Matthew Flinders
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199271603
- eISBN:
- 9780191709241
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199271603.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics, Political Economy
This final chapter locates the core findings of this book within a number of broader themes and agendas. In particular, it argues for scholarly interest in the politics of delegation to be matched by ...
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This final chapter locates the core findings of this book within a number of broader themes and agendas. In particular, it argues for scholarly interest in the politics of delegation to be matched by what is termed the politicization of delegation. By this, the chapter means that the logic of delegation itself, rather than its consequences, needs to be the focus of critical political analysis in order to push the process back within the sphere of public contestation.Less
This final chapter locates the core findings of this book within a number of broader themes and agendas. In particular, it argues for scholarly interest in the politics of delegation to be matched by what is termed the politicization of delegation. By this, the chapter means that the logic of delegation itself, rather than its consequences, needs to be the focus of critical political analysis in order to push the process back within the sphere of public contestation.
Michael Jacobs
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294894
- eISBN:
- 9780191599064
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294891.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Environmental Politics
Here Michael Jacobs notes that sustainable development has come to mean all things to all people but argues this does not mean it has no theoretical or policy relevance. It is a ‘contested’ rather ...
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Here Michael Jacobs notes that sustainable development has come to mean all things to all people but argues this does not mean it has no theoretical or policy relevance. It is a ‘contested’ rather than an empty concept, and Jacobs identifies four ‘faultlines’ that produce two distinct conceptions of sustainable development which he calls ‘radical’ and ‘conservative’. The faultlines are: limits to growth, environmental protection, equity, and participation. Jacobs argues in favour of the radical conception.Less
Here Michael Jacobs notes that sustainable development has come to mean all things to all people but argues this does not mean it has no theoretical or policy relevance. It is a ‘contested’ rather than an empty concept, and Jacobs identifies four ‘faultlines’ that produce two distinct conceptions of sustainable development which he calls ‘radical’ and ‘conservative’. The faultlines are: limits to growth, environmental protection, equity, and participation. Jacobs argues in favour of the radical conception.
Colin Crouch
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198279747
- eISBN:
- 9780191599019
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198279744.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Starting from a formal rational choice model of the employment relationship, this part goes on to develop a basic typology of forms of industrial relations system: contestation, pluralistic ...
More
Starting from a formal rational choice model of the employment relationship, this part goes on to develop a basic typology of forms of industrial relations system: contestation, pluralistic collective bargaining, authoritarian corporatism, and neo‐corporatism.Less
Starting from a formal rational choice model of the employment relationship, this part goes on to develop a basic typology of forms of industrial relations system: contestation, pluralistic collective bargaining, authoritarian corporatism, and neo‐corporatism.
Colin Crouch
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198279747
- eISBN:
- 9780191599019
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198279744.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Theoretical arguments developed in the previous chapter are related to the concept of political space and the role of the state in Western European experience.
Theoretical arguments developed in the previous chapter are related to the concept of political space and the role of the state in Western European experience.
Colin Crouch
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198279747
- eISBN:
- 9780191599019
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198279744.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Changes in relations between states, organized employers, and trade unions in western European countries are tracked through a series of 'snapshots’, concentrating on the situation reached around ...
More
Changes in relations between states, organized employers, and trade unions in western European countries are tracked through a series of 'snapshots’, concentrating on the situation reached around 1870, 1900, and 1914. At each moment there is a review, partly quantitative, of the position of trade union and employer organization, the role of the state, industrial conflict, and the development of relations among the partners. These data are used to map national cases against the theoretical scheme developed in Part I.Less
Changes in relations between states, organized employers, and trade unions in western European countries are tracked through a series of 'snapshots’, concentrating on the situation reached around 1870, 1900, and 1914. At each moment there is a review, partly quantitative, of the position of trade union and employer organization, the role of the state, industrial conflict, and the development of relations among the partners. These data are used to map national cases against the theoretical scheme developed in Part I.
Colin Crouch
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198279747
- eISBN:
- 9780191599019
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198279744.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Changes in relations between states, organized employers, and trade unions in western European countries are tracked through a series of 'snapshots’, concentrating on the situation reached around ...
More
Changes in relations between states, organized employers, and trade unions in western European countries are tracked through a series of 'snapshots’, concentrating on the situation reached around 1925 and 1938. At each moment there is a review, partly quantitative, of the position of trade union and employer organization, the role of the state, industrial conflict and the development of relations among the partners. These data are used to map national cases against the theoretical scheme developed in Part I.Less
Changes in relations between states, organized employers, and trade unions in western European countries are tracked through a series of 'snapshots’, concentrating on the situation reached around 1925 and 1938. At each moment there is a review, partly quantitative, of the position of trade union and employer organization, the role of the state, industrial conflict and the development of relations among the partners. These data are used to map national cases against the theoretical scheme developed in Part I.
Colin Crouch
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198279747
- eISBN:
- 9780191599019
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198279744.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Changes in relations between states, organized employers and trade unions in western European countries are tracked through a series of 'snapshots’, concentrating on the situation reached around 1950 ...
More
Changes in relations between states, organized employers and trade unions in western European countries are tracked through a series of 'snapshots’, concentrating on the situation reached around 1950 and 1962. At each moment there is a review, partly quantitative, of the position of trade union and employer organization, the role of the state, industrial conflict and the development of relations among the partners. These data are used to map national cases against the theoretical scheme developed in Part I.Less
Changes in relations between states, organized employers and trade unions in western European countries are tracked through a series of 'snapshots’, concentrating on the situation reached around 1950 and 1962. At each moment there is a review, partly quantitative, of the position of trade union and employer organization, the role of the state, industrial conflict and the development of relations among the partners. These data are used to map national cases against the theoretical scheme developed in Part I.
Colin Crouch
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198279747
- eISBN:
- 9780191599019
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198279744.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Changes in relations between states, organized employers and trade unions in western European countries are tracked through a series of 'snapshots’, concentrating on the situation reached around 1975 ...
More
Changes in relations between states, organized employers and trade unions in western European countries are tracked through a series of 'snapshots’, concentrating on the situation reached around 1975 and 1990. At each moment there is a review, partly quantitative, of the position of trade union and employer organization, the role of the state, industrial conflict and the development of relations among the partners. These data are used to map national cases against the theoretical scheme developed in Part I.Less
Changes in relations between states, organized employers and trade unions in western European countries are tracked through a series of 'snapshots’, concentrating on the situation reached around 1975 and 1990. At each moment there is a review, partly quantitative, of the position of trade union and employer organization, the role of the state, industrial conflict and the development of relations among the partners. These data are used to map national cases against the theoretical scheme developed in Part I.
Colin Crouch
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198279747
- eISBN:
- 9780191599019
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198279744.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The overall trajectory of developments outlined in the previous chapters, covering the whole period from 1870 to 1990, is described for all 15 countries.
The overall trajectory of developments outlined in the previous chapters, covering the whole period from 1870 to 1990, is described for all 15 countries.
Colin Crouch
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199250158
- eISBN:
- 9780191599439
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199250154.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Organizations representing economic interests within individual nation states peaked in both social importance and academic interest during the 1970s and 1980s. It is often argued that since then ...
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Organizations representing economic interests within individual nation states peaked in both social importance and academic interest during the 1970s and 1980s. It is often argued that since then they have declined in significance. There are four reasons for this: increasing economic globalization, the dominance of neo–liberal economic ideology, the rise of the individual enterprise, and the challenge of various non–functional (non–producer) interests. This chapter assesses the significance of each of these, paying attention to both general or convergent trends and to those that suggest differences of national experience among European countries. The range of organizations included in the discussion are first established, and the four types of interest relationships (contestation, pluralism, bargained corporatism and authoritarian corporatism) between the organizations and their members and those with whom they deal are identified.Less
Organizations representing economic interests within individual nation states peaked in both social importance and academic interest during the 1970s and 1980s. It is often argued that since then they have declined in significance. There are four reasons for this: increasing economic globalization, the dominance of neo–liberal economic ideology, the rise of the individual enterprise, and the challenge of various non–functional (non–producer) interests. This chapter assesses the significance of each of these, paying attention to both general or convergent trends and to those that suggest differences of national experience among European countries. The range of organizations included in the discussion are first established, and the four types of interest relationships (contestation, pluralism, bargained corporatism and authoritarian corporatism) between the organizations and their members and those with whom they deal are identified.
Philip Pettit
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198296423
- eISBN:
- 9780191600081
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198296428.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
The republican state must not only seek to combat the effects of dominium in giving rise to domination, it must also guard against the domination that can be associated with the imperium of ...
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The republican state must not only seek to combat the effects of dominium in giving rise to domination, it must also guard against the domination that can be associated with the imperium of government. If the way in which government operates is not to be subject to manipulation on an arbitrary basis, then there are a number of constitutionalist conditions, which it must plausibly fulfil and these have also been identified as important in the republican tradition. They include the rule of law, the separation of power, and counter‐majoritarian safeguards. Not all discretion can be profitably removed, however, and the only way for a republican regime to guarantee that this exercise of discretion is not hostile to the interests and ideas of people at large, or of some section of the community, is to introduce systematic possibilities for ordinary people to contest the doings of government. This points us towards the ideal of a democracy, based not on the alleged consent of the people, but rather on the contestability by the people of everything that government does. A contestatory democracy will have to be deliberative, requiring that decisions be based on considerations of allegedly common concern, if there is to be a systematically available basis for people to challenge what the government does. It will have to be inclusive, making room for people from every quarter to be able to press challenges against legislative, executive, or judicial decisions. And it will have to be responsive to the contestations that are brought against government decisions.Less
The republican state must not only seek to combat the effects of dominium in giving rise to domination, it must also guard against the domination that can be associated with the imperium of government. If the way in which government operates is not to be subject to manipulation on an arbitrary basis, then there are a number of constitutionalist conditions, which it must plausibly fulfil and these have also been identified as important in the republican tradition. They include the rule of law, the separation of power, and counter‐majoritarian safeguards. Not all discretion can be profitably removed, however, and the only way for a republican regime to guarantee that this exercise of discretion is not hostile to the interests and ideas of people at large, or of some section of the community, is to introduce systematic possibilities for ordinary people to contest the doings of government. This points us towards the ideal of a democracy, based not on the alleged consent of the people, but rather on the contestability by the people of everything that government does. A contestatory democracy will have to be deliberative, requiring that decisions be based on considerations of allegedly common concern, if there is to be a systematically available basis for people to challenge what the government does. It will have to be inclusive, making room for people from every quarter to be able to press challenges against legislative, executive, or judicial decisions. And it will have to be responsive to the contestations that are brought against government decisions.
John S. Dryzek
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199250431
- eISBN:
- 9780191717253
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019925043X.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Some social choice theorists attempt to turn the science of politics against democracy in general and deliberative democracy in particular. They claim the arbitrariness and instability of democracy ...
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Some social choice theorists attempt to turn the science of politics against democracy in general and deliberative democracy in particular. They claim the arbitrariness and instability of democracy will be exacerbated by unconstrained deliberation. The response shows that there are mechanisms endogenous to deliberation that can respond to the social choice theory critique, emphasizing the construction of public opinion through the contestation of discourses in the public sphere and its transmission to the state by communicative means, including rhetoric.Less
Some social choice theorists attempt to turn the science of politics against democracy in general and deliberative democracy in particular. They claim the arbitrariness and instability of democracy will be exacerbated by unconstrained deliberation. The response shows that there are mechanisms endogenous to deliberation that can respond to the social choice theory critique, emphasizing the construction of public opinion through the contestation of discourses in the public sphere and its transmission to the state by communicative means, including rhetoric.
Teofilo F. Ruiz
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691153575
- eISBN:
- 9781400842247
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691153575.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This book examines the scripting and performance of festivals in Spain between 1327 and 1620, offering an unprecedented look at the different types of festivals that were held in Iberia during this ...
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This book examines the scripting and performance of festivals in Spain between 1327 and 1620, offering an unprecedented look at the different types of festivals that were held in Iberia during this crucial period of European history. Bridging the gap between the medieval and early modern eras, the book focuses on the travels and festivities of Philip II, exploring the complex relationship between power and ceremony, and offering a vibrant portrait of Spain's cultural and political life. The book covers a range of festival categories and probes the ritual meanings of these events, paying special attention to the use of colors and symbols, and to the power relations articulated through these festive displays. It argues that the fluid and at times subversive character of medieval festivals gave way to highly formalized and hierarchical events reflecting a broader shift in how power was articulated in late medieval and early modern Spain. Yet the book contends that these festivals, while they sought to buttress authority and instruct different social orders about hierarchies of power, also served as sites of contestation, dialogue, and resistance. The book sheds new light on Iberian festive traditions and their unique role in the centralizing state in early modern Castile.Less
This book examines the scripting and performance of festivals in Spain between 1327 and 1620, offering an unprecedented look at the different types of festivals that were held in Iberia during this crucial period of European history. Bridging the gap between the medieval and early modern eras, the book focuses on the travels and festivities of Philip II, exploring the complex relationship between power and ceremony, and offering a vibrant portrait of Spain's cultural and political life. The book covers a range of festival categories and probes the ritual meanings of these events, paying special attention to the use of colors and symbols, and to the power relations articulated through these festive displays. It argues that the fluid and at times subversive character of medieval festivals gave way to highly formalized and hierarchical events reflecting a broader shift in how power was articulated in late medieval and early modern Spain. Yet the book contends that these festivals, while they sought to buttress authority and instruct different social orders about hierarchies of power, also served as sites of contestation, dialogue, and resistance. The book sheds new light on Iberian festive traditions and their unique role in the centralizing state in early modern Castile.
Barry Stephenson
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199732753
- eISBN:
- 9780199777310
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199732753.003.0007
- Subject:
- Religion, History of Christianity, Religion and Society
This chapter examines Wittenberg as a Lutheran pilgrimage site. The various Lutheran organizations promoting and developing the town as a pilgrimage site are discussed, along with tensions between ...
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This chapter examines Wittenberg as a Lutheran pilgrimage site. The various Lutheran organizations promoting and developing the town as a pilgrimage site are discussed, along with tensions between these groups. The chapter argues that sacred quality of Wittenberg is a kind of void or blank slate, on which various groups inscribe meaning and significance. As a pilgrimage site, Wittenberg often occasions conflict and tension between the various Lutheran groups.Less
This chapter examines Wittenberg as a Lutheran pilgrimage site. The various Lutheran organizations promoting and developing the town as a pilgrimage site are discussed, along with tensions between these groups. The chapter argues that sacred quality of Wittenberg is a kind of void or blank slate, on which various groups inscribe meaning and significance. As a pilgrimage site, Wittenberg often occasions conflict and tension between the various Lutheran groups.
Ross Shepard Kraemer
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199743186
- eISBN:
- 9780199894680
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199743186.003.0007
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion in the Ancient World
Drawing on previous chapters, this chapter explores further the relationships between religion and ancient constructions of gender. Most religion in the ancient Mediterranean was gender-specific. ...
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Drawing on previous chapters, this chapter explores further the relationships between religion and ancient constructions of gender. Most religion in the ancient Mediterranean was gender-specific. Shared practices usually had gendered dimensions: even seemingly gender-neutral Christian practices (prayer, prophecy, singing of hymns) encoded ancient constructions of gender. Engaging the work of Pierre Bourdieu that religion “ratifies and amplifies” already existing constructions of gender, the author concludes that religion is one of those many social practices that are both gendered and gendering. Religion in antiquity produced properly gendered persons, both female (passive, subordinated) and male (active, dominating). Yet some ancient religious practices constituted attacks on gender asymmetry and social imbalance, and gender was regularly a site of cultural contestation worked out in religious contexts, such as rabbinic and Christian refashionings of Roman constructions of masculinity. Kraemer ends with several observations. Unmasking the history, contingency, and artifice of gender threatens to unmask those of religious claims as well. Yet just as the emerging field of cognitive science may explain the cognitive basis of religious thinking without authorizing religion, so, too, it may be able to explain why ideas of gender difference are so pervasive in human thought, while allowing us to refuse them as well. Such work, though, remains to be done by others.Less
Drawing on previous chapters, this chapter explores further the relationships between religion and ancient constructions of gender. Most religion in the ancient Mediterranean was gender-specific. Shared practices usually had gendered dimensions: even seemingly gender-neutral Christian practices (prayer, prophecy, singing of hymns) encoded ancient constructions of gender. Engaging the work of Pierre Bourdieu that religion “ratifies and amplifies” already existing constructions of gender, the author concludes that religion is one of those many social practices that are both gendered and gendering. Religion in antiquity produced properly gendered persons, both female (passive, subordinated) and male (active, dominating). Yet some ancient religious practices constituted attacks on gender asymmetry and social imbalance, and gender was regularly a site of cultural contestation worked out in religious contexts, such as rabbinic and Christian refashionings of Roman constructions of masculinity. Kraemer ends with several observations. Unmasking the history, contingency, and artifice of gender threatens to unmask those of religious claims as well. Yet just as the emerging field of cognitive science may explain the cognitive basis of religious thinking without authorizing religion, so, too, it may be able to explain why ideas of gender difference are so pervasive in human thought, while allowing us to refuse them as well. Such work, though, remains to be done by others.
Louise Amoore
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719060960
- eISBN:
- 9781781700112
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719060960.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Bringing fresh insights to the contemporary globalization debate, this text reveals the social and political contests that give ‘global’ its meaning, by examining the contested nature of ...
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Bringing fresh insights to the contemporary globalization debate, this text reveals the social and political contests that give ‘global’ its meaning, by examining the contested nature of globalization as it is expressed in the restructuring of work. The book rejects conventional explanations of globalization as a process that automatically leads to transformations in working lives, or as a project that is strategically designed to bring about lean and flexible forms of production, and advances an understanding of the social practices that constitute global change. Through case studies that span from the labour flexibility debates in Britain and Germany to the strategies and tactics of corporations and workers, it examines how globalization is interpreted and experienced in everyday life and argues that contestation has become a central feature of the practices that enable or confound global restructuring.Less
Bringing fresh insights to the contemporary globalization debate, this text reveals the social and political contests that give ‘global’ its meaning, by examining the contested nature of globalization as it is expressed in the restructuring of work. The book rejects conventional explanations of globalization as a process that automatically leads to transformations in working lives, or as a project that is strategically designed to bring about lean and flexible forms of production, and advances an understanding of the social practices that constitute global change. Through case studies that span from the labour flexibility debates in Britain and Germany to the strategies and tactics of corporations and workers, it examines how globalization is interpreted and experienced in everyday life and argues that contestation has become a central feature of the practices that enable or confound global restructuring.
Nico Krisch
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199228317
- eISBN:
- 9780191594793
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199228317.003.0008
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law, Public International Law
Chapter 8 inquires into pluralism's implications for democracy and the rule of law. It does not develop a full-fledged theory of postnational democracy, but analyses the ways in which a pluralist ...
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Chapter 8 inquires into pluralism's implications for democracy and the rule of law. It does not develop a full-fledged theory of postnational democracy, but analyses the ways in which a pluralist order relates to key parameters of such a theory. Pluralism's appeal lies in its ability to respond to the plurality of governance sites, the multiplicity of demoi, and the importance of contestation in a multidimensional approach to democracy adequate for the postnational space. Greater concerns often stem from pluralism's tensions with the rule of law and legal certainty. Such concerns are, however, exaggerated: also in constitutionalist settings, legal certainty is always limited and the rule of law does not represent an absolute value. As the chapter shows, the rule of law also has a place in the construction of the ‘interface norms’ through which the layers of law in a pluralist order regulate their relations. These norms should reflect the autonomy pedigree of the different layers and strive for compatibility among layers with similar pedigrees.Less
Chapter 8 inquires into pluralism's implications for democracy and the rule of law. It does not develop a full-fledged theory of postnational democracy, but analyses the ways in which a pluralist order relates to key parameters of such a theory. Pluralism's appeal lies in its ability to respond to the plurality of governance sites, the multiplicity of demoi, and the importance of contestation in a multidimensional approach to democracy adequate for the postnational space. Greater concerns often stem from pluralism's tensions with the rule of law and legal certainty. Such concerns are, however, exaggerated: also in constitutionalist settings, legal certainty is always limited and the rule of law does not represent an absolute value. As the chapter shows, the rule of law also has a place in the construction of the ‘interface norms’ through which the layers of law in a pluralist order regulate their relations. These norms should reflect the autonomy pedigree of the different layers and strive for compatibility among layers with similar pedigrees.
Miranda Fricker
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199855469
- eISBN:
- 9780199932788
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199855469.003.0012
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Feminist Philosophy
When someone speaks but is not heard because of their accent, or their sex, or the color of their skin, they suffer a distinctive form of injustice—they are undermined as a knower. This kind of ...
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When someone speaks but is not heard because of their accent, or their sex, or the color of their skin, they suffer a distinctive form of injustice—they are undermined as a knower. This kind of injustice, which I call testimonial injustice, is not only an ethical problem but also a political one, for citizens are not free unless they get a fair hearing when they try to contest wrongful treatment. I shall argue that not only individuals but also public institutions need to have the virtue of testimonial justice. If our police, our juries, our complaints panels lack that virtue, then some groups cannot contest. And if you can’t do that, you do not have political freedom.Less
When someone speaks but is not heard because of their accent, or their sex, or the color of their skin, they suffer a distinctive form of injustice—they are undermined as a knower. This kind of injustice, which I call testimonial injustice, is not only an ethical problem but also a political one, for citizens are not free unless they get a fair hearing when they try to contest wrongful treatment. I shall argue that not only individuals but also public institutions need to have the virtue of testimonial justice. If our police, our juries, our complaints panels lack that virtue, then some groups cannot contest. And if you can’t do that, you do not have political freedom.
Ming Sing
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781501740916
- eISBN:
- 9781501740930
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501740916.003.0011
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change
This afterword addresses how the prodemocracy community and activists have been besieged by the battle of defending Hong Kong against the perceptible erosion of its freedoms and its turn to greater ...
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This afterword addresses how the prodemocracy community and activists have been besieged by the battle of defending Hong Kong against the perceptible erosion of its freedoms and its turn to greater authoritarianism. The Umbrella Movement of 2014 in Hong Kong shocked the world and captured global attention. Indeed, the movement has been hailed by many in the world, as so many Hong Kong people had the courage to challenge bluntly the largest dictatorial regime on earth for democracy. That said, the democracy movement has hit a bump, with Beijing not budging on democratization. What is worse, Beijing and the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) government have patently tightened their control over Hong Kong's freedoms and genuine electoral contestation in the aftermath of the movement. Soon after the termination of the Umbrella Movement, Beijing doggedly stuck to its hardline policy on Hong Kong by dramatically raising the political cost for those challenging its suppression of Hong Kong's democratization. To pre-empt another large-scale Occupy Movement, Beijing and the HKSAR government have also curbed Hong Kong's press freedom and academic freedom.Less
This afterword addresses how the prodemocracy community and activists have been besieged by the battle of defending Hong Kong against the perceptible erosion of its freedoms and its turn to greater authoritarianism. The Umbrella Movement of 2014 in Hong Kong shocked the world and captured global attention. Indeed, the movement has been hailed by many in the world, as so many Hong Kong people had the courage to challenge bluntly the largest dictatorial regime on earth for democracy. That said, the democracy movement has hit a bump, with Beijing not budging on democratization. What is worse, Beijing and the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) government have patently tightened their control over Hong Kong's freedoms and genuine electoral contestation in the aftermath of the movement. Soon after the termination of the Umbrella Movement, Beijing doggedly stuck to its hardline policy on Hong Kong by dramatically raising the political cost for those challenging its suppression of Hong Kong's democratization. To pre-empt another large-scale Occupy Movement, Beijing and the HKSAR government have also curbed Hong Kong's press freedom and academic freedom.
Kenneth Dyson and Klaus Goetz (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197262955
- eISBN:
- 9780191734465
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197262955.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
The process of European integration is marked both by continued deepening and widening, and by growing evidence of domestic disquiet and dissent. Against this background, this book examines three key ...
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The process of European integration is marked both by continued deepening and widening, and by growing evidence of domestic disquiet and dissent. Against this background, this book examines three key themes: the challenge to the power of member states – as subjects of European integration – to determine the course of the integrationist project and to shape European public policies; the constraints in the domestic political arena experienced by member states as objects of European integration; and the contestation over both the ‘constitutive politics of the EU’ and specific policy choices. These three themes – power, constraint, and contestation – and their interdependence are explored with specific reference to Germany. The main findings call for a revision of the ‘conventional wisdom’ about Germany's Europeanization experience. First, while Germany continues to engage intensively in all aspects of the integration process, its power to ‘upload’ – ‘hard’ and ‘soft’, ‘deliberate’ or ‘unintentional’, ‘institutional’ or ‘ideational’ – appears in decline. Germany's capacity to ‘shape its regional milieu’ is challenged by both changes in the integration process and the ever-more-apparent weaknesses of the ‘German model’. The traditional regional core milieu is shrinking in size and importance in an enlarging Europe, and Germany's milieu-shaping power is being challenged. Second, the coincidence of enabling and constraining effects is being progressively replaced by a discourse that notes unwelcome constrictions associated with EU membership.Less
The process of European integration is marked both by continued deepening and widening, and by growing evidence of domestic disquiet and dissent. Against this background, this book examines three key themes: the challenge to the power of member states – as subjects of European integration – to determine the course of the integrationist project and to shape European public policies; the constraints in the domestic political arena experienced by member states as objects of European integration; and the contestation over both the ‘constitutive politics of the EU’ and specific policy choices. These three themes – power, constraint, and contestation – and their interdependence are explored with specific reference to Germany. The main findings call for a revision of the ‘conventional wisdom’ about Germany's Europeanization experience. First, while Germany continues to engage intensively in all aspects of the integration process, its power to ‘upload’ – ‘hard’ and ‘soft’, ‘deliberate’ or ‘unintentional’, ‘institutional’ or ‘ideational’ – appears in decline. Germany's capacity to ‘shape its regional milieu’ is challenged by both changes in the integration process and the ever-more-apparent weaknesses of the ‘German model’. The traditional regional core milieu is shrinking in size and importance in an enlarging Europe, and Germany's milieu-shaping power is being challenged. Second, the coincidence of enabling and constraining effects is being progressively replaced by a discourse that notes unwelcome constrictions associated with EU membership.
