a nascent parliamentary democracy led Dutch interest groups to realize that a negotiated settlement with a noncommunist regime was acceptable. These factors led to the Round Table Agreement of 1949 and Dutch withdrawal.
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804778206
- eISBN:
- 9780804778473
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804778206.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter sums up the key findings of this study on the balance of power in East Asia. It suggests that China is unlikely to initiate a bid for regional hegemony and discusses the implications of ...
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This chapter sums up the key findings of this study on the balance of power in East Asia. It suggests that China is unlikely to initiate a bid for regional hegemony and discusses the implications of the decision of the United States to pursue extra-regional hegemony rather than adopting the posture of an offshore balancer. The chapter also argues that East Asia has overcome the problems related to making credible commitment, and that it has fostered the macro trends and foundations for regional cooperation.Less
This chapter sums up the key findings of this study on the balance of power in East Asia. It suggests that China is unlikely to initiate a bid for regional hegemony and discusses the implications of the decision of the United States to pursue extra-regional hegemony rather than adopting the posture of an offshore balancer. The chapter also argues that East Asia has overcome the problems related to making credible commitment, and that it has fostered the macro trends and foundations for regional cooperation.
Neil J. Mitchell
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- April 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780190904197
- eISBN:
- 9780197565445
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190904197.003.0005
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Strategy
Sometimes principals delegate in order to control themselves rather than others. The incentive is to deliver on a commitment to themselves or to a valued audience. A football player finds an agent to ...
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Sometimes principals delegate in order to control themselves rather than others. The incentive is to deliver on a commitment to themselves or to a valued audience. A football player finds an agent to look after his money for the protracted period when no longer playing. Or governments delegate to central bankers in order to commit to a sound economic policy for the long term, protecting against the temptation of spending for short-term electoral gains. More surprising at the international level, governments commit to human rights treaties and agencies, ostensibly giving up repression when dealing with opponents, dissenters, and critical journalists. While third-party or “fire-alarm” monitoring of these commitments by civil society organizations provides some added robustness to this delegation device, as the real-world application to human rights makes clear, fire alarms can be tampered with in a way unanticipated in principal-agent models.Less
Sometimes principals delegate in order to control themselves rather than others. The incentive is to deliver on a commitment to themselves or to a valued audience. A football player finds an agent to look after his money for the protracted period when no longer playing. Or governments delegate to central bankers in order to commit to a sound economic policy for the long term, protecting against the temptation of spending for short-term electoral gains. More surprising at the international level, governments commit to human rights treaties and agencies, ostensibly giving up repression when dealing with opponents, dissenters, and critical journalists. While third-party or “fire-alarm” monitoring of these commitments by civil society organizations provides some added robustness to this delegation device, as the real-world application to human rights makes clear, fire alarms can be tampered with in a way unanticipated in principal-agent models.
Rumela Sen
- Published in print:
- 2021
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780197529867
- eISBN:
- 9780197529904
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780197529867.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Security Studies
This chapter introduces the central empirical puzzle and the primary theoretical insight of the book. In course of several rounds of interviews, current and former Maoist rebels in North and South ...
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This chapter introduces the central empirical puzzle and the primary theoretical insight of the book. In course of several rounds of interviews, current and former Maoist rebels in North and South India shared that they were not able to quit the insurgent organization even if they wanted to. This was because they feared that they could be killed post-retirement, unarmed and defenseless, by either their former enemies or by their former comrades, while the Indian state would lose nothing for failing to protect them. This creates a problem of credible commitment in the process of surrender of rebels, which, this book shows, is resolved locally by informal exit networks, more proficiently in the South of India than in the North. This chapter also introduces the district-level data on surrender of Maoists and other testimonies from the conflict zone to illustrate the vast regional variation in retirement of Maoist rebels in North and South India.Less
This chapter introduces the central empirical puzzle and the primary theoretical insight of the book. In course of several rounds of interviews, current and former Maoist rebels in North and South India shared that they were not able to quit the insurgent organization even if they wanted to. This was because they feared that they could be killed post-retirement, unarmed and defenseless, by either their former enemies or by their former comrades, while the Indian state would lose nothing for failing to protect them. This creates a problem of credible commitment in the process of surrender of rebels, which, this book shows, is resolved locally by informal exit networks, more proficiently in the South of India than in the North. This chapter also introduces the district-level data on surrender of Maoists and other testimonies from the conflict zone to illustrate the vast regional variation in retirement of Maoist rebels in North and South India.