Jeff Manza and Christopher Uggen
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195149326
- eISBN:
- 9780199943975
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195149326.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Law, Crime and Deviance
5.4 million Americans—one in every forty voting age adults—are denied the right to participate in democratic elections because of a past or current felony conviction. In several American states, one ...
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5.4 million Americans—one in every forty voting age adults—are denied the right to participate in democratic elections because of a past or current felony conviction. In several American states, one in four black men cannot vote due to a felony conviction. In a country that prides itself on universal suffrage, how did the United States come to deny a voice to such a large percentage of its citizenry? What are the consequences of large-scale disenfranchisement—both for election outcomes, and for public policy more generally? This book exposes one of the most important, yet little known, threats to the health of American democracy today. It reveals the centrality of racial factors in the origins of these laws, and their impact on politics today. Marshalling the first real empirical evidence on the issue to make a case for reform, this analysis informs all future policy and political debates on the laws governing the political rights of criminals.Less
5.4 million Americans—one in every forty voting age adults—are denied the right to participate in democratic elections because of a past or current felony conviction. In several American states, one in four black men cannot vote due to a felony conviction. In a country that prides itself on universal suffrage, how did the United States come to deny a voice to such a large percentage of its citizenry? What are the consequences of large-scale disenfranchisement—both for election outcomes, and for public policy more generally? This book exposes one of the most important, yet little known, threats to the health of American democracy today. It reveals the centrality of racial factors in the origins of these laws, and their impact on politics today. Marshalling the first real empirical evidence on the issue to make a case for reform, this analysis informs all future policy and political debates on the laws governing the political rights of criminals.
Peter Brock (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195151220
- eISBN:
- 9780199870424
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195151224.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, History of Christianity
While conscientious objection in the twentieth century has been well documented, there has been surprisingly little study of its long history in America's early conflicts, defined as these have been ...
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While conscientious objection in the twentieth century has been well documented, there has been surprisingly little study of its long history in America's early conflicts, defined as these have been by accounts of patriotism and nation building. In fact, during the period of conscription from the late 1650s to the end of the Civil War, many North Americans refused military service on the grounds of conscience. The author, who is one of the foremost historians of American pacifism, seeks to remedy this oversight by presenting a rich and varied collection of documents, many drawn from obscure sources, that shed new light on American religious and military history. These include legal findings, church and meeting proceedings, appeals by nonconformists to government authorities, and illuminating excerpts from personal journals. One of the most striking features to emerge from these documents is the critical role of religion in the history of American pacifism. The author finds that virtually all who refused military service in this period were inspired by religious convictions, with Quakers frequently being the most ardent dissenters. In the antebellum period, however, the pacifist spectrum expanded to include nonsectarians such as William Lloyd Garrison, founder of the New England Non‐Resistance Society. The book is arranged in six parts: Colonial America; English West Indies; Revolutionary America; Upper Canada [now Ontario]; The new republic to antebellum America; and Civil war America.Less
While conscientious objection in the twentieth century has been well documented, there has been surprisingly little study of its long history in America's early conflicts, defined as these have been by accounts of patriotism and nation building. In fact, during the period of conscription from the late 1650s to the end of the Civil War, many North Americans refused military service on the grounds of conscience. The author, who is one of the foremost historians of American pacifism, seeks to remedy this oversight by presenting a rich and varied collection of documents, many drawn from obscure sources, that shed new light on American religious and military history. These include legal findings, church and meeting proceedings, appeals by nonconformists to government authorities, and illuminating excerpts from personal journals. One of the most striking features to emerge from these documents is the critical role of religion in the history of American pacifism. The author finds that virtually all who refused military service in this period were inspired by religious convictions, with Quakers frequently being the most ardent dissenters. In the antebellum period, however, the pacifist spectrum expanded to include nonsectarians such as William Lloyd Garrison, founder of the New England Non‐Resistance Society. The book is arranged in six parts: Colonial America; English West Indies; Revolutionary America; Upper Canada [now Ontario]; The new republic to antebellum America; and Civil war America.
John Wilkins
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198269854
- eISBN:
- 9780191600517
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198269854.003.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Theology
John Wilkins observes that the Resurrection Summit, as the essays in this book show, was concerned to do much more than simply offer a riposte to the reductionist conclusions of the Jesus Seminar. ...
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John Wilkins observes that the Resurrection Summit, as the essays in this book show, was concerned to do much more than simply offer a riposte to the reductionist conclusions of the Jesus Seminar. Indeed, evident was the conviction that the full impact of the Resurrection had still not been realized in Christian life and ethics.Less
John Wilkins observes that the Resurrection Summit, as the essays in this book show, was concerned to do much more than simply offer a riposte to the reductionist conclusions of the Jesus Seminar. Indeed, evident was the conviction that the full impact of the Resurrection had still not been realized in Christian life and ethics.
Gary Scott Smith
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195300604
- eISBN:
- 9780199785285
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195300604.003.0012
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This examination of the lives of eleven presidents demonstrates that their faith has been vitally important to a substantial number of the occupants of the Oval Office. Their faith helped shape their ...
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This examination of the lives of eleven presidents demonstrates that their faith has been vitally important to a substantial number of the occupants of the Oval Office. Their faith helped shape their character, political philosophy, and style of governing. It also affected their relationships with religious groups and many of their policies. The policies they pursued to achieve these ends differed substantially, however, because of the religious traditions to which they belonged; their personalities and interests; their political parties, platforms, and perspectives; and the way they interpreted the Bible and conceived their political duties. Despite their differences, all eleven presidents emphasized the nation’s religious heritage, trumpeted the value of religion, called for spiritual renewal, and underscored the relationship between religious faith and morality. From George Washington to George W. Bush, they argued that God rules the universe, that the dictates of reason and revelation reinforce one another and supply a basis for both individual morality and public policy, and that religious faith best sustains the nation’s constitutional democracy and provides the strongest safeguard and support for republican virtue and liberty. These presidents have been both lauded and lambasted for their faith. Many have praised their personal piety and the influence of their religious convictions on various actions and policies, but others have complained that some chief executives have mistakenly (and dangerously) claimed to know God’s will on vital issues or that their faith influenced them to adopt policies that have harmed the nation. This final chapter evaluates how their religious convictions, their views of the separation of church and state, civil religion, and America as a chosen nation, and their character affected the work of these eleven presidents. The tremendous responsibilities and pressures and the trials and tribulations of the presidency inspired many of these eleven chief executives to develop a stronger faith. Faith — although not always orthodox, Christian faith — had a powerful influence on the thoughts and actions of many presidents, contributing significantly to their efforts to advance justice, peace, equality, compassion, and virtue.Less
This examination of the lives of eleven presidents demonstrates that their faith has been vitally important to a substantial number of the occupants of the Oval Office. Their faith helped shape their character, political philosophy, and style of governing. It also affected their relationships with religious groups and many of their policies. The policies they pursued to achieve these ends differed substantially, however, because of the religious traditions to which they belonged; their personalities and interests; their political parties, platforms, and perspectives; and the way they interpreted the Bible and conceived their political duties. Despite their differences, all eleven presidents emphasized the nation’s religious heritage, trumpeted the value of religion, called for spiritual renewal, and underscored the relationship between religious faith and morality. From George Washington to George W. Bush, they argued that God rules the universe, that the dictates of reason and revelation reinforce one another and supply a basis for both individual morality and public policy, and that religious faith best sustains the nation’s constitutional democracy and provides the strongest safeguard and support for republican virtue and liberty. These presidents have been both lauded and lambasted for their faith. Many have praised their personal piety and the influence of their religious convictions on various actions and policies, but others have complained that some chief executives have mistakenly (and dangerously) claimed to know God’s will on vital issues or that their faith influenced them to adopt policies that have harmed the nation. This final chapter evaluates how their religious convictions, their views of the separation of church and state, civil religion, and America as a chosen nation, and their character affected the work of these eleven presidents. The tremendous responsibilities and pressures and the trials and tribulations of the presidency inspired many of these eleven chief executives to develop a stronger faith. Faith — although not always orthodox, Christian faith — had a powerful influence on the thoughts and actions of many presidents, contributing significantly to their efforts to advance justice, peace, equality, compassion, and virtue.
Gary Scott Smith
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195300604
- eISBN:
- 9780199785285
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195300604.003.intro
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Religion and politics have been deeply intertwined throughout American history, and there is a long and rich tradition of both scholarly and popular analysis of American presidents. Although numerous ...
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Religion and politics have been deeply intertwined throughout American history, and there is a long and rich tradition of both scholarly and popular analysis of American presidents. Although numerous books explore the presidents’ personal piety and use of civil religion rhetoric, few books or articles examine, or even suggest, that their religious convictions influenced their public policies and performance as our nation’s chief executives. This book provides an in-depth analysis of the religious convictions and practices of eleven presidents who lived in different historical eras and had different denominational backgrounds. It focuses on those chief executives for whom religion was an important issue because of their own beliefs, the issues they confronted, the elections they participated in, and/or the times in which they lived. In evaluating the faith of these eleven presidents and the role of religion in their administrations, five themes are emphasized: the nature of their convictions, the separation of church and state, civil religion, America as a chosen nation, and the issue of character.Less
Religion and politics have been deeply intertwined throughout American history, and there is a long and rich tradition of both scholarly and popular analysis of American presidents. Although numerous books explore the presidents’ personal piety and use of civil religion rhetoric, few books or articles examine, or even suggest, that their religious convictions influenced their public policies and performance as our nation’s chief executives. This book provides an in-depth analysis of the religious convictions and practices of eleven presidents who lived in different historical eras and had different denominational backgrounds. It focuses on those chief executives for whom religion was an important issue because of their own beliefs, the issues they confronted, the elections they participated in, and/or the times in which they lived. In evaluating the faith of these eleven presidents and the role of religion in their administrations, five themes are emphasized: the nature of their convictions, the separation of church and state, civil religion, America as a chosen nation, and the issue of character.
Mary McClintock Fulkerson
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199296477
- eISBN:
- 9780191711930
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199296477.003.0007
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
This chapter focuses on the practices of Good Samaritan UMC in an attempt to become place for all to appear. Having reviewed the prominent practices that made this place, the question now is what ...
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This chapter focuses on the practices of Good Samaritan UMC in an attempt to become place for all to appear. Having reviewed the prominent practices that made this place, the question now is what they have in common and how they diverge. First, a synchronic look at three dominant images articulated in the practices and wider conversations in the community, always attending to the contributions of bodily habituations. Then, for a diachronic sense of communal identity the chapter turns to the role of conflict in the community, asking how divergence over time helped define both identity and faithfulness to identity. Finally, the chapter explores the role of the larger social formation in producing this place.Less
This chapter focuses on the practices of Good Samaritan UMC in an attempt to become place for all to appear. Having reviewed the prominent practices that made this place, the question now is what they have in common and how they diverge. First, a synchronic look at three dominant images articulated in the practices and wider conversations in the community, always attending to the contributions of bodily habituations. Then, for a diachronic sense of communal identity the chapter turns to the role of conflict in the community, asking how divergence over time helped define both identity and faithfulness to identity. Finally, the chapter explores the role of the larger social formation in producing this place.
Gary Scott Smith
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195300604
- eISBN:
- 9780199785285
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195300604.003.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Although the religious convictions and practices of many presidents have been ignored, Washington’s have been closely scrutinized and endlessly debated. Some authors have portrayed the Virginian as ...
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Although the religious convictions and practices of many presidents have been ignored, Washington’s have been closely scrutinized and endlessly debated. Some authors have portrayed the Virginian as the epitome of piety, while others have depicted him as the patron saint of skepticism. Washington was a life-long Episcopalian, but the fact that he said almost nothing publicly or privately about the precise nature of his beliefs has evoked competing claims that he was a devout Christian, a Unitarian, a “warm deist”, and a “theistic rationalist”. One point, however, is not debatable: Washington strongly believed that providence played a major role in helping the United States win the Revolutionary War and function successfully as a republic. Arguably no president has stressed the role of providence in the nation’s history more than Washington. His religious convictions are clearly evident in the pivotal role he played in helping establish religious liberty and toleration as key principles of the new nation. As president, Washington was the first major spokesperson and practitioner of American civil religion, and after his death he became a principal figure in its development.Less
Although the religious convictions and practices of many presidents have been ignored, Washington’s have been closely scrutinized and endlessly debated. Some authors have portrayed the Virginian as the epitome of piety, while others have depicted him as the patron saint of skepticism. Washington was a life-long Episcopalian, but the fact that he said almost nothing publicly or privately about the precise nature of his beliefs has evoked competing claims that he was a devout Christian, a Unitarian, a “warm deist”, and a “theistic rationalist”. One point, however, is not debatable: Washington strongly believed that providence played a major role in helping the United States win the Revolutionary War and function successfully as a republic. Arguably no president has stressed the role of providence in the nation’s history more than Washington. His religious convictions are clearly evident in the pivotal role he played in helping establish religious liberty and toleration as key principles of the new nation. As president, Washington was the first major spokesperson and practitioner of American civil religion, and after his death he became a principal figure in its development.
Richard Rorty
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294962
- eISBN:
- 9780191598708
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294964.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Most people nowadays believe both that a free society is one in which citizens participate in government, and that it is one in which people are, within the limits Mill defined, left alone to choose ...
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Most people nowadays believe both that a free society is one in which citizens participate in government, and that it is one in which people are, within the limits Mill defined, left alone to choose their own values and ends. Liberals should not allow themselves to be encumbered with the idea of a self which is prior to its ends: existentialist, Californian, self which can somehow sit back and choose ends, values, and affiliations without reference to anything except its own momentary pleasure. The pragmatist, minimalist liberal, position is: try to educate the citizenry in the civic virtue of having as few compelling interests, beliefs, and desires as possible, to get them to be as flexible and wishy-washy as possible, and to value democratic consensus more than they value almost anything else. When Sandel says that liberals who have a merely “cooperative” vision of a community cannot meet Nozickian objections to redistributivist policies, the minimalist liberal should reply that they are met sentimentally, by telling sob stories about what happens to the poor in nonredistributivist societies. What emerges from Rawlsian attempts to put the search for consensual compromise above moral and religious conviction is not an absence of morality and religion, but new moralities and new religions.Less
Most people nowadays believe both that a free society is one in which citizens participate in government, and that it is one in which people are, within the limits Mill defined, left alone to choose their own values and ends. Liberals should not allow themselves to be encumbered with the idea of a self which is prior to its ends: existentialist, Californian, self which can somehow sit back and choose ends, values, and affiliations without reference to anything except its own momentary pleasure. The pragmatist, minimalist liberal, position is: try to educate the citizenry in the civic virtue of having as few compelling interests, beliefs, and desires as possible, to get them to be as flexible and wishy-washy as possible, and to value democratic consensus more than they value almost anything else. When Sandel says that liberals who have a merely “cooperative” vision of a community cannot meet Nozickian objections to redistributivist policies, the minimalist liberal should reply that they are met sentimentally, by telling sob stories about what happens to the poor in nonredistributivist societies. What emerges from Rawlsian attempts to put the search for consensual compromise above moral and religious conviction is not an absence of morality and religion, but new moralities and new religions.
Lawrence S. Wrightsman and Mary L. Pitman
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199730902
- eISBN:
- 9780199776986
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199730902.003.004
- Subject:
- Psychology, Forensic Psychology
This is the first of four chapters describing different causes for the less-than-anticipated impact of the Miranda decision. The decision was a compromise, and did not go as far as it could have. For ...
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This is the first of four chapters describing different causes for the less-than-anticipated impact of the Miranda decision. The decision was a compromise, and did not go as far as it could have. For example, the justices considered, but rejected, a requirement of an attorney’s presence when the warnings were given. The decision limited the application of the warnings to only those interrogations when the defendant was “in custody,” and the Court was vague about the timing requirements.Less
This is the first of four chapters describing different causes for the less-than-anticipated impact of the Miranda decision. The decision was a compromise, and did not go as far as it could have. For example, the justices considered, but rejected, a requirement of an attorney’s presence when the warnings were given. The decision limited the application of the warnings to only those interrogations when the defendant was “in custody,” and the Court was vague about the timing requirements.
Andrew Simester (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199278510
- eISBN:
- 9780191706967
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199278510.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Criminal Law and Criminology
Strict liability is a controversial phenomenon in the criminal law because of its potential to convict blameless persons. Offences are said to impose strict liability when, in relation to one or more ...
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Strict liability is a controversial phenomenon in the criminal law because of its potential to convict blameless persons. Offences are said to impose strict liability when, in relation to one or more elements of the actus reus, there is no need for the prosecution to prove a corresponding mens rea or fault element. For example, in the 1986 case of Storkwain, the defendant chemists were convicted of selling controlled medicines without prescription simply upon proof that they had in fact done so. It was irrelevant that they neither knew nor had reason to suspect that the ‘prescriptions’ they fulfilled were forgeries. Thus strict liability offences have the potential to generate criminal convictions of persons who are morally innocent. This book is a collection of contributions offering a consideration of the problem of strict liability in the criminal law. The chapters, including European and Anglo-American perspectives, provide an examination of the fundamental issues. They explore the definition of strict liability; the relationship between strict liability and blame, and its implications for the requirement for culpability in criminal law; the relevance of European and human rights jurisprudence; and the interaction between substantive rules of strict liability and evidential presumptions.Less
Strict liability is a controversial phenomenon in the criminal law because of its potential to convict blameless persons. Offences are said to impose strict liability when, in relation to one or more elements of the actus reus, there is no need for the prosecution to prove a corresponding mens rea or fault element. For example, in the 1986 case of Storkwain, the defendant chemists were convicted of selling controlled medicines without prescription simply upon proof that they had in fact done so. It was irrelevant that they neither knew nor had reason to suspect that the ‘prescriptions’ they fulfilled were forgeries. Thus strict liability offences have the potential to generate criminal convictions of persons who are morally innocent. This book is a collection of contributions offering a consideration of the problem of strict liability in the criminal law. The chapters, including European and Anglo-American perspectives, provide an examination of the fundamental issues. They explore the definition of strict liability; the relationship between strict liability and blame, and its implications for the requirement for culpability in criminal law; the relevance of European and human rights jurisprudence; and the interaction between substantive rules of strict liability and evidential presumptions.
Guénaél Mettraux
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199207541
- eISBN:
- 9780191709203
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199207541.003.0022
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration
If the conditions of liability required by both Articles 7(1)/6(1) and 7(3)/6(3) of the statutes of the ad hoc tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and for Rwanda, respectively, are met, could the ...
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If the conditions of liability required by both Articles 7(1)/6(1) and 7(3)/6(3) of the statutes of the ad hoc tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and for Rwanda, respectively, are met, could the accused then be found responsible for taking part in the commission of this crime as well as failing in his duty to prevent or punish it? While Articles 7(1)/6(1) sanction an individual’s involvement in the commission of a crime, Articles 7(3)/6(3) punish the superior’s failure to fulfil his obligations as a commander which are specifically placed upon any superior or commander. In order to show the totality of his guilt while not convicting him twice for the same acts, the appeals chamber said that an accused who meets the requirements of both Article 7(1) and Article 7(3) of the statute for the Yugoslav tribunal should be convicted pursuant to Article 7(1) whilst his position as a superior should be regarded as an aggravating factor for sentencing.Less
If the conditions of liability required by both Articles 7(1)/6(1) and 7(3)/6(3) of the statutes of the ad hoc tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and for Rwanda, respectively, are met, could the accused then be found responsible for taking part in the commission of this crime as well as failing in his duty to prevent or punish it? While Articles 7(1)/6(1) sanction an individual’s involvement in the commission of a crime, Articles 7(3)/6(3) punish the superior’s failure to fulfil his obligations as a commander which are specifically placed upon any superior or commander. In order to show the totality of his guilt while not convicting him twice for the same acts, the appeals chamber said that an accused who meets the requirements of both Article 7(1) and Article 7(3) of the statute for the Yugoslav tribunal should be convicted pursuant to Article 7(1) whilst his position as a superior should be regarded as an aggravating factor for sentencing.
Guénaél Mettraux
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199207541
- eISBN:
- 9780191709203
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199207541.003.0025
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration
Both genocide and war crimes are regarded as serious violations of international humanitarian law. Just as with genocide, war crimes may, in principle, be committed by and against civilians and ...
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Both genocide and war crimes are regarded as serious violations of international humanitarian law. Just as with genocide, war crimes may, in principle, be committed by and against civilians and military alike. The law of genocide and the laws of war have very different origins, however, and both categories of crime cover essentially different protected interests. War crimes and genocide contain a number of elements which are not required by the other, the most obvious being that while war crimes, of their nature, may only be committed in times of war, genocide may be committed during war or peace. Under the prevailing test of cumulative convictions developed by a majority of the appeals chamber, an individual who has been charged with both war crimes and genocide for the same criminal conduct could be convicted for both categories of crimes.Less
Both genocide and war crimes are regarded as serious violations of international humanitarian law. Just as with genocide, war crimes may, in principle, be committed by and against civilians and military alike. The law of genocide and the laws of war have very different origins, however, and both categories of crime cover essentially different protected interests. War crimes and genocide contain a number of elements which are not required by the other, the most obvious being that while war crimes, of their nature, may only be committed in times of war, genocide may be committed during war or peace. Under the prevailing test of cumulative convictions developed by a majority of the appeals chamber, an individual who has been charged with both war crimes and genocide for the same criminal conduct could be convicted for both categories of crimes.
John J. DiIulio Jr.
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195323443
- eISBN:
- 9780199869145
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195323443.003.0005
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Since most academic disciplinary communities emphasize narrow expertise, talking about religion can easily be perceived (except for faculty credentialed in religious studies) as amateurish and ...
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Since most academic disciplinary communities emphasize narrow expertise, talking about religion can easily be perceived (except for faculty credentialed in religious studies) as amateurish and unscholarly. Edwards argues that the professional formation of faculty, both in graduate schools and in the promotion and tenure process, encourages faculty to bracket personal religious convictions from their work as scholars and teachers. Yet there are important questions—questions about metaphysics, morality, and personal self‐disclosure—where religion is a natural component. As faculty work with students, it may not be necessary to automatically push religion aside.Less
Since most academic disciplinary communities emphasize narrow expertise, talking about religion can easily be perceived (except for faculty credentialed in religious studies) as amateurish and unscholarly. Edwards argues that the professional formation of faculty, both in graduate schools and in the promotion and tenure process, encourages faculty to bracket personal religious convictions from their work as scholars and teachers. Yet there are important questions—questions about metaphysics, morality, and personal self‐disclosure—where religion is a natural component. As faculty work with students, it may not be necessary to automatically push religion aside.
Méadhbh McIvor
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- May 2021
- ISBN:
- 9780691193632
- eISBN:
- 9780691211619
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691193632.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Sociology of Religion
Over the past two decades, a growing number of Christians in England have gone to court to enforce their right to religious liberty. Funded by conservative lobby groups and influenced by the legal ...
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Over the past two decades, a growing number of Christians in England have gone to court to enforce their right to religious liberty. Funded by conservative lobby groups and influenced by the legal strategies of their American peers, these claimants — registrars who conscientiously object to performing the marriages of same-sex couples, say, or employees asking for exceptions to uniform policies that forbid visible crucifixes — highlight the uneasy truce between law and religion in a country that maintains an established Church but is wary of public displays of religious conviction. This book charts the changing place of public Christianity in England through the rise of Christian political activism and litigation. The book explores the ideas and contested reception of this ostensibly American-inspired legal rhetoric. It argues that legal challenges aimed at protecting “Christian values” ultimately jeopardize those values, as moralities woven into the fabric of English national life are filtered from their quotidian context and rebranded as the niche interests of a cultural minority. By framing certain moral practices as specifically Christian, these activists present their religious convictions as something increasingly set apart from broader English culture, thereby hastening the secularization they seek to counter. The book offers a unique look at how Christian politico-legal activism in England simultaneously responds to and constitutes the religious life of a nation.Less
Over the past two decades, a growing number of Christians in England have gone to court to enforce their right to religious liberty. Funded by conservative lobby groups and influenced by the legal strategies of their American peers, these claimants — registrars who conscientiously object to performing the marriages of same-sex couples, say, or employees asking for exceptions to uniform policies that forbid visible crucifixes — highlight the uneasy truce between law and religion in a country that maintains an established Church but is wary of public displays of religious conviction. This book charts the changing place of public Christianity in England through the rise of Christian political activism and litigation. The book explores the ideas and contested reception of this ostensibly American-inspired legal rhetoric. It argues that legal challenges aimed at protecting “Christian values” ultimately jeopardize those values, as moralities woven into the fabric of English national life are filtered from their quotidian context and rebranded as the niche interests of a cultural minority. By framing certain moral practices as specifically Christian, these activists present their religious convictions as something increasingly set apart from broader English culture, thereby hastening the secularization they seek to counter. The book offers a unique look at how Christian politico-legal activism in England simultaneously responds to and constitutes the religious life of a nation.
Claudio Lomnitz-Adler
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520077881
- eISBN:
- 9780520912472
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520077881.003.0015
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Latin American Cultural Anthropology
Power makes for a regional structure of places. This “structure of places” is made up of a set of loci for cultural interaction, and a set of ideologies about relative positions. “Places” are ...
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Power makes for a regional structure of places. This “structure of places” is made up of a set of loci for cultural interaction, and a set of ideologies about relative positions. “Places” are therefore both objective and subjective situations. “Culture” can be felt with conviction, or it can be played from an emotional distance. The spatial structures of cultural production that have been investigated reveal a kind of system to these processes of disaffection and conviction. Octavio Paz saw “masks” as reflections of solitude—as reflections of a personal and collective concealment because of their insecurity vis-à-vis others. He was probably right about the transition that Mexican culture was going through when he wrote The Labyrinth of Solitude. Paz also claimed that Mexican history was the history of a man looking for his filiation.Less
Power makes for a regional structure of places. This “structure of places” is made up of a set of loci for cultural interaction, and a set of ideologies about relative positions. “Places” are therefore both objective and subjective situations. “Culture” can be felt with conviction, or it can be played from an emotional distance. The spatial structures of cultural production that have been investigated reveal a kind of system to these processes of disaffection and conviction. Octavio Paz saw “masks” as reflections of solitude—as reflections of a personal and collective concealment because of their insecurity vis-à-vis others. He was probably right about the transition that Mexican culture was going through when he wrote The Labyrinth of Solitude. Paz also claimed that Mexican history was the history of a man looking for his filiation.
Kevin Jon Heller
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199554317
- eISBN:
- 9780191728624
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199554317.003.0018
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law, Criminal Law and Criminology
This concluding chapter ends the book by summarizing the lessons of the previous chapters and asking whether the trials were successful. It covers issues such as retributive justice, documentary ...
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This concluding chapter ends the book by summarizing the lessons of the previous chapters and asking whether the trials were successful. It covers issues such as retributive justice, documentary record, and wrongful acquittals and convictions.Less
This concluding chapter ends the book by summarizing the lessons of the previous chapters and asking whether the trials were successful. It covers issues such as retributive justice, documentary record, and wrongful acquittals and convictions.
Edward N. Luttwak
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199608638
- eISBN:
- 9780191731754
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199608638.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The Byzantine Empire—the de facto continuation of the Roman Empire—lasted more than twice as long as its Western counterpart, which dissolved in the fifth century. Its endurance—approximately 800 ...
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The Byzantine Empire—the de facto continuation of the Roman Empire—lasted more than twice as long as its Western counterpart, which dissolved in the fifth century. Its endurance—approximately 800 years—is all the more remarkable because it was favoured neither by geography nor by military dominance. In Chapter 3, Edward Luttwak asserts that the Byzantine Empire relied less on military strength than on persuasion—to recruit allies, dissuade threatening neighbours, and manipulate potential enemies into attacking one another. The Byzantines had a grand strategy, even if it was never stated explicitly, and applied it so consistently that one might refer to it as the Byzantine ‘operational code’. Luttwak concludes that a key to the Byzantines' success was that military strategy was subordinated to diplomacy instead of the other way round, and used mostly to contain or intimidate rather than to attack or defend with full force.Less
The Byzantine Empire—the de facto continuation of the Roman Empire—lasted more than twice as long as its Western counterpart, which dissolved in the fifth century. Its endurance—approximately 800 years—is all the more remarkable because it was favoured neither by geography nor by military dominance. In Chapter 3, Edward Luttwak asserts that the Byzantine Empire relied less on military strength than on persuasion—to recruit allies, dissuade threatening neighbours, and manipulate potential enemies into attacking one another. The Byzantines had a grand strategy, even if it was never stated explicitly, and applied it so consistently that one might refer to it as the Byzantine ‘operational code’. Luttwak concludes that a key to the Byzantines' success was that military strategy was subordinated to diplomacy instead of the other way round, and used mostly to contain or intimidate rather than to attack or defend with full force.
Maureen Junker‐Kenny
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199566624
- eISBN:
- 9780191722042
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199566624.003.0004
- Subject:
- Religion, Theology, Religion and Society
This chapter compares John Rawls's and Jürgen Habermas's concepts of ‘public reason’ in their starting points and methods as the framework for the role accorded to religious convictions within ...
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This chapter compares John Rawls's and Jürgen Habermas's concepts of ‘public reason’ in their starting points and methods as the framework for the role accorded to religious convictions within democratic opinion- and will-formation. Differences identified as crucial for the place of comprehensive doctrines are: the understanding of the tasks imposed by pluralism; the status and scope accorded to morality; autonomy as the normative basis of democracy; the public/private distinction; the relationship between reason and consensus; and the hermeneutical or critical function of philosophy. Habermas's new move to accept religious contributions to public reason is based on his understanding of democracy as a learning project and on his appreciation of their motivating and critical potential over against the pathologies of liberal societies. His demand for mutual ‘translation’ between secular and religious fellow-citizens is evaluated theologically. It needs to be developed to encompass the relations between reason, revelation, and inculturation, as well as practical reason and its hope for the highest good, to allow for the creativity of new cultural syntheses.Less
This chapter compares John Rawls's and Jürgen Habermas's concepts of ‘public reason’ in their starting points and methods as the framework for the role accorded to religious convictions within democratic opinion- and will-formation. Differences identified as crucial for the place of comprehensive doctrines are: the understanding of the tasks imposed by pluralism; the status and scope accorded to morality; autonomy as the normative basis of democracy; the public/private distinction; the relationship between reason and consensus; and the hermeneutical or critical function of philosophy. Habermas's new move to accept religious contributions to public reason is based on his understanding of democracy as a learning project and on his appreciation of their motivating and critical potential over against the pathologies of liberal societies. His demand for mutual ‘translation’ between secular and religious fellow-citizens is evaluated theologically. It needs to be developed to encompass the relations between reason, revelation, and inculturation, as well as practical reason and its hope for the highest good, to allow for the creativity of new cultural syntheses.
John G. Stackhouse
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195138078
- eISBN:
- 9780199834679
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195138074.003.0004
- Subject:
- Religion, Theology
Consumerism is an outlook that frames everything in terms of consumption by the sovereign self. After having scrutinized basic convictions of consumerism, this chapter lists the effects of ...
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Consumerism is an outlook that frames everything in terms of consumption by the sovereign self. After having scrutinized basic convictions of consumerism, this chapter lists the effects of consumerism on the shape of religion in the private and public sphere. In the private sphere, religion becomes viewed as a consumer good; religions themselves become segmented into parts from which one may freely pick and choose according to one's needs, i.e., “Sheilaism.” Religion is selected or constructed by the self for the self, evident even in traditional Christian circles in the practice of “church‐shopping.” In the public sphere, consumerism reshapes religion such that any traits of religion contrary to the consumerist impulse are discarded. The chapter concludes, however, with the hopeful suggestion that because authentic Christianity is countercultural, it has the possibility of revitalizing modernity, rather than merely perpetuating it.Less
Consumerism is an outlook that frames everything in terms of consumption by the sovereign self. After having scrutinized basic convictions of consumerism, this chapter lists the effects of consumerism on the shape of religion in the private and public sphere. In the private sphere, religion becomes viewed as a consumer good; religions themselves become segmented into parts from which one may freely pick and choose according to one's needs, i.e., “Sheilaism.” Religion is selected or constructed by the self for the self, evident even in traditional Christian circles in the practice of “church‐shopping.” In the public sphere, consumerism reshapes religion such that any traits of religion contrary to the consumerist impulse are discarded. The chapter concludes, however, with the hopeful suggestion that because authentic Christianity is countercultural, it has the possibility of revitalizing modernity, rather than merely perpetuating it.
Franklin E. Zimring, Gordon Hawkins, and Sam Kamin
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195171174
- eISBN:
- 9780199849765
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195171174.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Criminal Law and Criminology
“Getting tough on crime” has been one of the favorite rallying cries of American politicians in the last two decades, and “getting tough” on repeat offenders has been particularly popular. “Three ...
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“Getting tough on crime” has been one of the favorite rallying cries of American politicians in the last two decades, and “getting tough” on repeat offenders has been particularly popular. “Three strikes and you're out” laws, which effectively impose a twenty-five-years-to-life sentence at the moment of a third felony conviction, have been passed in twenty-six states. California's version of the “three strikes” law, enacted in 1994, was broader and more severe than measures considered or passed in any other state. This book provides an examination of the actual impact this law has had. This book looks at the origins of the law in California, compares it to other crackdown laws, and analyzes the data collected on crime rates in Los Angeles, San Diego, and San Francisco in the year before and the two years after the law went into effect. Chapters show that the “three strikes” law was a significant development in criminal justice policy making, not only at the state level, but also at the national level. It concludes with an examination of the trend toward populist initiatives driving penal policy.Less
“Getting tough on crime” has been one of the favorite rallying cries of American politicians in the last two decades, and “getting tough” on repeat offenders has been particularly popular. “Three strikes and you're out” laws, which effectively impose a twenty-five-years-to-life sentence at the moment of a third felony conviction, have been passed in twenty-six states. California's version of the “three strikes” law, enacted in 1994, was broader and more severe than measures considered or passed in any other state. This book provides an examination of the actual impact this law has had. This book looks at the origins of the law in California, compares it to other crackdown laws, and analyzes the data collected on crime rates in Los Angeles, San Diego, and San Francisco in the year before and the two years after the law went into effect. Chapters show that the “three strikes” law was a significant development in criminal justice policy making, not only at the state level, but also at the national level. It concludes with an examination of the trend toward populist initiatives driving penal policy.
