Paul Webb and Stephen White (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199289653
- eISBN:
- 9780191710964
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199289653.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The sister volume to a book called Political Parties in Advanced Industrial Democracies, this book offers a systematic and rigorous analysis of parties in some of the world's major new democracies. ...
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The sister volume to a book called Political Parties in Advanced Industrial Democracies, this book offers a systematic and rigorous analysis of parties in some of the world's major new democracies. Drawing on a wealth of expertise and data, the book assesses the popular legitimacy, organizational development and functional performance of political parties in Latin America and postcommunist Eastern Europe. It demonstrates the generational differences between parties in the old and new democracies, and reveals contrasts among the latter. Parties are shown to be at their most feeble in those recently transitional democracies characterized by personalistic, candidate-centred forms of politics, but in other new democracies — especially those with parliamentary systems — parties are more stable and institutionalized, enabling them to facilitate a meaningful degree of popular choice and control. Wherever party politics is weakly institutionalized, political inequality tends to be greater, commitment to pluralism less certain, clientelism and corruption more pronounced, and populist demagoguery a greater temptation. Without party, democracy's hold is more tenuous.Less
The sister volume to a book called Political Parties in Advanced Industrial Democracies, this book offers a systematic and rigorous analysis of parties in some of the world's major new democracies. Drawing on a wealth of expertise and data, the book assesses the popular legitimacy, organizational development and functional performance of political parties in Latin America and postcommunist Eastern Europe. It demonstrates the generational differences between parties in the old and new democracies, and reveals contrasts among the latter. Parties are shown to be at their most feeble in those recently transitional democracies characterized by personalistic, candidate-centred forms of politics, but in other new democracies — especially those with parliamentary systems — parties are more stable and institutionalized, enabling them to facilitate a meaningful degree of popular choice and control. Wherever party politics is weakly institutionalized, political inequality tends to be greater, commitment to pluralism less certain, clientelism and corruption more pronounced, and populist demagoguery a greater temptation. Without party, democracy's hold is more tenuous.
Robert R. Bianchi
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780195171075
- eISBN:
- 9780199835102
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195171071.003.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
The hajj has always had far-reaching political ramifications, but today, after a half century of sponsorship and regulation by governments around the world, it is more politicized than ever. In most ...
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The hajj has always had far-reaching political ramifications, but today, after a half century of sponsorship and regulation by governments around the world, it is more politicized than ever. In most countries, hajj administration is tainted with favoritism and corruption. All the major pilgrimage programs are explicitly tailored to benefit voting blocks and businesses at home while cultivating prestige and influence abroad. Frequently, pilgrim management is so politicized it subverts the central values of the hajj. Instead of promoting unity and equality, it divides Muslims along every conceivable line–ethnicity, language, class, party, region, sect, gender, and age.Less
The hajj has always had far-reaching political ramifications, but today, after a half century of sponsorship and regulation by governments around the world, it is more politicized than ever. In most countries, hajj administration is tainted with favoritism and corruption. All the major pilgrimage programs are explicitly tailored to benefit voting blocks and businesses at home while cultivating prestige and influence abroad. Frequently, pilgrim management is so politicized it subverts the central values of the hajj. Instead of promoting unity and equality, it divides Muslims along every conceivable line–ethnicity, language, class, party, region, sect, gender, and age.
David M. Malone
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199278572
- eISBN:
- 9780191604119
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199278571.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines the inspections-plus-sanctions approach to Iraqi disarmament, which characterized the enforcement aspects of this third phase of UN involvement in Iraq. The sanctions regime ...
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This chapter examines the inspections-plus-sanctions approach to Iraqi disarmament, which characterized the enforcement aspects of this third phase of UN involvement in Iraq. The sanctions regime against Iraq stands as a paradigm of both the virtues and vices of the sanctions approach. It was the Iraq sanctions regime that demonstrated the utility and the challenges of Security Council subsidiary bodies operating as delegated regulators, through a supervisory committee established to monitor implementation of the sanctions. Although Haiti and other cases provided lessons, it was also the Iraq sanctions regime that demonstrated most clearly how a cunning target government could turn sanctions to its own ends, and how terrible the resulting cost to civilians might be.Less
This chapter examines the inspections-plus-sanctions approach to Iraqi disarmament, which characterized the enforcement aspects of this third phase of UN involvement in Iraq. The sanctions regime against Iraq stands as a paradigm of both the virtues and vices of the sanctions approach. It was the Iraq sanctions regime that demonstrated the utility and the challenges of Security Council subsidiary bodies operating as delegated regulators, through a supervisory committee established to monitor implementation of the sanctions. Although Haiti and other cases provided lessons, it was also the Iraq sanctions regime that demonstrated most clearly how a cunning target government could turn sanctions to its own ends, and how terrible the resulting cost to civilians might be.
Paul Corner
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198730699
- eISBN:
- 9780191741753
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198730699.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
The enigma of how ordinary people related to would-be totalitarian regimes is still far from being resolved. The tension between repression and consensus renders analysis difficult; where one ends ...
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The enigma of how ordinary people related to would-be totalitarian regimes is still far from being resolved. The tension between repression and consensus renders analysis difficult; where one ends and the other begins is never easy to determine. In the case of fascist Italy, recent scholarship has tended to tilt the balance in favour of popular consensus for the regime, identifying in the ideological and cultural aspects of Mussolini's rule a ‘political religion’ which bound the population to the fascist leader. This book presents a different picture. While in no way underestimating the force of ideological factors, the book argues that ‘real existing Fascism’, as lived by a large part of the population, was in fact an increasingly negative experience and reflected few of those colourful and attractive features of fascist propaganda which have induced more favourable interpretations of the regime. Distinguishing clearly between the fascist project and its realisation, the study examines the ways in which the fascist party asserted itself at the local level in the widely-differing areas of Italy, at its corruption and malfunctioning, and at the mounting wave of popular resentment against it during the course of the 1930s which, in effect, signalled the failure of the project. The study, based largely on archival material, concludes by suggesting that the abuse of power by fascists at the local level mirrors a wider problem related to the utilisation of power within Italy, both past and present.Less
The enigma of how ordinary people related to would-be totalitarian regimes is still far from being resolved. The tension between repression and consensus renders analysis difficult; where one ends and the other begins is never easy to determine. In the case of fascist Italy, recent scholarship has tended to tilt the balance in favour of popular consensus for the regime, identifying in the ideological and cultural aspects of Mussolini's rule a ‘political religion’ which bound the population to the fascist leader. This book presents a different picture. While in no way underestimating the force of ideological factors, the book argues that ‘real existing Fascism’, as lived by a large part of the population, was in fact an increasingly negative experience and reflected few of those colourful and attractive features of fascist propaganda which have induced more favourable interpretations of the regime. Distinguishing clearly between the fascist project and its realisation, the study examines the ways in which the fascist party asserted itself at the local level in the widely-differing areas of Italy, at its corruption and malfunctioning, and at the mounting wave of popular resentment against it during the course of the 1930s which, in effect, signalled the failure of the project. The study, based largely on archival material, concludes by suggesting that the abuse of power by fascists at the local level mirrors a wider problem related to the utilisation of power within Italy, both past and present.
Ian Malcolm David Little
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- August 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199257041
- eISBN:
- 9780191601293
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199257043.003.0011
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Public and Welfare
Government can and should be actively concerned with the relief of poverty. But there is no ethical principle defining the proper distribution of wealth between occupational or other social groups, ...
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Government can and should be actively concerned with the relief of poverty. But there is no ethical principle defining the proper distribution of wealth between occupational or other social groups, nor can it be democratically determined in an orderly manner. Distributional coalitions, such as trade unions, employers, and professional associations, must be discouraged, with the distribution of wealth between groups determined by competition. Where politics is dominated by distributional issues, democracy is likely to break down, and often has. The related subjects of rent seeking and corruption are discussed.Less
Government can and should be actively concerned with the relief of poverty. But there is no ethical principle defining the proper distribution of wealth between occupational or other social groups, nor can it be democratically determined in an orderly manner. Distributional coalitions, such as trade unions, employers, and professional associations, must be discouraged, with the distribution of wealth between groups determined by competition. Where politics is dominated by distributional issues, democracy is likely to break down, and often has. The related subjects of rent seeking and corruption are discussed.
William McKay and Charles W. Johnson
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199273621
- eISBN:
- 9780191594281
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199273621.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics, UK Politics
Some differences between the legislatures are of course attributable to varying constitutional structures. The more aggressive spirit of party politics in Congress by comparison with Westminster may ...
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Some differences between the legislatures are of course attributable to varying constitutional structures. The more aggressive spirit of party politics in Congress by comparison with Westminster may derive from the fact that one party held the majority for so long that when eventually the other was returned their desire for change was so urgent that they used and developed the rules of the House of Representatives to their exclusive advantage. The same phenomenon occurred when power changed hands again. (The Senate remains a bastion of individualism and minority party obstructionism). Denunciation of opponents and indeed of the institution for a ‘culture of corruption’ overshadowed older traditions of comity across the aisle. Shorter mandates allied to the need for ever‐higher levels of political funding exacerbated the situation. None of these factors (with the exception of ethical shortcomings regarding allowances just emerging at this writing) has affected Westminster to anything like the same degree.Less
Some differences between the legislatures are of course attributable to varying constitutional structures. The more aggressive spirit of party politics in Congress by comparison with Westminster may derive from the fact that one party held the majority for so long that when eventually the other was returned their desire for change was so urgent that they used and developed the rules of the House of Representatives to their exclusive advantage. The same phenomenon occurred when power changed hands again. (The Senate remains a bastion of individualism and minority party obstructionism). Denunciation of opponents and indeed of the institution for a ‘culture of corruption’ overshadowed older traditions of comity across the aisle. Shorter mandates allied to the need for ever‐higher levels of political funding exacerbated the situation. None of these factors (with the exception of ethical shortcomings regarding allowances just emerging at this writing) has affected Westminster to anything like the same degree.
Cynthia Herrup
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195139259
- eISBN:
- 9780199848966
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195139259.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Early Modern History
Sex, privilege, corruption, and revenge—these are elements that we expect to find splashed across today's tabloid headlines. But in 17th-century England, a sex scandal in which the 2nd Earl of ...
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Sex, privilege, corruption, and revenge—these are elements that we expect to find splashed across today's tabloid headlines. But in 17th-century England, a sex scandal in which the 2nd Earl of Castlehaven was executed for crimes so horrible that “a Christian man ought scarce to name them” threatened the very foundations of aristocratic hierarchy. This book presents a new interpretation both of the case itself and of the sexual and social anxieties it cast into bold relief. Castlehaven was convicted of abetting the rape of his wife and of committing sodomy with his servants. More than that, he stood accused of inverting the natural order of his household by reveling in rather than restraining the intemperate passions of those he was expected to rule and protect. The book argues that because an orderly house was considered both an example and endorsement of aristocratic governance, the riotousness presided over by Castlehaven was the most damning evidence against him. Castlehaven himself argued that he was the victim of an impatient son, an unhappy wife, and courtiers greedy for his lands. Eschewing simple conclusions about guilt or innocence, the book focuses instead on the legal, social, and political dynamics of the case and its subsequent retellings.Less
Sex, privilege, corruption, and revenge—these are elements that we expect to find splashed across today's tabloid headlines. But in 17th-century England, a sex scandal in which the 2nd Earl of Castlehaven was executed for crimes so horrible that “a Christian man ought scarce to name them” threatened the very foundations of aristocratic hierarchy. This book presents a new interpretation both of the case itself and of the sexual and social anxieties it cast into bold relief. Castlehaven was convicted of abetting the rape of his wife and of committing sodomy with his servants. More than that, he stood accused of inverting the natural order of his household by reveling in rather than restraining the intemperate passions of those he was expected to rule and protect. The book argues that because an orderly house was considered both an example and endorsement of aristocratic governance, the riotousness presided over by Castlehaven was the most damning evidence against him. Castlehaven himself argued that he was the victim of an impatient son, an unhappy wife, and courtiers greedy for his lands. Eschewing simple conclusions about guilt or innocence, the book focuses instead on the legal, social, and political dynamics of the case and its subsequent retellings.
Yves Mény
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199250158
- eISBN:
- 9780191599439
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199250154.003.0015
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
The lack of confidence of citizens in their democratic institutions is not new, although the current context differs in various ways: first, the unchallenged supremacy of the two victorious paradigms ...
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The lack of confidence of citizens in their democratic institutions is not new, although the current context differs in various ways: first, the unchallenged supremacy of the two victorious paradigms of market and democracy; second, the weaker capacity of new or old democracies to deal with the new challenges they have to face; and third, the relative position of market and democracy, which has changed in favour of the market and to the detriment of democracy. The chapter first considers the nature of the democratic malaise and its manifestations; has it to do with the democratic principle itself or is it only a temporary dissatisfaction with elites, parties and political organizations? Two complementary explanations are then offered to interpret the birth and expansion of this phenomenon: the structural explanation emphasizes the tension between the constitutionalist and the popular dimension of contemporary democracies; the conjunctural explanation relates to political corruption, which became so pervasive in the 1990s and contributed to the delegitimation of representatives and of the principle of representation in many European countries, populism and populist dichotomy.Less
The lack of confidence of citizens in their democratic institutions is not new, although the current context differs in various ways: first, the unchallenged supremacy of the two victorious paradigms of market and democracy; second, the weaker capacity of new or old democracies to deal with the new challenges they have to face; and third, the relative position of market and democracy, which has changed in favour of the market and to the detriment of democracy. The chapter first considers the nature of the democratic malaise and its manifestations; has it to do with the democratic principle itself or is it only a temporary dissatisfaction with elites, parties and political organizations? Two complementary explanations are then offered to interpret the birth and expansion of this phenomenon: the structural explanation emphasizes the tension between the constitutionalist and the popular dimension of contemporary democracies; the conjunctural explanation relates to political corruption, which became so pervasive in the 1990s and contributed to the delegitimation of representatives and of the principle of representation in many European countries, populism and populist dichotomy.
Abhijit Vinayak Banerjee, Roland Bénabou, and Dilip Mookherjee
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780195305197
- eISBN:
- 9780199783519
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195305191.001.0001
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
This volume presents 28 essays on poverty by some of the leading experts in the field of economics. The book is divided into three sections, beginning with an essay about how poverty is measured. The ...
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This volume presents 28 essays on poverty by some of the leading experts in the field of economics. The book is divided into three sections, beginning with an essay about how poverty is measured. The first section is about the causes of poverty and its persistence, and the ideas range from the impact of colonialism and globalization to the problems of “excessive” population growth, corruption, and ethnic conflict. The second section is about policy: how should we fight poverty? The essays discuss issues such as how to get drug companies to produce more vaccines for the diseases of the poor, what we should and should not expect from micro-credit, what we should do about child labor, and how to design welfare policies that work better. The third section presents new ways of thinking about poverty such as the integration of psychology and economics, nonmarket institutions, and interconnections between race and economic inequality.Less
This volume presents 28 essays on poverty by some of the leading experts in the field of economics. The book is divided into three sections, beginning with an essay about how poverty is measured. The first section is about the causes of poverty and its persistence, and the ideas range from the impact of colonialism and globalization to the problems of “excessive” population growth, corruption, and ethnic conflict. The second section is about policy: how should we fight poverty? The essays discuss issues such as how to get drug companies to produce more vaccines for the diseases of the poor, what we should and should not expect from micro-credit, what we should do about child labor, and how to design welfare policies that work better. The third section presents new ways of thinking about poverty such as the integration of psychology and economics, nonmarket institutions, and interconnections between race and economic inequality.
Milada Anna Vachudova
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- April 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199241194
- eISBN:
- 9780191602382
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199241198.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
The empirical variation between the political trajectories of Poland, Hungary, and the Czech Republic, on the one hand, and Romania, Bulgaria, and Slovakia, on the other, is striking in the early ...
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The empirical variation between the political trajectories of Poland, Hungary, and the Czech Republic, on the one hand, and Romania, Bulgaria, and Slovakia, on the other, is striking in the early 1990s. The presence or absence of an opposition to communism strong enough to take and hold power in 1989 put the first group of states on the road to liberal democracy, and the second group on the road to illiberal democracy. This chapter compares the two groups of states in three areas: the nature of the opposition to communism and of the regime change in 1989; the political, economic, and national policies of the first post-communist governments; and the quality of the left alternative available to voters after1989.Less
The empirical variation between the political trajectories of Poland, Hungary, and the Czech Republic, on the one hand, and Romania, Bulgaria, and Slovakia, on the other, is striking in the early 1990s. The presence or absence of an opposition to communism strong enough to take and hold power in 1989 put the first group of states on the road to liberal democracy, and the second group on the road to illiberal democracy. This chapter compares the two groups of states in three areas: the nature of the opposition to communism and of the regime change in 1989; the political, economic, and national policies of the first post-communist governments; and the quality of the left alternative available to voters after1989.
Matthew Flinders and Matthew Denton
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199271603
- eISBN:
- 9780191709241
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199271603.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics, Political Economy
This chapter focuses on the issue of public appointments and patronage. Contrary to media suggestions and the public's perception, research suggests that the sphere of delegated governance is no ...
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This chapter focuses on the issue of public appointments and patronage. Contrary to media suggestions and the public's perception, research suggests that the sphere of delegated governance is no longer a patronage resource for ministers, or that it is replete with financially lucrative and under-demanding positions. In fact, research reveals a gradual but very clear ‘shrinking reach’ in terms of the breadth and nature of ministerial appointment capacity.Less
This chapter focuses on the issue of public appointments and patronage. Contrary to media suggestions and the public's perception, research suggests that the sphere of delegated governance is no longer a patronage resource for ministers, or that it is replete with financially lucrative and under-demanding positions. In fact, research reveals a gradual but very clear ‘shrinking reach’ in terms of the breadth and nature of ministerial appointment capacity.
Richard Caplan
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- July 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199263455
- eISBN:
- 9780191602726
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199263450.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Economic development is a basic requirement for the long-term viability of internationally administered territories. Discusses what is often a triple challenge for transitional administrators: ...
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Economic development is a basic requirement for the long-term viability of internationally administered territories. Discusses what is often a triple challenge for transitional administrators: physical reconstruction, structural transformation, and economic development, each with its own conceptual framework and approach. Overcoming this triple challenge requires a degree of co-ordination among external parties that can be difficult to achieve because of the inherent autonomy of the key actors involved: donor states, regional and international aid agencies, and development banks. A further difficulty arises when the strategic aims of the external actors are not shared by the local parties. Organized crime, corruption, and black- and grey-market activities can also pose serious threats to economic recovery.Less
Economic development is a basic requirement for the long-term viability of internationally administered territories. Discusses what is often a triple challenge for transitional administrators: physical reconstruction, structural transformation, and economic development, each with its own conceptual framework and approach. Overcoming this triple challenge requires a degree of co-ordination among external parties that can be difficult to achieve because of the inherent autonomy of the key actors involved: donor states, regional and international aid agencies, and development banks. A further difficulty arises when the strategic aims of the external actors are not shared by the local parties. Organized crime, corruption, and black- and grey-market activities can also pose serious threats to economic recovery.
Andrew Kuper
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- November 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199274901
- eISBN:
- 9780191601552
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199274908.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
How can the theory of Responsive Democracy guide and be implemented in political practice? This chapter proposes significant reforms to: (1) the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court; (2) ...
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How can the theory of Responsive Democracy guide and be implemented in political practice? This chapter proposes significant reforms to: (1) the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court; (2) the jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice; (3) membership in, and decision procedures of, the UN General Assembly and Security Council; and (4) structures and methods of corruption control by Transparency International. Along the way, the chapter refutes those arguments about funding and sovereignty that hamper the establishment of stronger World Courts; it develops nine criteria for including non-state actors in institutions of global governance; it suggests new ideas for holding corporations and nongovernmental organizations accountable; and it explores how short-term and long-term obstacles to reform can be overcome.Less
How can the theory of Responsive Democracy guide and be implemented in political practice? This chapter proposes significant reforms to: (1) the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court; (2) the jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice; (3) membership in, and decision procedures of, the UN General Assembly and Security Council; and (4) structures and methods of corruption control by Transparency International. Along the way, the chapter refutes those arguments about funding and sovereignty that hamper the establishment of stronger World Courts; it develops nine criteria for including non-state actors in institutions of global governance; it suggests new ideas for holding corporations and nongovernmental organizations accountable; and it explores how short-term and long-term obstacles to reform can be overcome.
Gerald SJ O'Collins
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199203130
- eISBN:
- 9780191707742
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199203130.003.0003
- Subject:
- Religion, Theology
Since human beings are sinful, suffering, and mortal, they need to be redeemed. This chapter examines the biblical data that illuminates the nature of sin, both personal and collective. It presents ...
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Since human beings are sinful, suffering, and mortal, they need to be redeemed. This chapter examines the biblical data that illuminates the nature of sin, both personal and collective. It presents sin as bondage, corruption, and a failure to love.Less
Since human beings are sinful, suffering, and mortal, they need to be redeemed. This chapter examines the biblical data that illuminates the nature of sin, both personal and collective. It presents sin as bondage, corruption, and a failure to love.
Richard Gunther, José Ramón Montero, and Juan J. Linz (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199246748
- eISBN:
- 9780191599385
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199246742.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This book is one in a series (Comparative Politics) for students and teachers of political science that deals with contemporary issues in comparative government and politics. After an introduction, ...
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This book is one in a series (Comparative Politics) for students and teachers of political science that deals with contemporary issues in comparative government and politics. After an introduction, it has 11 contributions from leading scholars in the field, which present a critical overview of much of the recent literature on political parties, and systematically assess the capacity of existing concepts, typologies, and methodological approaches to deal with contemporary parties. The book critically analyses the ‘decline of parties’ literature, both from a conceptual perspective and—with regard to antiparty attitudes among citizens—on the basis of empirical analyses of survey data. It systematically re‐examines the underpinnings of rational‐choice analyses of electoral competition, as well as the misapplication of standard party models as the ‘catch‐all party’. Several chapters re‐examine existing models of parties and party typologies, particularly with regard to the capacity of commonly used concepts to capture the wide variation among parties that exists in old and new democracies today, and with regard to their ability to deal adequately with the new challenges that parties are facing in rapidly changing political, social, and technological environments. In particular, two detailed case studies (from France and Spain) demonstrate how party models are significant not only as frameworks for scholarly research but also insofar as they can affect party performance. Other chapters also examine in detail how corruption and party patronage have contributed to party decline, as well as public attitudes towards parties in several countries. In the aggregate, the various contributions to the book reject the notion that a ‘decline of party’ has progressed to such an extent as to threaten the survival of parties as the crucial intermediary actors in modern democracies. The contributing authors argue, however, that parties are facing a new set of sometimes demanding challenges, and that not only have they differed significantly in their ability to successfully meet these challenges but also the core concepts, typologies, party models, and methodological approaches that have guided research in this area over the past 40 years have met with only mixed success in adequately capturing these recent developments and serving as fruitful frameworks for analysis; the book is intended to remedy some of these shortcomings. It is arranged in three parts: I. Reconceptualizing Parties and Party Competition; II. Re‐examining Party Organization and Party Models; and III. Revisiting Party Linkages and Attitudes Toward Parties.Less
This book is one in a series (Comparative Politics) for students and teachers of political science that deals with contemporary issues in comparative government and politics. After an introduction, it has 11 contributions from leading scholars in the field, which present a critical overview of much of the recent literature on political parties, and systematically assess the capacity of existing concepts, typologies, and methodological approaches to deal with contemporary parties. The book critically analyses the ‘decline of parties’ literature, both from a conceptual perspective and—with regard to antiparty attitudes among citizens—on the basis of empirical analyses of survey data. It systematically re‐examines the underpinnings of rational‐choice analyses of electoral competition, as well as the misapplication of standard party models as the ‘catch‐all party’. Several chapters re‐examine existing models of parties and party typologies, particularly with regard to the capacity of commonly used concepts to capture the wide variation among parties that exists in old and new democracies today, and with regard to their ability to deal adequately with the new challenges that parties are facing in rapidly changing political, social, and technological environments. In particular, two detailed case studies (from France and Spain) demonstrate how party models are significant not only as frameworks for scholarly research but also insofar as they can affect party performance. Other chapters also examine in detail how corruption and party patronage have contributed to party decline, as well as public attitudes towards parties in several countries. In the aggregate, the various contributions to the book reject the notion that a ‘decline of party’ has progressed to such an extent as to threaten the survival of parties as the crucial intermediary actors in modern democracies. The contributing authors argue, however, that parties are facing a new set of sometimes demanding challenges, and that not only have they differed significantly in their ability to successfully meet these challenges but also the core concepts, typologies, party models, and methodological approaches that have guided research in this area over the past 40 years have met with only mixed success in adequately capturing these recent developments and serving as fruitful frameworks for analysis; the book is intended to remedy some of these shortcomings. It is arranged in three parts: I. Reconceptualizing Parties and Party Competition; II. Re‐examining Party Organization and Party Models; and III. Revisiting Party Linkages and Attitudes Toward Parties.
Laurence Whitehead
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199253289
- eISBN:
- 9780191600326
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199253285.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Is mainly concerned with political corruption in newly established democracies, and in particular with the enhanced potential for monetary corruption when untried representative institutions are ...
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Is mainly concerned with political corruption in newly established democracies, and in particular with the enhanced potential for monetary corruption when untried representative institutions are established in a context of acute economic inequalities. In theory, there are three main defences against such political corruption—legal, electoral, and market‐based—but the evidence suggests that such defences are easily breached.Less
Is mainly concerned with political corruption in newly established democracies, and in particular with the enhanced potential for monetary corruption when untried representative institutions are established in a context of acute economic inequalities. In theory, there are three main defences against such political corruption—legal, electoral, and market‐based—but the evidence suggests that such defences are easily breached.
Randy E. Barnett
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198297291
- eISBN:
- 9780191598777
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198297297.003.0013
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
In a polycentric constitutional order, as distinct from a monocentric one, multiple legal systems exercise the judicial function and law enforcement agencies exercise the executive function. These ...
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In a polycentric constitutional order, as distinct from a monocentric one, multiple legal systems exercise the judicial function and law enforcement agencies exercise the executive function. These multiple decision‐makers operate within constitutional constraints that permit them to co‐exist and adjust to each other. A decentralized or polycentric constitutional order provides an institutional framework to address more effectively the problem of enforcement abuse. Such an order will arise naturally if two new constitutional principles are adopted: the nonconfiscation principle stipulates that law enforcement and adjudicative agencies should not be able to confiscate their income by force, but should have to contract with the persons they serve; the competition principle stipulates that law enforcement and adjudicative agencies should not be able to put their competitors out of business by force. How a polycentric legal order better handles the problems of selection, corruption, capture, and the halo effect is explained.Less
In a polycentric constitutional order, as distinct from a monocentric one, multiple legal systems exercise the judicial function and law enforcement agencies exercise the executive function. These multiple decision‐makers operate within constitutional constraints that permit them to co‐exist and adjust to each other. A decentralized or polycentric constitutional order provides an institutional framework to address more effectively the problem of enforcement abuse. Such an order will arise naturally if two new constitutional principles are adopted: the nonconfiscation principle stipulates that law enforcement and adjudicative agencies should not be able to confiscate their income by force, but should have to contract with the persons they serve; the competition principle stipulates that law enforcement and adjudicative agencies should not be able to put their competitors out of business by force. How a polycentric legal order better handles the problems of selection, corruption, capture, and the halo effect is explained.
Peter A. Swenson
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195142976
- eISBN:
- 9780199872190
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195142977.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter returns to the analysis of twentieth century U.S. to explain the dual nature of its system of labor market governance in which cartelism, a centralized system of multiemployer collective ...
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This chapter returns to the analysis of twentieth century U.S. to explain the dual nature of its system of labor market governance in which cartelism, a centralized system of multiemployer collective bargaining, thrived alongside segmentalism in important sectors like bituminous coal mining, clothing, and building and construction. In these sectors, employers and unions joined in cross‐class alliance to prop up wages to stem destabilizing low‐standard competition. The regulatory alliance, distinct from Sweden's solidarism, which imposed ceilings instead of floors on wages, helped give rise to economic and political phenomena of an equally distinct nature, e.g., early ties between the Republican Party and the powerful miners’ union; corruption in building and construction (which was absent in Sweden); and ultimately, employer interests in the New Deal's labor and social legislation of the 1930s.Less
This chapter returns to the analysis of twentieth century U.S. to explain the dual nature of its system of labor market governance in which cartelism, a centralized system of multiemployer collective bargaining, thrived alongside segmentalism in important sectors like bituminous coal mining, clothing, and building and construction. In these sectors, employers and unions joined in cross‐class alliance to prop up wages to stem destabilizing low‐standard competition. The regulatory alliance, distinct from Sweden's solidarism, which imposed ceilings instead of floors on wages, helped give rise to economic and political phenomena of an equally distinct nature, e.g., early ties between the Republican Party and the powerful miners’ union; corruption in building and construction (which was absent in Sweden); and ultimately, employer interests in the New Deal's labor and social legislation of the 1930s.
Leslie Holmes
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199276141
- eISBN:
- 9780191603341
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199276145.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Russian Politics
This chapter examines recent developments in Russian leadership politics within the context of post-Communist leadership and state-building. It argues that those who hoped Putin would turn Russia ...
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This chapter examines recent developments in Russian leadership politics within the context of post-Communist leadership and state-building. It argues that those who hoped Putin would turn Russia into a strong state underestimated the scale of the task, while those who believed that Putin was inherently authoritarian underestimated the need for strong leadership in Russia. A customized, relativistic, and dynamic approach to Russia’s transition is needed, rather than one based on Western ideals, expectations, and conditions.Less
This chapter examines recent developments in Russian leadership politics within the context of post-Communist leadership and state-building. It argues that those who hoped Putin would turn Russia into a strong state underestimated the scale of the task, while those who believed that Putin was inherently authoritarian underestimated the need for strong leadership in Russia. A customized, relativistic, and dynamic approach to Russia’s transition is needed, rather than one based on Western ideals, expectations, and conditions.
Alan M. Dershowitz
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195158076
- eISBN:
- 9780199869848
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195158075.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Aims to demonstrate that, during the (Bush vs Gore) US presidential election of 2000, by any reasonable standard of evaluation, the majority justices of the US Supreme Court failed to test the US ...
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Aims to demonstrate that, during the (Bush vs Gore) US presidential election of 2000, by any reasonable standard of evaluation, the majority justices of the US Supreme Court failed to test the US constitutional system in ways that it had never been tested before, and did so not because of incompetence, but because of malice aforethought. Discusses the importance of Bush vs Gore to all Americans, and starts by noting that Bush vs Gore is certainly not the first bad Supreme Court ruling. It looks at some of the other evil, immoral, and even dangerous, decisions made, most of which have been overturned by later courts and condemned by the verdict of history. However, for the most part, the justices who wrote or joined the majority opinions for these terrible decisions were acting consistently with their own judicial philosophies; Bush vs Gore was different because the majority justices violated their own previously declared judicial principles, and in this respect, the decision in the Florida election (recount) case may be ranked as the single most corrupt decision in Supreme Court history. The different sections of the chapter discuss why criticism and accountability are important, some lessons to be learned from Bush vs Gore, the wages of Roe vs Wade (a controversial abortion case that helped to secure the presidency for Ronald Reagan), and changing how justices are selected.Less
Aims to demonstrate that, during the (Bush vs Gore) US presidential election of 2000, by any reasonable standard of evaluation, the majority justices of the US Supreme Court failed to test the US constitutional system in ways that it had never been tested before, and did so not because of incompetence, but because of malice aforethought. Discusses the importance of Bush vs Gore to all Americans, and starts by noting that Bush vs Gore is certainly not the first bad Supreme Court ruling. It looks at some of the other evil, immoral, and even dangerous, decisions made, most of which have been overturned by later courts and condemned by the verdict of history. However, for the most part, the justices who wrote or joined the majority opinions for these terrible decisions were acting consistently with their own judicial philosophies; Bush vs Gore was different because the majority justices violated their own previously declared judicial principles, and in this respect, the decision in the Florida election (recount) case may be ranked as the single most corrupt decision in Supreme Court history. The different sections of the chapter discuss why criticism and accountability are important, some lessons to be learned from Bush vs Gore, the wages of Roe vs Wade (a controversial abortion case that helped to secure the presidency for Ronald Reagan), and changing how justices are selected.
