Paul Webb, David Farrell, and Ian Holliday (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240562
- eISBN:
- 9780191600296
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240566.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This book is one in a series (Comparative Politics) for students and teachers of political science that deals with contemporary issues in comparative government and politics. It examines political ...
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This book is one in a series (Comparative Politics) for students and teachers of political science that deals with contemporary issues in comparative government and politics. It examines political parties in contemporary democracies, asking how relevant and vital they are, whether they fulfill the functions that any stable and effective democracy might expect of them, or whether they are little more than moribund anachronisms, relics of a past age of political life, now superseded by other mechanisms of linkage between state and society. The book addresses these questions through a rigorous comparative analysis of political parties operating in the world's advanced industrial democracies. Drawing on the expertise of a team of internationally known specialists, the book engages systematically with the evidence to show that, while a degree of popular cynicism towards them is often chronic, though rarely acute, parties have adapted and survived as organizations, remodelling themselves to the needs of an era in which patterns of linkage and communication with social groups have been transformed. This has enabled them, on the one hand, to remain central to democratic systems, especially in respect of the political functions of governance, recruitment and, albeit more problematically, interest aggregation. On the other hand, the challenges they face in respect of interest articulation, communication, and participation have pushed parties into more marginal roles within Western political systems. The implications of these findings for democracy depend on the observer's normative and theoretical perspectives. Those who understand democracy primarily in terms of popular choice and control in public affairs will probably see parties as continuing to play a central role, while those who place greater store by the more demanding criteria of optimizing interests and instilling civic orientations among citizens are far more likely to be fundamentally critical. After an introductory chapter the book has 13 chapters devoted to case studies of political parties in different countries/regions (Britain, Italy, Germany, France, the Low Countries (Belgium and the Netherlands), Scandinavia (Finland, Denmark, Norway, Sweden), Ireland, Spain, Europe (parties at the European level), the United States, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand; these are followed by a concluding chapter.Less
This book is one in a series (Comparative Politics) for students and teachers of political science that deals with contemporary issues in comparative government and politics. It examines political parties in contemporary democracies, asking how relevant and vital they are, whether they fulfill the functions that any stable and effective democracy might expect of them, or whether they are little more than moribund anachronisms, relics of a past age of political life, now superseded by other mechanisms of linkage between state and society. The book addresses these questions through a rigorous comparative analysis of political parties operating in the world's advanced industrial democracies. Drawing on the expertise of a team of internationally known specialists, the book engages systematically with the evidence to show that, while a degree of popular cynicism towards them is often chronic, though rarely acute, parties have adapted and survived as organizations, remodelling themselves to the needs of an era in which patterns of linkage and communication with social groups have been transformed. This has enabled them, on the one hand, to remain central to democratic systems, especially in respect of the political functions of governance, recruitment and, albeit more problematically, interest aggregation. On the other hand, the challenges they face in respect of interest articulation, communication, and participation have pushed parties into more marginal roles within Western political systems. The implications of these findings for democracy depend on the observer's normative and theoretical perspectives. Those who understand democracy primarily in terms of popular choice and control in public affairs will probably see parties as continuing to play a central role, while those who place greater store by the more demanding criteria of optimizing interests and instilling civic orientations among citizens are far more likely to be fundamentally critical. After an introductory chapter the book has 13 chapters devoted to case studies of political parties in different countries/regions (Britain, Italy, Germany, France, the Low Countries (Belgium and the Netherlands), Scandinavia (Finland, Denmark, Norway, Sweden), Ireland, Spain, Europe (parties at the European level), the United States, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand; these are followed by a concluding chapter.
Steven B. Wolinetz
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199246748
- eISBN:
- 9780191599385
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199246742.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
There are good reasons for re‐examining existing classifications of parties and seeing if others can be developed. However, reworking categories is a complex process, requiring further research and ...
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There are good reasons for re‐examining existing classifications of parties and seeing if others can be developed. However, reworking categories is a complex process, requiring further research and interaction between theory and data. This chapter is a preliminary effort, and focuses primarily on parties in established liberal democracies. The first half examines the adequacy of existing party categories in light of the literature in sections entitled: Categories and concepts in the comparative literature; Cadre versus mass parties; and Parties of mass integration, catch‐all parties, and beyond’ (to the cartel party). The second half considers ways in which contemporary parties might be compared in sections entitled: New bases for classification? Vote‐seeking, office‐seeking, and policy‐seeking parties; and Patterns of change in Western European parties.Less
There are good reasons for re‐examining existing classifications of parties and seeing if others can be developed. However, reworking categories is a complex process, requiring further research and interaction between theory and data. This chapter is a preliminary effort, and focuses primarily on parties in established liberal democracies. The first half examines the adequacy of existing party categories in light of the literature in sections entitled: Categories and concepts in the comparative literature; Cadre versus mass parties; and Parties of mass integration, catch‐all parties, and beyond’ (to the cartel party). The second half considers ways in which contemporary parties might be compared in sections entitled: New bases for classification? Vote‐seeking, office‐seeking, and policy‐seeking parties; and Patterns of change in Western European parties.
Yves Mény
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199250158
- eISBN:
- 9780191599439
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199250154.003.0015
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
The lack of confidence of citizens in their democratic institutions is not new, although the current context differs in various ways: first, the unchallenged supremacy of the two victorious paradigms ...
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The lack of confidence of citizens in their democratic institutions is not new, although the current context differs in various ways: first, the unchallenged supremacy of the two victorious paradigms of market and democracy; second, the weaker capacity of new or old democracies to deal with the new challenges they have to face; and third, the relative position of market and democracy, which has changed in favour of the market and to the detriment of democracy. The chapter first considers the nature of the democratic malaise and its manifestations; has it to do with the democratic principle itself or is it only a temporary dissatisfaction with elites, parties and political organizations? Two complementary explanations are then offered to interpret the birth and expansion of this phenomenon: the structural explanation emphasizes the tension between the constitutionalist and the popular dimension of contemporary democracies; the conjunctural explanation relates to political corruption, which became so pervasive in the 1990s and contributed to the delegitimation of representatives and of the principle of representation in many European countries, populism and populist dichotomy.Less
The lack of confidence of citizens in their democratic institutions is not new, although the current context differs in various ways: first, the unchallenged supremacy of the two victorious paradigms of market and democracy; second, the weaker capacity of new or old democracies to deal with the new challenges they have to face; and third, the relative position of market and democracy, which has changed in favour of the market and to the detriment of democracy. The chapter first considers the nature of the democratic malaise and its manifestations; has it to do with the democratic principle itself or is it only a temporary dissatisfaction with elites, parties and political organizations? Two complementary explanations are then offered to interpret the birth and expansion of this phenomenon: the structural explanation emphasizes the tension between the constitutionalist and the popular dimension of contemporary democracies; the conjunctural explanation relates to political corruption, which became so pervasive in the 1990s and contributed to the delegitimation of representatives and of the principle of representation in many European countries, populism and populist dichotomy.
Kenneth Newton
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295686
- eISBN:
- 9780191600043
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295685.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Deals with three main topics: the nature and origins of social trust and its importance in society; trends in social trust in Western societies (with some comparisons with less developed societies); ...
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Deals with three main topics: the nature and origins of social trust and its importance in society; trends in social trust in Western societies (with some comparisons with less developed societies); and the relations between social and political trust, and their implications for theories of politics and society. In terms of the main concepts and measures of the book, and as outlined in the introductory chapter, social trust is a feature of the most basic level of community, while political trust refers primarily to attitudes about political institutions and leaders. The general assumption seems to be that social and political trust are closely linked, perhaps different sides of the same coin—social trust is regarded as a strong determinant of, or influence upon, political support of various kinds, including support for the political community, confidence in institutions, and trust in political leaders. As a result it is believed that the accumulation of social capital, in the form of social trust, will also result in the accumulation of political capital. Presents theory and evidence questioning these assumptions; it includes evidence comparing social trust in communal and modern societies, and of political trust in early modern and contemporary democracies.Less
Deals with three main topics: the nature and origins of social trust and its importance in society; trends in social trust in Western societies (with some comparisons with less developed societies); and the relations between social and political trust, and their implications for theories of politics and society. In terms of the main concepts and measures of the book, and as outlined in the introductory chapter, social trust is a feature of the most basic level of community, while political trust refers primarily to attitudes about political institutions and leaders. The general assumption seems to be that social and political trust are closely linked, perhaps different sides of the same coin—social trust is regarded as a strong determinant of, or influence upon, political support of various kinds, including support for the political community, confidence in institutions, and trust in political leaders. As a result it is believed that the accumulation of social capital, in the form of social trust, will also result in the accumulation of political capital. Presents theory and evidence questioning these assumptions; it includes evidence comparing social trust in communal and modern societies, and of political trust in early modern and contemporary democracies.
Jason Brennan
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691154442
- eISBN:
- 9781400842094
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691154442.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter discusses a new theory of civic virtue and of paying debts to society, showing that citizens can exercise civic virtue and pay debts to society not only without voting but often without ...
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This chapter discusses a new theory of civic virtue and of paying debts to society, showing that citizens can exercise civic virtue and pay debts to society not only without voting but often without engaging in politics at all. It defends the extrapolitical conception of civic virtue. According to the extrapolitical conception, political participation is not necessary for the exercise of civic virtue. Indeed, citizens can have exceptional civic virtue despite disengagement with politics. Most ways to exercise civic virtue in contemporary liberal democracies do not involve politics, or even activities on the periphery of politics, such as community-based volunteering or military service.Less
This chapter discusses a new theory of civic virtue and of paying debts to society, showing that citizens can exercise civic virtue and pay debts to society not only without voting but often without engaging in politics at all. It defends the extrapolitical conception of civic virtue. According to the extrapolitical conception, political participation is not necessary for the exercise of civic virtue. Indeed, citizens can have exceptional civic virtue despite disengagement with politics. Most ways to exercise civic virtue in contemporary liberal democracies do not involve politics, or even activities on the periphery of politics, such as community-based volunteering or military service.
Robert Hoppe
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9781847429629
- eISBN:
- 9781447303848
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781847429629.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Organizations
Contemporary democracies need to develop a better governance of problems, as all too often policy is a sophisticated answer to the wrong problem. This book offers a new approach to public-policy ...
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Contemporary democracies need to develop a better governance of problems, as all too often policy is a sophisticated answer to the wrong problem. This book offers a new approach to public-policy making as problem processing, bringing together aspects of puzzling, powering, and participation, relating them to cultural theory, to issues about networks, to models of democracy, and to modes of citizen participation. It is part of a growing body of work in policy analysis literature.Less
Contemporary democracies need to develop a better governance of problems, as all too often policy is a sophisticated answer to the wrong problem. This book offers a new approach to public-policy making as problem processing, bringing together aspects of puzzling, powering, and participation, relating them to cultural theory, to issues about networks, to models of democracy, and to modes of citizen participation. It is part of a growing body of work in policy analysis literature.
Tongdong Bai
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780691195995
- eISBN:
- 9780691197463
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691195995.003.0003
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This chapter shows that there are some fundamental problems with contemporary democracy, especially the ideology beneath the one person, one vote system and the inevitable consequences of it. It ...
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This chapter shows that there are some fundamental problems with contemporary democracy, especially the ideology beneath the one person, one vote system and the inevitable consequences of it. It identifies four problems of democracy: the suspicion of the elite, the neglect of the interests of nonvoters, the neglect of the interests of the minority, and the irrationality of voters. Then the chapter shows how the “internal” solutions are inadequate. Next, this chapter constructs a Confucian hybrid regime that is based on Mencius’s ideas discussed in Chapter 2, and shows how it can address the problems with democracy more adequately than present liberal democratic regimes. That is, the chapter reveals that the Mencian reservation of one person, one vote is actually a good thing about Confucianism.Less
This chapter shows that there are some fundamental problems with contemporary democracy, especially the ideology beneath the one person, one vote system and the inevitable consequences of it. It identifies four problems of democracy: the suspicion of the elite, the neglect of the interests of nonvoters, the neglect of the interests of the minority, and the irrationality of voters. Then the chapter shows how the “internal” solutions are inadequate. Next, this chapter constructs a Confucian hybrid regime that is based on Mencius’s ideas discussed in Chapter 2, and shows how it can address the problems with democracy more adequately than present liberal democratic regimes. That is, the chapter reveals that the Mencian reservation of one person, one vote is actually a good thing about Confucianism.
Naoko Saito
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- March 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780823224623
- eISBN:
- 9780823235728
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fso/9780823224623.003.0008
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Philosophy of Religion
This chapter discusses the tragic sense in contemporary democracy and education. With contemporary American democracy, the sense of being and becoming, are dimmed and even ...
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This chapter discusses the tragic sense in contemporary democracy and education. With contemporary American democracy, the sense of being and becoming, are dimmed and even lost because the Deweyan growth lacks a sense of the tragic. If Deweyan pragmatism is reconsidered and reconstructed in the light of EMP, it can illuminate the tragic nature of contemporary democracy and education by allowing us to remember the loss that we are suffering.Less
This chapter discusses the tragic sense in contemporary democracy and education. With contemporary American democracy, the sense of being and becoming, are dimmed and even lost because the Deweyan growth lacks a sense of the tragic. If Deweyan pragmatism is reconsidered and reconstructed in the light of EMP, it can illuminate the tragic nature of contemporary democracy and education by allowing us to remember the loss that we are suffering.
Robert Hoppe
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9781847429629
- eISBN:
- 9781447303848
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781847429629.003.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Organizations
This chapter introduces the main themes of this book. It discusses the governance of problems, puzzling and powering, governance as a quest for political participation and institutional alignment, ...
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This chapter introduces the main themes of this book. It discusses the governance of problems, puzzling and powering, governance as a quest for political participation and institutional alignment, and implications for policy analysis. The major thesis of the book is that contemporary democracies, in order to maintain a sufficiently responsive system for the governance of problems, ought to develop more reflexive institutions and practices of policy-oriented and polity-oriented problem structuring. A structural mismatch between problem perception and structuring by larger segments, if not a majority, of the citizenry and their proximate policy makers, is a real possibility; and thus a threat. Better governance implies political sensitivity to different types of problems; and more and better reflexive problem structuring through better institutional, interactive, and deliberative designs for public debate and political choice.Less
This chapter introduces the main themes of this book. It discusses the governance of problems, puzzling and powering, governance as a quest for political participation and institutional alignment, and implications for policy analysis. The major thesis of the book is that contemporary democracies, in order to maintain a sufficiently responsive system for the governance of problems, ought to develop more reflexive institutions and practices of policy-oriented and polity-oriented problem structuring. A structural mismatch between problem perception and structuring by larger segments, if not a majority, of the citizenry and their proximate policy makers, is a real possibility; and thus a threat. Better governance implies political sensitivity to different types of problems; and more and better reflexive problem structuring through better institutional, interactive, and deliberative designs for public debate and political choice.
Russell J. Dalton, David M. Farrell, and Ian McAllister
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- February 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780199599356
- eISBN:
- 9780191803550
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:osobl/9780199599356.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Is the party over? Parties are the central institutions of representative democracy, but critics increasingly claim that parties are failing to perform their democratic functions. This book assembles ...
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Is the party over? Parties are the central institutions of representative democracy, but critics increasingly claim that parties are failing to perform their democratic functions. This book assembles cross-national evidence to assess how parties link the individual citizen to the formation of governments and then to government policies. Using the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems and other recent cross-national data, the chapters examine the workings of this party linkage process across established and new democracies. Political parties still dominate the electoral process in shaping the discourse of campaigns, the selection of candidates, and mobilizing citizens to vote. Equally striking, parties link citizen preferences to the choice of representatives, with strong congruence between voter and party Left/Right positions. These preferences are then translated in the formation of coalition governments and their policies. The book argues that the critics of parties have overlooked the ability of political parties to adapt to changing conditions in order to perform their crucial linkage functions. As the context of politics and societies have changed, so too have political parties. This text argues that the process of party government is alive and well in most contemporary democracies.Less
Is the party over? Parties are the central institutions of representative democracy, but critics increasingly claim that parties are failing to perform their democratic functions. This book assembles cross-national evidence to assess how parties link the individual citizen to the formation of governments and then to government policies. Using the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems and other recent cross-national data, the chapters examine the workings of this party linkage process across established and new democracies. Political parties still dominate the electoral process in shaping the discourse of campaigns, the selection of candidates, and mobilizing citizens to vote. Equally striking, parties link citizen preferences to the choice of representatives, with strong congruence between voter and party Left/Right positions. These preferences are then translated in the formation of coalition governments and their policies. The book argues that the critics of parties have overlooked the ability of political parties to adapt to changing conditions in order to perform their crucial linkage functions. As the context of politics and societies have changed, so too have political parties. This text argues that the process of party government is alive and well in most contemporary democracies.
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226428840
- eISBN:
- 9780226428864
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226428864.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter describes the doctrinal influence of these political developments throughout the 1970s. The rights-protecting constitutional doctrines of the Warren Court were buffeted by the ...
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This chapter describes the doctrinal influence of these political developments throughout the 1970s. The rights-protecting constitutional doctrines of the Warren Court were buffeted by the conservative critiques of both judicial power and modern liberalism itself, but they were also increasingly entrenched as a core feature of contemporary American democracy. Nixon's most important campaign pledge in 1968 regarding the Court was to appoint conservative southerners and “strict constructionists,” and he quickly had four opportunities to do so, as Justices Earl Warren, Abe Fortas, Hugo Black, and John Harlan all retired during his first term in office. Conservatives continued to denounce liberal activism as undemocratic and hence illegitimate, but in a variety of constitutional contexts, they had now articulated clear demands for the active exercise of judicial power on behalf of conservative principles.Less
This chapter describes the doctrinal influence of these political developments throughout the 1970s. The rights-protecting constitutional doctrines of the Warren Court were buffeted by the conservative critiques of both judicial power and modern liberalism itself, but they were also increasingly entrenched as a core feature of contemporary American democracy. Nixon's most important campaign pledge in 1968 regarding the Court was to appoint conservative southerners and “strict constructionists,” and he quickly had four opportunities to do so, as Justices Earl Warren, Abe Fortas, Hugo Black, and John Harlan all retired during his first term in office. Conservatives continued to denounce liberal activism as undemocratic and hence illegitimate, but in a variety of constitutional contexts, they had now articulated clear demands for the active exercise of judicial power on behalf of conservative principles.
