Paul Whiteley, Patrick Seyd, and Antony Billinghurst
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199242825
- eISBN:
- 9780191604140
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242828.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This book examines the recovery of the British Liberal Democrat Party, emphasizing the role of the grassroots party members in shaping this recovery. A number of factors have contributed to the ...
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This book examines the recovery of the British Liberal Democrat Party, emphasizing the role of the grassroots party members in shaping this recovery. A number of factors have contributed to the party’s resurgence, including the performances of its main rivals, the Conservative and Labour parties, and the decline in partisan attachments throughout the entire electorate. However, evidence shows that the grassroots party has played the decisive role in bringing this about. The key players are the men and women who joined the party as members, and then actively worked on its behalf by campaigning or standing in local and national elections when the political climate was cold. A major focus of the book is to examine these people. The future electoral prospects for the party are also discussed, including the question of whether or not it can replace its rivals as the second, or even the first, party of British electoral politics.Less
This book examines the recovery of the British Liberal Democrat Party, emphasizing the role of the grassroots party members in shaping this recovery. A number of factors have contributed to the party’s resurgence, including the performances of its main rivals, the Conservative and Labour parties, and the decline in partisan attachments throughout the entire electorate. However, evidence shows that the grassroots party has played the decisive role in bringing this about. The key players are the men and women who joined the party as members, and then actively worked on its behalf by campaigning or standing in local and national elections when the political climate was cold. A major focus of the book is to examine these people. The future electoral prospects for the party are also discussed, including the question of whether or not it can replace its rivals as the second, or even the first, party of British electoral politics.
Paul Whiteley, Patrick Seyd, and Antony Billinghurst
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199242825
- eISBN:
- 9780191604140
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242828.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter begins by looking at long-term support in elections and in the polls for the Liberal Democrats, to see how it has evolved over the last half-century or so. This provides a context within ...
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This chapter begins by looking at long-term support in elections and in the polls for the Liberal Democrats, to see how it has evolved over the last half-century or so. This provides a context within which to judge the party’s future electoral prospects. The analysis of trends in Liberal Democrat voting intentions over a thirty-year period shows that the competitive situation between the Conservatives and Liberal Democrats is significantly greater than the competitive situation between Labour and the Liberal Democrats. It also shows that the party has to wait for its main rivals to make political mistakes and lose support before it can profit by winning over voters. This is described as the political equivalent of ‘waiting for Godot’, meaning that the Liberal Democrats are not the masters of their own electoral fate.Less
This chapter begins by looking at long-term support in elections and in the polls for the Liberal Democrats, to see how it has evolved over the last half-century or so. This provides a context within which to judge the party’s future electoral prospects. The analysis of trends in Liberal Democrat voting intentions over a thirty-year period shows that the competitive situation between the Conservatives and Liberal Democrats is significantly greater than the competitive situation between Labour and the Liberal Democrats. It also shows that the party has to wait for its main rivals to make political mistakes and lose support before it can profit by winning over voters. This is described as the political equivalent of ‘waiting for Godot’, meaning that the Liberal Democrats are not the masters of their own electoral fate.
Paul Whiteley, Patrick Seyd, and Antony Billinghurst
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199242825
- eISBN:
- 9780191604140
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242828.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter examines the political prospects of the Liberal Democrat Party. The big question is whether or not it can replace its rivals as the second, or even the first, party of British electoral ...
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This chapter examines the political prospects of the Liberal Democrat Party. The big question is whether or not it can replace its rivals as the second, or even the first, party of British electoral politics. It begins with an analysis of the necessary conditions for the Liberal Democrats to replace one of the other parties as the second party of British politics. This leads into an examination of the likelihood that these conditions will be met in the foreseeable future. The evidence suggests that the party has a real opportunity to break the existing two-party hegemony at a general election in 2009 or 2010.Less
This chapter examines the political prospects of the Liberal Democrat Party. The big question is whether or not it can replace its rivals as the second, or even the first, party of British electoral politics. It begins with an analysis of the necessary conditions for the Liberal Democrats to replace one of the other parties as the second party of British politics. This leads into an examination of the likelihood that these conditions will be met in the foreseeable future. The evidence suggests that the party has a real opportunity to break the existing two-party hegemony at a general election in 2009 or 2010.
Susan E. Scarrow
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198279181
- eISBN:
- 9780191600166
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198279183.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Traces the post‐1945 organizational developments in the German Social Democratic Party and Christian Democratic Party and in the British Labour and Conservative Parties. Highlights changes in the ...
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Traces the post‐1945 organizational developments in the German Social Democratic Party and Christian Democratic Party and in the British Labour and Conservative Parties. Highlights changes in the parties’ leaderships and in their electoral fortunes, and provides an overview of some of the period's most important party decisions that affect membership structures and rules.Less
Traces the post‐1945 organizational developments in the German Social Democratic Party and Christian Democratic Party and in the British Labour and Conservative Parties. Highlights changes in the parties’ leaderships and in their electoral fortunes, and provides an overview of some of the period's most important party decisions that affect membership structures and rules.
Iain Mclean and Alistair McMillan
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199258208
- eISBN:
- 9780191603334
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199258201.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter discusses the evolution of elite attitudes in all parties. On the Unionist side, some of the earlier props of Unionism fell away (interests of local economic elites; the Empire; ...
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This chapter discusses the evolution of elite attitudes in all parties. On the Unionist side, some of the earlier props of Unionism fell away (interests of local economic elites; the Empire; anti-Catholicism outside NI), while brute facts such as Labour’s dependence on its seats in Scotland and Wales became more important. Labour became a unionist party rather than a devolutionist party in the Beveridge era, when setting and maintaining national standards appeared paramount. Its swing to devolution occurred in the 1960s and 1970s, most dramatically in the summer of 1974. On the anti-Unionist side: the very different trajectories of the Scottish National Party, Plaid Cymru, and the factions of Irish nationalism, the growth of pro-devolution factions in other parties, and that of English regionalism in some (but not all) regions. 1961 is taken as the starting-point because it was the year of the West Lothian by-election in which the SNP first emerged as a credible force outside wartime. The last ideologue of unionism (Enoch Powell) and the last principled Unionist politician outside Ulster (John Major).Less
This chapter discusses the evolution of elite attitudes in all parties. On the Unionist side, some of the earlier props of Unionism fell away (interests of local economic elites; the Empire; anti-Catholicism outside NI), while brute facts such as Labour’s dependence on its seats in Scotland and Wales became more important. Labour became a unionist party rather than a devolutionist party in the Beveridge era, when setting and maintaining national standards appeared paramount. Its swing to devolution occurred in the 1960s and 1970s, most dramatically in the summer of 1974. On the anti-Unionist side: the very different trajectories of the Scottish National Party, Plaid Cymru, and the factions of Irish nationalism, the growth of pro-devolution factions in other parties, and that of English regionalism in some (but not all) regions. 1961 is taken as the starting-point because it was the year of the West Lothian by-election in which the SNP first emerged as a credible force outside wartime. The last ideologue of unionism (Enoch Powell) and the last principled Unionist politician outside Ulster (John Major).
Alan Ware
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199564439
- eISBN:
- 9780191721526
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199564439.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Political Economy
This chapter focuses primarily on what determines whether major parties that have collapsed cease to operate or, alternatively, continue as minor parties. Again, it focuses mainly on the American ...
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This chapter focuses primarily on what determines whether major parties that have collapsed cease to operate or, alternatively, continue as minor parties. Again, it focuses mainly on the American Whigs, who had dissolved by the later 1850s, and the British Liberals, who persisted after the 1920s. It examines four factors that prompted dissolution: (i) a presidential system using quasi plurality voting rules; (ii) frequent elections for many public offices; (iii) earlier party efforts to develop coattails effects, in fighting elections as a team; (iv) the linking by parties of political ambitions at different levels of office. The absence of these factors in the British case reduced the incentive for Liberals to abandon their party. However, contingency, especially the impact of the formation of the National government in 1931 and the Second World War also aided Liberal survival up to the 1950s.Less
This chapter focuses primarily on what determines whether major parties that have collapsed cease to operate or, alternatively, continue as minor parties. Again, it focuses mainly on the American Whigs, who had dissolved by the later 1850s, and the British Liberals, who persisted after the 1920s. It examines four factors that prompted dissolution: (i) a presidential system using quasi plurality voting rules; (ii) frequent elections for many public offices; (iii) earlier party efforts to develop coattails effects, in fighting elections as a team; (iv) the linking by parties of political ambitions at different levels of office. The absence of these factors in the British case reduced the incentive for Liberals to abandon their party. However, contingency, especially the impact of the formation of the National government in 1931 and the Second World War also aided Liberal survival up to the 1950s.
Iain McLean
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295297
- eISBN:
- 9780191599873
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295294.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
A case study of the relaunch of the Conservative Party, which had been shattered in 1846, under Disraeli and Salisbury. Explains how Disraeli enacted the Second Reform Act in 1867, although it ...
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A case study of the relaunch of the Conservative Party, which had been shattered in 1846, under Disraeli and Salisbury. Explains how Disraeli enacted the Second Reform Act in 1867, although it damaged the material interests of the median MP and peer. Examines the rebasing of the Conservative Party under Disraeli and Salisbury as the party of popular imperialism.Less
A case study of the relaunch of the Conservative Party, which had been shattered in 1846, under Disraeli and Salisbury. Explains how Disraeli enacted the Second Reform Act in 1867, although it damaged the material interests of the median MP and peer. Examines the rebasing of the Conservative Party under Disraeli and Salisbury as the party of popular imperialism.
Harold D. Clarke, Helmut Norpoth, and Paul Whiteley
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198292371
- eISBN:
- 9780191600159
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198292376.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Reference
Extending the basic regression model to the analysis of processes, which entail modelling time. The example demonstrates using Box‐Jenkins ARIMA intervention and transfer function models, and error ...
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Extending the basic regression model to the analysis of processes, which entail modelling time. The example demonstrates using Box‐Jenkins ARIMA intervention and transfer function models, and error correction models, and introduces and interprets statistical tests such as the Q‐test and the Dickey‐Fuller t‐ratio.Less
Extending the basic regression model to the analysis of processes, which entail modelling time. The example demonstrates using Box‐Jenkins ARIMA intervention and transfer function models, and error correction models, and introduces and interprets statistical tests such as the Q‐test and the Dickey‐Fuller t‐ratio.
E. H. H. GREEN
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780198205937
- eISBN:
- 9780191717116
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205937.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, Political History
Thatcherism came to dominance in the Conservative Party after 1975 had been prevalent amongst the middle and lower ranks of the party since the end of the Second World War. Despite the electoral ...
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Thatcherism came to dominance in the Conservative Party after 1975 had been prevalent amongst the middle and lower ranks of the party since the end of the Second World War. Despite the electoral success of the Conservative party since the 1945 defeat, and the adoption of the ‘post-war consensus’, the 1950s saw increasing concerns expressed by the party rank and file on inflation, trade union power, levels of taxation, and the perceived lack of policies in the Conservative party to deal with these issues. The initial actions of the 1970 Heath administration following the Selsdon Park conference appeared finally to start to address them. However, the subsequent policy ‘U turn’ and disappointment of electoral defeat in 1974 then paved the way for the election of Margaret Thatcher, the champion of the Conservative rank and file and the ideology that now bears her name.Less
Thatcherism came to dominance in the Conservative Party after 1975 had been prevalent amongst the middle and lower ranks of the party since the end of the Second World War. Despite the electoral success of the Conservative party since the 1945 defeat, and the adoption of the ‘post-war consensus’, the 1950s saw increasing concerns expressed by the party rank and file on inflation, trade union power, levels of taxation, and the perceived lack of policies in the Conservative party to deal with these issues. The initial actions of the 1970 Heath administration following the Selsdon Park conference appeared finally to start to address them. However, the subsequent policy ‘U turn’ and disappointment of electoral defeat in 1974 then paved the way for the election of Margaret Thatcher, the champion of the Conservative rank and file and the ideology that now bears her name.
Kenneth Dyson and Kevin Featherstone
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198296386
- eISBN:
- 9780191599125
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019829638X.003.0016
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
With the failure to delay or block the EMU initiative, Major was left to bridge the unbridgeable, caught between a divided party and European credibility. Party divisions prevented any radical shift ...
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With the failure to delay or block the EMU initiative, Major was left to bridge the unbridgeable, caught between a divided party and European credibility. Party divisions prevented any radical shift of policy. More constructive rhetoric did not disguise essential policy continuity. Major's instincts were for pragmatism, but any scope for building alternative coalitions (e.g. with the German–Dutch bloc) were not exploited, despite compatibilities in policy belief (on monetary policy and on free markets). Thus, the end game became dominated by the technical design of an opt‐out from EMU and a weakening stage 2. The ‘victory’ on the opt‐out was somewhat hollow: not least because Britain's partners had all but given up on her. The problems of reconciling Britain's interests were graphically portrayed by its exit from the ERM in September 1992. The irony of Major's leadership was that, despite him giving priority to party unity, the Conservative Party was left in almost terminable decline and he failed to ease the constraints on his successor.Less
With the failure to delay or block the EMU initiative, Major was left to bridge the unbridgeable, caught between a divided party and European credibility. Party divisions prevented any radical shift of policy. More constructive rhetoric did not disguise essential policy continuity. Major's instincts were for pragmatism, but any scope for building alternative coalitions (e.g. with the German–Dutch bloc) were not exploited, despite compatibilities in policy belief (on monetary policy and on free markets). Thus, the end game became dominated by the technical design of an opt‐out from EMU and a weakening stage 2. The ‘victory’ on the opt‐out was somewhat hollow: not least because Britain's partners had all but given up on her. The problems of reconciling Britain's interests were graphically portrayed by its exit from the ERM in September 1992. The irony of Major's leadership was that, despite him giving priority to party unity, the Conservative Party was left in almost terminable decline and he failed to ease the constraints on his successor.
Brian Harrison
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198731214
- eISBN:
- 9780191694967
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198731214.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Social History
Despite the substantial executive powers government derives from a centralised and unitary monarchical political system, public opinion in Britain wells up spontaneously from below. Already in Walter ...
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Despite the substantial executive powers government derives from a centralised and unitary monarchical political system, public opinion in Britain wells up spontaneously from below. Already in Walter Bagehot's day, changes in communications were drawing opinion further towards the centre, with political parties as the vehicle. Given that British elections are unpredictable in their timing, volunteers had to be kept in continuous readiness, and this meant local associations of a more structured and participatory kind. Women proved particularly adept at the work, and Conservative Party women had a double advantage: they were less divided by feminist disputes, and more likely to offer the magnetism of social standing. By contrast, the Liberal Party's strength lay in conviction politics. This chapter shows how the resilience of the two-party system among the politicians reflects a similar resilience among their constituents, with each party continuously seeking to steal a march on the other. It focuses on the parties at Westminster and relates the two-party polarization in the constituencies to the two-party conflict between government and opposition.Less
Despite the substantial executive powers government derives from a centralised and unitary monarchical political system, public opinion in Britain wells up spontaneously from below. Already in Walter Bagehot's day, changes in communications were drawing opinion further towards the centre, with political parties as the vehicle. Given that British elections are unpredictable in their timing, volunteers had to be kept in continuous readiness, and this meant local associations of a more structured and participatory kind. Women proved particularly adept at the work, and Conservative Party women had a double advantage: they were less divided by feminist disputes, and more likely to offer the magnetism of social standing. By contrast, the Liberal Party's strength lay in conviction politics. This chapter shows how the resilience of the two-party system among the politicians reflects a similar resilience among their constituents, with each party continuously seeking to steal a march on the other. It focuses on the parties at Westminster and relates the two-party polarization in the constituencies to the two-party conflict between government and opposition.
Marc Brodie
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199270552
- eISBN:
- 9780191710254
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199270552.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Social History
This book is about the political views of the ‘classic’ poor of London's East End in the late Victorian and Edwardian periods. The residents of this area have been historically characterized as ...
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This book is about the political views of the ‘classic’ poor of London's East End in the late Victorian and Edwardian periods. The residents of this area have been historically characterized as abjectly poor, casually employed, slum dwellers with a poverty-induced apathy toward political solutions interspersed with occasional violent displays of support for populist calls for protectionism, imperialism, or anti-alien agitation. These factors, in combination, have been thought to have allowed the Conservative Party to politically dominate the East End in this period. This study demonstrates that many of these images are wrong. Economic conditions in the East End were not as uniformly bleak as often portrayed. The workings of the franchise laws also meant that those who possessed the vote in the East End were generally the most prosperous and regularly employed of their occupational group. Conservative electoral victories in the East End were not the result of poverty. Political attitudes in the East End were determined to a far greater extent by issues concerning the ‘personal’ in a number of senses. The importance given to individual character in the political judgements of the East End working class was greatly increased by a number of specific local factors. These included the prevalence of particular forms of workplace structure, and the generally somewhat shorter length of time on the electoral register of voters in the area. Also important was a continuing attachment to the Church of England amongst a number of the more prosperous working class. In the place of many ‘myths’ about the people of the East End and their politics, this study provides a model that does not seek to explain the politics of the area in full, but suggests the point strongly that we can understand politics, and the formation of political attitudes, in the East End or any other area, only through a detailed examination of very specific localized community and workplace structures. This book challenges the idea that a ‘Conservatism of the slums’ existed in London's East End in the Victorian and Edwardian period. It argues that images of abjectly poor residents who supported Conservative appeals about protectionism, imperialism, and anti-immigration are largely wrong. Instead, it was the support of better-off workers, combined with a general importance in the area of the ‘personal’ in politics emphasized by local social and workplace structures, which delivered the limited successes that the Conservatives did enjoy.Less
This book is about the political views of the ‘classic’ poor of London's East End in the late Victorian and Edwardian periods. The residents of this area have been historically characterized as abjectly poor, casually employed, slum dwellers with a poverty-induced apathy toward political solutions interspersed with occasional violent displays of support for populist calls for protectionism, imperialism, or anti-alien agitation. These factors, in combination, have been thought to have allowed the Conservative Party to politically dominate the East End in this period. This study demonstrates that many of these images are wrong. Economic conditions in the East End were not as uniformly bleak as often portrayed. The workings of the franchise laws also meant that those who possessed the vote in the East End were generally the most prosperous and regularly employed of their occupational group. Conservative electoral victories in the East End were not the result of poverty. Political attitudes in the East End were determined to a far greater extent by issues concerning the ‘personal’ in a number of senses. The importance given to individual character in the political judgements of the East End working class was greatly increased by a number of specific local factors. These included the prevalence of particular forms of workplace structure, and the generally somewhat shorter length of time on the electoral register of voters in the area. Also important was a continuing attachment to the Church of England amongst a number of the more prosperous working class. In the place of many ‘myths’ about the people of the East End and their politics, this study provides a model that does not seek to explain the politics of the area in full, but suggests the point strongly that we can understand politics, and the formation of political attitudes, in the East End or any other area, only through a detailed examination of very specific localized community and workplace structures. This book challenges the idea that a ‘Conservatism of the slums’ existed in London's East End in the Victorian and Edwardian period. It argues that images of abjectly poor residents who supported Conservative appeals about protectionism, imperialism, and anti-immigration are largely wrong. Instead, it was the support of better-off workers, combined with a general importance in the area of the ‘personal’ in politics emphasized by local social and workplace structures, which delivered the limited successes that the Conservatives did enjoy.
Hugh Ward
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198292371
- eISBN:
- 9780191600159
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198292376.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Reference
A summary explanation of rational choice theory, and its development in game theory, as a challenge to conventional social science theories. The example, demonstrating its application to the campaign ...
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A summary explanation of rational choice theory, and its development in game theory, as a challenge to conventional social science theories. The example, demonstrating its application to the campaign strategies of political parties, highlights the particular strength of rational choice approaches in throwing up non‐intuitive but empirically testable propositions.Less
A summary explanation of rational choice theory, and its development in game theory, as a challenge to conventional social science theories. The example, demonstrating its application to the campaign strategies of political parties, highlights the particular strength of rational choice approaches in throwing up non‐intuitive but empirically testable propositions.
ANTHONY SELDON
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198202387
- eISBN:
- 9780191675317
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198202387.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
This chapter presents the history of the Conservative Party since the late nineteenth century and suggests a cyclical chronological pattern of failure and success. It notes that during the nineteenth ...
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This chapter presents the history of the Conservative Party since the late nineteenth century and suggests a cyclical chronological pattern of failure and success. It notes that during the nineteenth century, the Conservatives had accepted parliamentary government, and the fact that after resistance changes had to be accepted and indeed could be controlled. The chapter discusses the dominance of the Conservative Party from 1886–1906. It describes the changes that occurred in the party during 1906–24, when a new office of Chairman of the Party Organization was being set up. The chapter also talks about the dominance of Baldwinian consensus during 1924–40, and explains that the fall of the National Government in May 1940 and its replacement by a genuine coalition under Winston Churchill ushered in another period of transition. It describes the Conservative hegemony in 1951–64, as well as in 1979–90, and discusses that, in 1964, rethinking of policy and organizational reform occurred.Less
This chapter presents the history of the Conservative Party since the late nineteenth century and suggests a cyclical chronological pattern of failure and success. It notes that during the nineteenth century, the Conservatives had accepted parliamentary government, and the fact that after resistance changes had to be accepted and indeed could be controlled. The chapter discusses the dominance of the Conservative Party from 1886–1906. It describes the changes that occurred in the party during 1906–24, when a new office of Chairman of the Party Organization was being set up. The chapter also talks about the dominance of Baldwinian consensus during 1924–40, and explains that the fall of the National Government in May 1940 and its replacement by a genuine coalition under Winston Churchill ushered in another period of transition. It describes the Conservative hegemony in 1951–64, as well as in 1979–90, and discusses that, in 1964, rethinking of policy and organizational reform occurred.
Melissa Haussman
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199242665
- eISBN:
- 9780191600258
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242666.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Canada's government gained constitutional autonomy from Britain in the 1960s and decriminalized abortion for a few women under the strict control of doctors and hospitals. When the Supreme Court ...
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Canada's government gained constitutional autonomy from Britain in the 1960s and decriminalized abortion for a few women under the strict control of doctors and hospitals. When the Supreme Court ruled this law unconstitutional in 1988, it marked a complete success for the women's movement activists. They were able to seal this victory by stopping, barely, the attempts by the Conservative government to return abortion law to the criminal code. The movement developed its political clout without the help of numerous women's policy agencies that, although sympathetic to feminist goals and well‐funded, were silenced by the policy environment.Less
Canada's government gained constitutional autonomy from Britain in the 1960s and decriminalized abortion for a few women under the strict control of doctors and hospitals. When the Supreme Court ruled this law unconstitutional in 1988, it marked a complete success for the women's movement activists. They were able to seal this victory by stopping, barely, the attempts by the Conservative government to return abortion law to the criminal code. The movement developed its political clout without the help of numerous women's policy agencies that, although sympathetic to feminist goals and well‐funded, were silenced by the policy environment.
Angus Hawkins
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199204410
- eISBN:
- 9780191695575
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199204410.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
This chapter discusses the political activities of Lord Derby after his second term as prime minister of Great Britain ended in June 1859. Derby resumed opposition to Viscount Palmerston's government ...
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This chapter discusses the political activities of Lord Derby after his second term as prime minister of Great Britain ended in June 1859. Derby resumed opposition to Viscount Palmerston's government with a keen sense of expectation. Benjamin Disraeli suggested that Palmerston's new ministry would be merely a refacimento of the old Palmerston clique. In a gala dinner on July 16, Derby assured the Conservative Members of Parliament and peers that the Conservative Party would soon gain the majority in the House of Commons.Less
This chapter discusses the political activities of Lord Derby after his second term as prime minister of Great Britain ended in June 1859. Derby resumed opposition to Viscount Palmerston's government with a keen sense of expectation. Benjamin Disraeli suggested that Palmerston's new ministry would be merely a refacimento of the old Palmerston clique. In a gala dinner on July 16, Derby assured the Conservative Members of Parliament and peers that the Conservative Party would soon gain the majority in the House of Commons.
Anthony Seldon and Stuart Ball (eds)
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198202387
- eISBN:
- 9780191675317
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198202387.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
The Conservative Party has been the dominant force in twentieth-century British politics. On its own, or as the predominant partner in a coalition, it has held power for more than 60 years since ...
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The Conservative Party has been the dominant force in twentieth-century British politics. On its own, or as the predominant partner in a coalition, it has held power for more than 60 years since 1900. Despite this, it has been the most neglected and misunderstood of all the main parties. This book attempts to survey the history and politics of the Conservative Party across the whole of the twentieth century, from the ‘Khaki’ election of 1900 to John Major's victory of 1992, and beyond. Traditional boundaries between history and political science have been ignored, with each of the team of contributors pursuing a theme within three main areas: the composition and structure of the Party; its ideas, policies, and actions in government; and its public image and sources of support in the country. The essays are based upon new research, in particular in the Conservative Party archives.Less
The Conservative Party has been the dominant force in twentieth-century British politics. On its own, or as the predominant partner in a coalition, it has held power for more than 60 years since 1900. Despite this, it has been the most neglected and misunderstood of all the main parties. This book attempts to survey the history and politics of the Conservative Party across the whole of the twentieth century, from the ‘Khaki’ election of 1900 to John Major's victory of 1992, and beyond. Traditional boundaries between history and political science have been ignored, with each of the team of contributors pursuing a theme within three main areas: the composition and structure of the Party; its ideas, policies, and actions in government; and its public image and sources of support in the country. The essays are based upon new research, in particular in the Conservative Party archives.
BRIAN GIRVIN
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198202387
- eISBN:
- 9780191675317
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198202387.003.0019
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
This chapter provides a broader perspective on all the themes raised in the book through a comparative analysis that places the British Conservative Party in an international context, and includes ...
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This chapter provides a broader perspective on all the themes raised in the book through a comparative analysis that places the British Conservative Party in an international context, and includes all the significant examples of parties of the democratic right in the developed world, in both Europe and North America. It demonstrates the similar nature of many of the challenges they have faced and the spectrum of responses they have chosen, dividing the period since 1900 into several phases.Less
This chapter provides a broader perspective on all the themes raised in the book through a comparative analysis that places the British Conservative Party in an international context, and includes all the significant examples of parties of the democratic right in the developed world, in both Europe and North America. It demonstrates the similar nature of many of the challenges they have faced and the spectrum of responses they have chosen, dividing the period since 1900 into several phases.
Daniel Gover and Michael Kenny
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780197266465
- eISBN:
- 9780191879609
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197266465.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
In October 2015, the Conservative Government introduced a reform to the procedures of the House of Commons known as ‘English votes for English laws’ (or EVEL). This chapter examines how the ...
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In October 2015, the Conservative Government introduced a reform to the procedures of the House of Commons known as ‘English votes for English laws’ (or EVEL). This chapter examines how the Conservative Party, which has historically been closely identified with unionism, became the architect of such a scheme. It documents how this topic emerged in political debate, following the implementation of devolution and, again, in the aftermath of the 2014 Scottish independence referendum. And it analyses EVEL’s operation at Westminster in 2015–17, uncovering tensions within it that point to deeper strains within Conservative Party thinking. It concludes that EVEL needs to be understood not only as a response to the ‘West Lothian Question’, but also in relation to a longer-term disjuncture in the Conservative psyche arising from two competing conceptions of the nature and purpose of union.Less
In October 2015, the Conservative Government introduced a reform to the procedures of the House of Commons known as ‘English votes for English laws’ (or EVEL). This chapter examines how the Conservative Party, which has historically been closely identified with unionism, became the architect of such a scheme. It documents how this topic emerged in political debate, following the implementation of devolution and, again, in the aftermath of the 2014 Scottish independence referendum. And it analyses EVEL’s operation at Westminster in 2015–17, uncovering tensions within it that point to deeper strains within Conservative Party thinking. It concludes that EVEL needs to be understood not only as a response to the ‘West Lothian Question’, but also in relation to a longer-term disjuncture in the Conservative psyche arising from two competing conceptions of the nature and purpose of union.
Angus Hawkins
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199204410
- eISBN:
- 9780191695575
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199204410.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
This chapter discusses the political activities of Lord Derby from 1855 to 1858. In February 1855, Derby was confronted with the problems of how to oppose the British Prime Minister, Viscount of ...
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This chapter discusses the political activities of Lord Derby from 1855 to 1858. In February 1855, Derby was confronted with the problems of how to oppose the British Prime Minister, Viscount of Palmerston, how to handle William Gladstone, and how to bolster his ally Benjamin Disraeli. Derby's relationship with Palmerston is complex. Disraeli remained deeply mistrusted by many of the conservatives, and Gladstone refused to join Derby in his Conservative Party. However, despite all these challenges, Derby was able to regain power as prime minister in February 1858.Less
This chapter discusses the political activities of Lord Derby from 1855 to 1858. In February 1855, Derby was confronted with the problems of how to oppose the British Prime Minister, Viscount of Palmerston, how to handle William Gladstone, and how to bolster his ally Benjamin Disraeli. Derby's relationship with Palmerston is complex. Disraeli remained deeply mistrusted by many of the conservatives, and Gladstone refused to join Derby in his Conservative Party. However, despite all these challenges, Derby was able to regain power as prime minister in February 1858.
