Nicholas Attfield
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780197266137
- eISBN:
- 9780191865206
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197266137.001.0001
- Subject:
- Music, History, Western
This book challenges commonplace conceptions of musical conservatism during Germany’s Weimar Republic (1918–33). Its primary goal is to offer scrutiny of uncritical links often made by musicologists ...
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This book challenges commonplace conceptions of musical conservatism during Germany’s Weimar Republic (1918–33). Its primary goal is to offer scrutiny of uncritical links often made by musicologists and historians between musical conservatism and cultural-political conservatism of the era, and the accompanying tendentious vocabulary of the ‘anti-modern’. It does so chiefly by means of a critical and nuanced application of the term ‘conservative revolution’, as used in the Weimar era and popularized in its historiography after 1945. The introduction introduces the time-honoured notion of ‘Weimar culture’ and its tendency to obscure parts of the contemporary cultural landscape, not least in their relation to modernity and modernism. Chapter 1 considers the problematic status of the term ‘conservative revolution’. Four contrasting studies are then presented, each focused on a particular ‘conservative’ musical figure or movement, and informed by readings of a complex discourse drawn from contemporary journals, speeches, letters, scores, and archival sources. Chapters 2 and 3 address Thomas Mann and his relationship with Hans Pfitzner in the aftermath of the First World War, and Alfred Heuss’s 1920s tenure as editor of Schumann’s Zeitschrift für Musik. Chapters 4 and 5 turn to the so-called ‘Bruckner cult’ of the Weimar era and its representations of its central composer as medieval mystic, and the work of August Halm—another dedicated Brucknerian—within the German youth movement, as defined and proclaimed by the radical pedagogue Gustav Wyneken. An extended epilogue considers advocacy for these Weimar-era musical conservatisms under the Nazi regime after 1933.Less
This book challenges commonplace conceptions of musical conservatism during Germany’s Weimar Republic (1918–33). Its primary goal is to offer scrutiny of uncritical links often made by musicologists and historians between musical conservatism and cultural-political conservatism of the era, and the accompanying tendentious vocabulary of the ‘anti-modern’. It does so chiefly by means of a critical and nuanced application of the term ‘conservative revolution’, as used in the Weimar era and popularized in its historiography after 1945. The introduction introduces the time-honoured notion of ‘Weimar culture’ and its tendency to obscure parts of the contemporary cultural landscape, not least in their relation to modernity and modernism. Chapter 1 considers the problematic status of the term ‘conservative revolution’. Four contrasting studies are then presented, each focused on a particular ‘conservative’ musical figure or movement, and informed by readings of a complex discourse drawn from contemporary journals, speeches, letters, scores, and archival sources. Chapters 2 and 3 address Thomas Mann and his relationship with Hans Pfitzner in the aftermath of the First World War, and Alfred Heuss’s 1920s tenure as editor of Schumann’s Zeitschrift für Musik. Chapters 4 and 5 turn to the so-called ‘Bruckner cult’ of the Weimar era and its representations of its central composer as medieval mystic, and the work of August Halm—another dedicated Brucknerian—within the German youth movement, as defined and proclaimed by the radical pedagogue Gustav Wyneken. An extended epilogue considers advocacy for these Weimar-era musical conservatisms under the Nazi regime after 1933.
Nicholas Attfield
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780197266137
- eISBN:
- 9780191865206
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197266137.003.0002
- Subject:
- Music, History, Western
This chapter begins by considering the numerous appearances of the term ‘conservative revolution’ in cultural writings of the 1920s and 1930s: particularly in those of Hugo von Hofmannsthal, Arnold ...
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This chapter begins by considering the numerous appearances of the term ‘conservative revolution’ in cultural writings of the 1920s and 1930s: particularly in those of Hugo von Hofmannsthal, Arnold Schoenberg, and Moeller van den Bruck. Into this emerging discourse, it weaves the capturing of the term for German historiography by Armin Mohler (1949) and the influence and controversy of Mohler’s usage in subsequent historical debates. Having argued that ‘conservative revolution’ may indeed serve as a revealing lens through which to view musical phenomena of the Weimar era, it proceeds—using the writings of Roger Griffin and Peter Osborne—to place its futural drive amidst the modernist thought with which it is usually contrasted, and thus offers a segue to the studies presented in Chapters 2–5.Less
This chapter begins by considering the numerous appearances of the term ‘conservative revolution’ in cultural writings of the 1920s and 1930s: particularly in those of Hugo von Hofmannsthal, Arnold Schoenberg, and Moeller van den Bruck. Into this emerging discourse, it weaves the capturing of the term for German historiography by Armin Mohler (1949) and the influence and controversy of Mohler’s usage in subsequent historical debates. Having argued that ‘conservative revolution’ may indeed serve as a revealing lens through which to view musical phenomena of the Weimar era, it proceeds—using the writings of Roger Griffin and Peter Osborne—to place its futural drive amidst the modernist thought with which it is usually contrasted, and thus offers a segue to the studies presented in Chapters 2–5.
Balázs Trencsényi, Michal Kopeček, Luka Lisjak Gabrijelčič, Maria Falina, Mónika Baár, and Maciej Janowski
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- November 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780198737155
- eISBN:
- 9780191800627
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198737155.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
The interwar radicalization of politics in East Central Europe was linked to the proliferation of a discourse of crisis. Symptoms of crisis could be localized in certain social groups, institutions, ...
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The interwar radicalization of politics in East Central Europe was linked to the proliferation of a discourse of crisis. Symptoms of crisis could be localized in certain social groups, institutions, and social relations, such as the generational cleavage. Since the topos of crisis was not bound to any particular ideology, the very same discourse was used by liberal and leftist intellectuals as well. Nevertheless, the most plausible ideological framework offering a way out of the crisis seemed to be the “conservative revolution,” promising to restore the continuity of traditions that had been interrupted by the breakthrough of modernity. This led to the proliferation of “national metaphysics,” defining the specificity of the respective nation with ontological categories. Another face of this “conservative revolution” was the politicization of religion, linked to the renewed interest in myth and popular religiosity. At the same time, there was also a conservative anti-totalitarian stance and, in a few cases, a left-wing reorientation of certain religious subcultures.Less
The interwar radicalization of politics in East Central Europe was linked to the proliferation of a discourse of crisis. Symptoms of crisis could be localized in certain social groups, institutions, and social relations, such as the generational cleavage. Since the topos of crisis was not bound to any particular ideology, the very same discourse was used by liberal and leftist intellectuals as well. Nevertheless, the most plausible ideological framework offering a way out of the crisis seemed to be the “conservative revolution,” promising to restore the continuity of traditions that had been interrupted by the breakthrough of modernity. This led to the proliferation of “national metaphysics,” defining the specificity of the respective nation with ontological categories. Another face of this “conservative revolution” was the politicization of religion, linked to the renewed interest in myth and popular religiosity. At the same time, there was also a conservative anti-totalitarian stance and, in a few cases, a left-wing reorientation of certain religious subcultures.
Thomas Rohkrämer
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780262034012
- eISBN:
- 9780262334631
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- The MIT Press
- DOI:
- 10.7551/mitpress/9780262034012.003.0016
- Subject:
- Philosophy, History of Philosophy
Heidegger was a sharp critic of the modern secular and pluralistic condition and hoped for the emergence of a new communal faith that would unite the nation into a tightly knit spiritual community. ...
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Heidegger was a sharp critic of the modern secular and pluralistic condition and hoped for the emergence of a new communal faith that would unite the nation into a tightly knit spiritual community. With the rise of Nazism, he enthusiastically believed that Hitler offered the opportunity for such a new beginning in line with his philosophical aspirations – also because he shared many of the Nazis’ convictions ranging from their call for a völkisch ‘re-awakening’ and their glorification of a socially just national community (Volksgemeinschaft) to a glorification of a specifically German potential combined with prejudices against Communism, Jews and ‘the West’. Though his initial enthusiastic hope that he could become the philosopher guiding the Third Reich’s way in a complete break with the past towards an ideal future was soon dashed, he continued to support the regime because his völkisch chauvinism combined with a complete disregard of the murderous actions of the regime made him unwavering in the belief that a German victory would be best for what he took to be all-important: a new beginning.Less
Heidegger was a sharp critic of the modern secular and pluralistic condition and hoped for the emergence of a new communal faith that would unite the nation into a tightly knit spiritual community. With the rise of Nazism, he enthusiastically believed that Hitler offered the opportunity for such a new beginning in line with his philosophical aspirations – also because he shared many of the Nazis’ convictions ranging from their call for a völkisch ‘re-awakening’ and their glorification of a socially just national community (Volksgemeinschaft) to a glorification of a specifically German potential combined with prejudices against Communism, Jews and ‘the West’. Though his initial enthusiastic hope that he could become the philosopher guiding the Third Reich’s way in a complete break with the past towards an ideal future was soon dashed, he continued to support the regime because his völkisch chauvinism combined with a complete disregard of the murderous actions of the regime made him unwavering in the belief that a German victory would be best for what he took to be all-important: a new beginning.
Julia Hell
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780226588056
- eISBN:
- 9780226588223
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226588223.003.0026
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter deals with Martin Heidegger’s thinking about empire and imperialism. Hitler, Himmler, and Speer proposed a thousand-year Reich and thousands of years of glorious ruins. Schmitt devoted ...
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This chapter deals with Martin Heidegger’s thinking about empire and imperialism. Hitler, Himmler, and Speer proposed a thousand-year Reich and thousands of years of glorious ruins. Schmitt devoted himself to the neo-Roman problem of how to prolong the time before the fall by returning to the first century. Privileging ancient Greek readiness to face the end, Heidegger analyzed and criticized this Roman desire to endure. In contrast to Schmitt, when Heidegger thought about Reich, he did not return to Rome but turned to archaic Greece. Focusing on Heidegger’s Basic Concepts and his so-called Black Notebooks, the author traces the importance of Oswald Spengler’s thought for Heidegger’s understanding of imperialism and his reconceptualization of Spengler’s notion of Untergang/decline. She also studies Heidegger’s critique of neo-Roman imitation. Like Schmitt, Heidegger belongs to the tradition of conservative revolutionary thinkers of empire that the author has traced through The Conquest of Ruins. The book thus ends with Heidegger’s immersion in Spengler’s theory of Caesarist imperialism and his implicit dismissal of Schmitt’s version of the Pauline katechon.Less
This chapter deals with Martin Heidegger’s thinking about empire and imperialism. Hitler, Himmler, and Speer proposed a thousand-year Reich and thousands of years of glorious ruins. Schmitt devoted himself to the neo-Roman problem of how to prolong the time before the fall by returning to the first century. Privileging ancient Greek readiness to face the end, Heidegger analyzed and criticized this Roman desire to endure. In contrast to Schmitt, when Heidegger thought about Reich, he did not return to Rome but turned to archaic Greece. Focusing on Heidegger’s Basic Concepts and his so-called Black Notebooks, the author traces the importance of Oswald Spengler’s thought for Heidegger’s understanding of imperialism and his reconceptualization of Spengler’s notion of Untergang/decline. She also studies Heidegger’s critique of neo-Roman imitation. Like Schmitt, Heidegger belongs to the tradition of conservative revolutionary thinkers of empire that the author has traced through The Conquest of Ruins. The book thus ends with Heidegger’s immersion in Spengler’s theory of Caesarist imperialism and his implicit dismissal of Schmitt’s version of the Pauline katechon.
Elliot Neaman
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- February 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190877583
- eISBN:
- 9780190926793
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190877583.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter discusses the life and work of Ernst Jünger, who was part of a strain in modern German conservatism that tested the limits of modernity and Enlightenment rationality. He catapulted to ...
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This chapter discusses the life and work of Ernst Jünger, who was part of a strain in modern German conservatism that tested the limits of modernity and Enlightenment rationality. He catapulted to fame as a young man on the basis of his World War I memoirs, In Storms of Steel, which made him part of the antidemocratic forces of the Weimar Republic, but he retreated into the inner emigration during the Third Reich. After 1950 he lived a reclusive life but published a stream of essays and books and an impressive diary that chronicled almost four decades of life with sharp observations on a wide range of topics. He was a cultural pessimist who thought that the rise of a unifying planetary technology and the loss of local culture meant that we were entering into a posthistorical world of fragmentation, and new forms of cultural and political tyranny.Less
This chapter discusses the life and work of Ernst Jünger, who was part of a strain in modern German conservatism that tested the limits of modernity and Enlightenment rationality. He catapulted to fame as a young man on the basis of his World War I memoirs, In Storms of Steel, which made him part of the antidemocratic forces of the Weimar Republic, but he retreated into the inner emigration during the Third Reich. After 1950 he lived a reclusive life but published a stream of essays and books and an impressive diary that chronicled almost four decades of life with sharp observations on a wide range of topics. He was a cultural pessimist who thought that the rise of a unifying planetary technology and the loss of local culture meant that we were entering into a posthistorical world of fragmentation, and new forms of cultural and political tyranny.
Mark Sedgwick (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- February 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780190877583
- eISBN:
- 9780190926793
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780190877583.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The resurgence of the radical Right in America and Europe has drawn attention to the existence of political philosophers and writers whose names are only sometimes familiar and whose thought is ...
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The resurgence of the radical Right in America and Europe has drawn attention to the existence of political philosophers and writers whose names are only sometimes familiar and whose thought is generally unknown. It even comes as a surprise to some that the radical Right actually has a political philosophy, other than that of Nazism or of Mussolini’s Fascism, both of which in fact remain discredited and marginal. Instead, the resurgent Right draws on well-known thinkers like Nietzsche and Hegel, on less-known thinkers like Oswald Spengler and Julius Evola, and on the relatively obscure writings of living political philosophers such as Alain de Benoist in France and Alexander Dugin in Russia. And then there is a whole range of emergent thinkers, often American, some unknown, and some famous only for their media stunts. This book looks at the classic canon, at the most influential modern thinkers, and at a selection of emergent thinkers. Sixteen expert scholars explain sixteen thinkers, providing an introduction to their life and work, a guide to their thought, and an explanation of their work’s reception. The book thus provides an authoritative and comprehensive introduction to the thought behind the stunts and the resurgence, the thought of the radical Right.Less
The resurgence of the radical Right in America and Europe has drawn attention to the existence of political philosophers and writers whose names are only sometimes familiar and whose thought is generally unknown. It even comes as a surprise to some that the radical Right actually has a political philosophy, other than that of Nazism or of Mussolini’s Fascism, both of which in fact remain discredited and marginal. Instead, the resurgent Right draws on well-known thinkers like Nietzsche and Hegel, on less-known thinkers like Oswald Spengler and Julius Evola, and on the relatively obscure writings of living political philosophers such as Alain de Benoist in France and Alexander Dugin in Russia. And then there is a whole range of emergent thinkers, often American, some unknown, and some famous only for their media stunts. This book looks at the classic canon, at the most influential modern thinkers, and at a selection of emergent thinkers. Sixteen expert scholars explain sixteen thinkers, providing an introduction to their life and work, a guide to their thought, and an explanation of their work’s reception. The book thus provides an authoritative and comprehensive introduction to the thought behind the stunts and the resurgence, the thought of the radical Right.
