Roger M. Barker
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199576814
- eISBN:
- 9780191722509
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199576814.003.0006
- Subject:
- Business and Management, International Business, Corporate Governance and Accountability
A panel data econometric analysis of corporate governance change is undertaken utilizing a data set of fifteen nonliberal market economies covering the period 1975–2003. The results of this analysis ...
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A panel data econometric analysis of corporate governance change is undertaken utilizing a data set of fifteen nonliberal market economies covering the period 1975–2003. The results of this analysis suggested that the interaction of partisanship and competition is a highly significant determinant of corporate governance change. In particular, significant shifts in a pro‐shareholder direction are associated with Left government – but not conservative government – in the context of high levels of competition. In contrast, neither Left nor conservative government is associated with corporate governance change in a low‐competition environment.Less
A panel data econometric analysis of corporate governance change is undertaken utilizing a data set of fifteen nonliberal market economies covering the period 1975–2003. The results of this analysis suggested that the interaction of partisanship and competition is a highly significant determinant of corporate governance change. In particular, significant shifts in a pro‐shareholder direction are associated with Left government – but not conservative government – in the context of high levels of competition. In contrast, neither Left nor conservative government is associated with corporate governance change in a low‐competition environment.
Roger M. Barker
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199576814
- eISBN:
- 9780191722509
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199576814.003.0002
- Subject:
- Business and Management, International Business, Corporate Governance and Accountability
An analytical framework is outlined with three social actors: blockholders, insider labor, and outsiders. Each has differing corporate governance preferences. Blockholders and insider labor are ...
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An analytical framework is outlined with three social actors: blockholders, insider labor, and outsiders. Each has differing corporate governance preferences. Blockholders and insider labor are represented by conservative and Left parties respectively. Outsiders do not have their own party, and represent a potential source of new votes for both parties. However, they require a commitment to pro‐shareholder corporate governance reform in order to win their support. As long as economic rents are substantial (due to low levels of product market competition), neither the Left nor conservative parties are willing to solicit the support of outsiders. Both of their core constituents benefit from the sharing of economic rents. However, if economic rents decline, insider labor no longer has an interest in sustaining a self-regulatory blockholder model of corporate governance. In contrast, conservative parties remain the apologists of the blockholder model.Less
An analytical framework is outlined with three social actors: blockholders, insider labor, and outsiders. Each has differing corporate governance preferences. Blockholders and insider labor are represented by conservative and Left parties respectively. Outsiders do not have their own party, and represent a potential source of new votes for both parties. However, they require a commitment to pro‐shareholder corporate governance reform in order to win their support. As long as economic rents are substantial (due to low levels of product market competition), neither the Left nor conservative parties are willing to solicit the support of outsiders. Both of their core constituents benefit from the sharing of economic rents. However, if economic rents decline, insider labor no longer has an interest in sustaining a self-regulatory blockholder model of corporate governance. In contrast, conservative parties remain the apologists of the blockholder model.
David Rueda
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199216352
- eISBN:
- 9780191712241
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199216352.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter explores the relationship between government partisanship and employment protection in Spain, the Netherlands, and the UK since 1970. The analysis of the Spanish case shows that the ...
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This chapter explores the relationship between government partisanship and employment protection in Spain, the Netherlands, and the UK since 1970. The analysis of the Spanish case shows that the social democratic party [Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE)] was decidedly pro-insider. Facing increasing economic challenges (unemployment, inflation, etc.), the PSOE responded by staunchly maintaining the high protection of insiders and by facilitating the entry into the labour market of outsiders. Regarding the Netherlands, the analysis shows very similar developments to those described in the Spanish analysis. The analysis of the UK displays the consequences of unfettered conservative government. In the 1980s and 1990s, prime ministers Thatcher and Major engineered a dramatic attack on insiders in the UK. Labour's return to power since has meant a very timid attempt to promote insider protection.Less
This chapter explores the relationship between government partisanship and employment protection in Spain, the Netherlands, and the UK since 1970. The analysis of the Spanish case shows that the social democratic party [Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE)] was decidedly pro-insider. Facing increasing economic challenges (unemployment, inflation, etc.), the PSOE responded by staunchly maintaining the high protection of insiders and by facilitating the entry into the labour market of outsiders. Regarding the Netherlands, the analysis shows very similar developments to those described in the Spanish analysis. The analysis of the UK displays the consequences of unfettered conservative government. In the 1980s and 1990s, prime ministers Thatcher and Major engineered a dramatic attack on insiders in the UK. Labour's return to power since has meant a very timid attempt to promote insider protection.
Roger M. Barker
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199576814
- eISBN:
- 9780191722509
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199576814.003.0001
- Subject:
- Business and Management, International Business, Corporate Governance and Accountability
An increasingly shareholder–oriented approach to corporate governance has emerged in the nonliberal market economies of continental Europe over the last ten–fifteen years. However, Left parties have ...
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An increasingly shareholder–oriented approach to corporate governance has emerged in the nonliberal market economies of continental Europe over the last ten–fifteen years. However, Left parties have also enjoyed a strong presence in government during the same period. This presents a puzzle, as intuitive expectations regarding the economic policy preferences of political parties – and also Mark Roe's theory (2003) of the political determinants of corporate governance – imply that pro‐shareholder corporate governance reform is more likely to be a feature of conservative than Left government.Less
An increasingly shareholder–oriented approach to corporate governance has emerged in the nonliberal market economies of continental Europe over the last ten–fifteen years. However, Left parties have also enjoyed a strong presence in government during the same period. This presents a puzzle, as intuitive expectations regarding the economic policy preferences of political parties – and also Mark Roe's theory (2003) of the political determinants of corporate governance – imply that pro‐shareholder corporate governance reform is more likely to be a feature of conservative than Left government.
David Rueda
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199216352
- eISBN:
- 9780191712241
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199216352.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter analyses how the interaction between government partisanship and unemployment vulnerability affect the politics of active labour market policies (ALMPs) in Spain, the Netherlands, and ...
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This chapter analyses how the interaction between government partisanship and unemployment vulnerability affect the politics of active labour market policies (ALMPs) in Spain, the Netherlands, and the UK. The analysis of the Spanish case shows that government partisanship does not affect ALMPs. Social democratic governments in Spain have not promoted higher levels of ALMPs compared with conservative ones. Developments in the Netherlands are remarkably similar to those in Spain. The analysis of the UK case shows a clear temporal division. During the 1970s and 1980s, government partisanship did not affect a general disinterest in ALMPs. Employers did not want them, unions had incentives not to pay too much attention to them, and Conservative and Labour governments had no reason to favour them. High levels of insider protection made the Labour Party indifferent to ALMPs until the arrival of Margaret Thatcher. The decrease in insider protection promoted by the conservative governments of Thatcher and Major facilitated a new interest in ALMPs by insiders and the emergence of Blair's Third Way (defined as a Labour strategy with employment promotion as a preeminent goal).Less
This chapter analyses how the interaction between government partisanship and unemployment vulnerability affect the politics of active labour market policies (ALMPs) in Spain, the Netherlands, and the UK. The analysis of the Spanish case shows that government partisanship does not affect ALMPs. Social democratic governments in Spain have not promoted higher levels of ALMPs compared with conservative ones. Developments in the Netherlands are remarkably similar to those in Spain. The analysis of the UK case shows a clear temporal division. During the 1970s and 1980s, government partisanship did not affect a general disinterest in ALMPs. Employers did not want them, unions had incentives not to pay too much attention to them, and Conservative and Labour governments had no reason to favour them. High levels of insider protection made the Labour Party indifferent to ALMPs until the arrival of Margaret Thatcher. The decrease in insider protection promoted by the conservative governments of Thatcher and Major facilitated a new interest in ALMPs by insiders and the emergence of Blair's Third Way (defined as a Labour strategy with employment promotion as a preeminent goal).
Anthony F. Heath, Roger M. Jowell, and John K. Curtice
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199245116
- eISBN:
- 9780191599453
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199245118.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
The main aim of the book is to explore electoral behaviour in Britain from 1979– 97, which covers the 18years of Conservative government with Margaret Thatcher and John Major as prime ministers of ...
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The main aim of the book is to explore electoral behaviour in Britain from 1979– 97, which covers the 18years of Conservative government with Margaret Thatcher and John Major as prime ministers of the country and ends with New Labour's landslide victory in 1997. The authors of The Rise of New Labour describe the electoral experiments in the British political spectrum in this period, assess the reasons for their success and failure and discuss their implications in the framework of the underlying theories of electoral behaviour. The analyses in the book are based on the series of British Election Surveys (BESs) that have been undertaken immediately after every election since 1964 and on the 1992–97 British Election Panel Study (BEPS).Less
The main aim of the book is to explore electoral behaviour in Britain from 1979– 97, which covers the 18years of Conservative government with Margaret Thatcher and John Major as prime ministers of the country and ends with New Labour's landslide victory in 1997. The authors of The Rise of New Labour describe the electoral experiments in the British political spectrum in this period, assess the reasons for their success and failure and discuss their implications in the framework of the underlying theories of electoral behaviour. The analyses in the book are based on the series of British Election Surveys (BESs) that have been undertaken immediately after every election since 1964 and on the 1992–97 British Election Panel Study (BEPS).
Francesca Carnevali
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199257393
- eISBN:
- 9780191603846
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199257396.003.0006
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Economic History
This chapter analyses the reasons behind the decline of small firms in Britain after 1945. It explores the politics behind industrial concentration by looking at the attitude towards small firms of ...
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This chapter analyses the reasons behind the decline of small firms in Britain after 1945. It explores the politics behind industrial concentration by looking at the attitude towards small firms of successive Conservative and Labour governments. The chapter focuses on monetary policy up to 1971, and its impact on commercial banks and their relationship with small firms.Less
This chapter analyses the reasons behind the decline of small firms in Britain after 1945. It explores the politics behind industrial concentration by looking at the attitude towards small firms of successive Conservative and Labour governments. The chapter focuses on monetary policy up to 1971, and its impact on commercial banks and their relationship with small firms.
Mark Pitchford
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719083631
- eISBN:
- 9781781702864
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719083631.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter describes the impact of Conservative governments' domestic and imperial policies on an increasingly vociferous extreme right, showing how the Conservative Party both alienated and ...
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This chapter describes the impact of Conservative governments' domestic and imperial policies on an increasingly vociferous extreme right, showing how the Conservative Party both alienated and attracted the extreme right while maintaining opposition to any groups or individuals that possessed fascist antecedents or characteristics. There was little detectable change in the Conservative Party's relationship with the extreme right under Harold Macmillan's leadership. The Conservative Party had played a part in the marginalisation by opposing the League of Empire Loyalists and investigating the Elizabethan Party. The New Daily's article concluded by stating that it believed Central Office was interested in the ‘Hastings Experiment’, and promised to forward its full results to the Party Chairman. The Monday Club's damage limitation had immediate consequences. The Freedom Group and the Monday Club operated along the Conservative Party's nebulous right-wing border, but were now more firmly within it.Less
This chapter describes the impact of Conservative governments' domestic and imperial policies on an increasingly vociferous extreme right, showing how the Conservative Party both alienated and attracted the extreme right while maintaining opposition to any groups or individuals that possessed fascist antecedents or characteristics. There was little detectable change in the Conservative Party's relationship with the extreme right under Harold Macmillan's leadership. The Conservative Party had played a part in the marginalisation by opposing the League of Empire Loyalists and investigating the Elizabethan Party. The New Daily's article concluded by stating that it believed Central Office was interested in the ‘Hastings Experiment’, and promised to forward its full results to the Party Chairman. The Monday Club's damage limitation had immediate consequences. The Freedom Group and the Monday Club operated along the Conservative Party's nebulous right-wing border, but were now more firmly within it.
JOSE MARIA MARAVALL
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198280835
- eISBN:
- 9780191684401
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198280835.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter tries to look into the extent that the growing convergence of economic policies removed the differences between distinct political options. It explores whether the redistributive ...
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This chapter tries to look into the extent that the growing convergence of economic policies removed the differences between distinct political options. It explores whether the redistributive tendencies of the new democracies influenced leftwing governments, and how far social democracy was able to represent a political alternative with a distinctive identity. It tries to answer these questions by examining the programmes and policies of the Southern European socialist parties, and compares them with the experience of European social democracy. The chapter primarily focuses on the Spanish, French, and Greek cases. The chapter identifies the similarities and differences that existed between the policy preferences of the social democratic and non-socialist governments, and to compare them with those of conservative governments. It concludes that social democratic identity was typically expressed in different combinations of competitiveness and redistribution, economic efficiency and social equality. These were the politically significant aspects which distinguished social democratic policies from conservative ones. These differences affected the distribution of the social costs and benefits of policies, rather than macroeconomic management.Less
This chapter tries to look into the extent that the growing convergence of economic policies removed the differences between distinct political options. It explores whether the redistributive tendencies of the new democracies influenced leftwing governments, and how far social democracy was able to represent a political alternative with a distinctive identity. It tries to answer these questions by examining the programmes and policies of the Southern European socialist parties, and compares them with the experience of European social democracy. The chapter primarily focuses on the Spanish, French, and Greek cases. The chapter identifies the similarities and differences that existed between the policy preferences of the social democratic and non-socialist governments, and to compare them with those of conservative governments. It concludes that social democratic identity was typically expressed in different combinations of competitiveness and redistribution, economic efficiency and social equality. These were the politically significant aspects which distinguished social democratic policies from conservative ones. These differences affected the distribution of the social costs and benefits of policies, rather than macroeconomic management.
KEVIN THEAKSTON and GEOFFREY FRY
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198202387
- eISBN:
- 9780191675317
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198202387.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Political History
This chapter discusses one of the most powerful influences upon the actions of Conservative governments: the role of the civil service. It notes that the Conservatives returned to office in 1970 and ...
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This chapter discusses one of the most powerful influences upon the actions of Conservative governments: the role of the civil service. It notes that the Conservatives returned to office in 1970 and still more in 1979 armed with plans intended to ensure that the governmental machine worked to implement rather than frustrate their aims. The chapter explains that, traditionally, Labour had been suspicious of the ‘establishment’ influence of the civil service, but once the Conservatives also adopted a radical agenda, they too came to regard the bureaucracy as a barrier to be overcome in its instinctive commitment to the status quo. It charts the different interactions between the party and Whitehall, concluding with a discussion of the Thatcher and Major reforms.Less
This chapter discusses one of the most powerful influences upon the actions of Conservative governments: the role of the civil service. It notes that the Conservatives returned to office in 1970 and still more in 1979 armed with plans intended to ensure that the governmental machine worked to implement rather than frustrate their aims. The chapter explains that, traditionally, Labour had been suspicious of the ‘establishment’ influence of the civil service, but once the Conservatives also adopted a radical agenda, they too came to regard the bureaucracy as a barrier to be overcome in its instinctive commitment to the status quo. It charts the different interactions between the party and Whitehall, concluding with a discussion of the Thatcher and Major reforms.
Benjamin C. Waterhouse
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691149165
- eISBN:
- 9781400848171
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691149165.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
This chapter analyzes how the interlocking problems of taxation and the federal budget set the stage for the contentious politics of business in the 1980s. During the Reagan administration, ...
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This chapter analyzes how the interlocking problems of taxation and the federal budget set the stage for the contentious politics of business in the 1980s. During the Reagan administration, ideological small-government conservatives clashed openly with the heads of manufacturing and other traditional capital-intensive business firms. In spite of their superficial common opposition to Keynesian demand stimulus and organized labor, these disparate groups of conservatives held sharply divergent priorities. Their struggle produced a tale of two tax cuts. One, supported by industrialists, aimed to revitalize manufacturing by providing incentives for investment and savings. The other, an antistatist quest to lower all taxes, garnered greater populist appeal. Although not mutually exclusive—both found a way into Reagan's tax reduction legislation in the summer of 1981—these competing visions marked an emerging schism within the ranks of conservatism.Less
This chapter analyzes how the interlocking problems of taxation and the federal budget set the stage for the contentious politics of business in the 1980s. During the Reagan administration, ideological small-government conservatives clashed openly with the heads of manufacturing and other traditional capital-intensive business firms. In spite of their superficial common opposition to Keynesian demand stimulus and organized labor, these disparate groups of conservatives held sharply divergent priorities. Their struggle produced a tale of two tax cuts. One, supported by industrialists, aimed to revitalize manufacturing by providing incentives for investment and savings. The other, an antistatist quest to lower all taxes, garnered greater populist appeal. Although not mutually exclusive—both found a way into Reagan's tax reduction legislation in the summer of 1981—these competing visions marked an emerging schism within the ranks of conservatism.
Michael Tracey
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198159254
- eISBN:
- 9780191673573
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198159254.003.0005
- Subject:
- Literature, Film, Media, and Cultural Studies
The agony of the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) was only just beginning, a slow but relentless assault on the political and fiscal integrity of the Corporation by a Conservative government ...
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The agony of the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) was only just beginning, a slow but relentless assault on the political and fiscal integrity of the Corporation by a Conservative government bent on changing the BBC. The then Home Secretary, Douglas Hurd, declaimed that the licence fee was not ‘eternal’. Apparently, the government was considering establishing—as part of its examination of renewal of the BBC royal charter—a Public Service Broadcasting Council, partly funded by the licence fees which had hitherto gone only to the BBC. The context in which this was taking place was clear: the rise of the ‘new media’ of cable and satellite; the effective privatising of the ITV system, which in effect shed public service obligations despite an alleged commitment to ‘quality’; and a consistent policy of squeezing the real value of the licence fee.Less
The agony of the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) was only just beginning, a slow but relentless assault on the political and fiscal integrity of the Corporation by a Conservative government bent on changing the BBC. The then Home Secretary, Douglas Hurd, declaimed that the licence fee was not ‘eternal’. Apparently, the government was considering establishing—as part of its examination of renewal of the BBC royal charter—a Public Service Broadcasting Council, partly funded by the licence fees which had hitherto gone only to the BBC. The context in which this was taking place was clear: the rise of the ‘new media’ of cable and satellite; the effective privatising of the ITV system, which in effect shed public service obligations despite an alleged commitment to ‘quality’; and a consistent policy of squeezing the real value of the licence fee.
Hugh Bochel
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9781847424334
- eISBN:
- 9781447303718
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781847424334.003.0001
- Subject:
- Social Work, Social Policy
This chapter considers the genesis of the Conservatives' positions on social policy up to the general election of May 2010 and its immediate aftermath. It primarily concerns the extent to which the ...
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This chapter considers the genesis of the Conservatives' positions on social policy up to the general election of May 2010 and its immediate aftermath. It primarily concerns the extent to which the Conservatives' policies were similar to or different from those of previous Conservative governments and oppositions, including from the Margaret Thatcher era and earlier; the extent to which Conservative policies differed from those of the Labour governments led by Tony Blair and Gordon Brown; and how the Conservatives reached the policy positions that they held by the time of the 2010 general election. The remainder of this book investigates Conservative social policies in greater depth, with many of the chapters suggesting different possible interpretations of the ideas. Finally, an overview of the chapters included in this book is provided.Less
This chapter considers the genesis of the Conservatives' positions on social policy up to the general election of May 2010 and its immediate aftermath. It primarily concerns the extent to which the Conservatives' policies were similar to or different from those of previous Conservative governments and oppositions, including from the Margaret Thatcher era and earlier; the extent to which Conservative policies differed from those of the Labour governments led by Tony Blair and Gordon Brown; and how the Conservatives reached the policy positions that they held by the time of the 2010 general election. The remainder of this book investigates Conservative social policies in greater depth, with many of the chapters suggesting different possible interpretations of the ideas. Finally, an overview of the chapters included in this book is provided.
Catherine Bochel
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9781847424334
- eISBN:
- 9781447303718
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781847424334.003.0014
- Subject:
- Social Work, Social Policy
This chapter covers the possible implications for the governance of social policy of the Conservative Party under the leadership of David Cameron, including the coalition with the Liberal Democrats. ...
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This chapter covers the possible implications for the governance of social policy of the Conservative Party under the leadership of David Cameron, including the coalition with the Liberal Democrats. It starts by addressing the importance of governance and mechanisms of policymaking and implementation. The general style of governance changed under the Conservatives. Labour sought to bring new approaches to policymaking and implementation, including through encouraging ‘joined-up government’ and ‘evidence-based’ policymaking. In general, this chapter suggests that the general direction of the Conservative Party, and of the Coalition government, reflects many of the ideas of the Conservative governments, including the relative merits and shortcomings of private- and public-sector provision, the importance of individual choice, and the attempts to engage charities and social enterprises in the delivery of public services.Less
This chapter covers the possible implications for the governance of social policy of the Conservative Party under the leadership of David Cameron, including the coalition with the Liberal Democrats. It starts by addressing the importance of governance and mechanisms of policymaking and implementation. The general style of governance changed under the Conservatives. Labour sought to bring new approaches to policymaking and implementation, including through encouraging ‘joined-up government’ and ‘evidence-based’ policymaking. In general, this chapter suggests that the general direction of the Conservative Party, and of the Coalition government, reflects many of the ideas of the Conservative governments, including the relative merits and shortcomings of private- and public-sector provision, the importance of individual choice, and the attempts to engage charities and social enterprises in the delivery of public services.
Kevin Farnsworth
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9781861344748
- eISBN:
- 9781447301998
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781861344748.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Comparative and Historical Sociology
Spanning the complete era of the Conservative governments and the first term of New Labour, this book looks at mechanisms of corporate power and influence; corporate opinion and influence in a range ...
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Spanning the complete era of the Conservative governments and the first term of New Labour, this book looks at mechanisms of corporate power and influence; corporate opinion and influence in a range of social policy areas including: education, training, health and social security; changing business influence on social policy in recent years in an international context and business involvement in social policy initiatives and welfare delivery. By exploring business views and opinions, power, influence and involvement in social provision, this book helps to address important questions in social policy.Less
Spanning the complete era of the Conservative governments and the first term of New Labour, this book looks at mechanisms of corporate power and influence; corporate opinion and influence in a range of social policy areas including: education, training, health and social security; changing business influence on social policy in recent years in an international context and business involvement in social policy initiatives and welfare delivery. By exploring business views and opinions, power, influence and involvement in social provision, this book helps to address important questions in social policy.
Roger Undy, Patricia Fosh, Huw Morris, Paul Smith, and Roderick Martin
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198289197
- eISBN:
- 9780191684685
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198289197.003.0001
- Subject:
- Business and Management, HRM / IR, Organization Studies
Throughout the 1980s and until the first half of the 1990s, Conservative governments were experiencing problems regarding unions and union management. Seeing this situation as both an economic and ...
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Throughout the 1980s and until the first half of the 1990s, Conservative governments were experiencing problems regarding unions and union management. Seeing this situation as both an economic and political priority, they attempted to solve these problems through legislation. This study focuses on union ballots and how these later developed into the formation of a legislation on individual secret postal ballot. By conducting surveys, interviews with union officers and representatives from legislation, and case studies, the study is able to look into the origins, purpose, and effects of this legislation on union behavior and compare its effects with the effects of other environmental factors and union leaders' initiatives. The structure and content of the study is presented through a framework that uses a ‘qualified’ contingency model.Less
Throughout the 1980s and until the first half of the 1990s, Conservative governments were experiencing problems regarding unions and union management. Seeing this situation as both an economic and political priority, they attempted to solve these problems through legislation. This study focuses on union ballots and how these later developed into the formation of a legislation on individual secret postal ballot. By conducting surveys, interviews with union officers and representatives from legislation, and case studies, the study is able to look into the origins, purpose, and effects of this legislation on union behavior and compare its effects with the effects of other environmental factors and union leaders' initiatives. The structure and content of the study is presented through a framework that uses a ‘qualified’ contingency model.
Colin Thain and Maurice Wright
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198277842
- eISBN:
- 9780191684203
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198277842.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics, Political Economy
The demands for health, education, income support and even defence consumes more costs for public spending even as the government is not able or willing to raise more tax thereby resulting in finance ...
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The demands for health, education, income support and even defence consumes more costs for public spending even as the government is not able or willing to raise more tax thereby resulting in finance deficits through government borrowing. While public spending changed radically and inspired changes in the administrative culture of Whitehall, the difficulties in managing and controlling public spending plagued the Conservative Governments of the 1980s and 1990s as they had affected the administrations of Harold Wilson and Jim Callaghan. This chapter examines through a theoretical perspective why modern British governments find it difficult to control public spending centering on the argument of the Treasury's failure to achieve both short-term and medium-term objectives for public spending set by successive governments through the years 1976 to 1993. Treasury Expenditure Controllers and senior staff in the Finance Divisions of the spending department were interviewed to verify the interpretation of events as the research progressed.Less
The demands for health, education, income support and even defence consumes more costs for public spending even as the government is not able or willing to raise more tax thereby resulting in finance deficits through government borrowing. While public spending changed radically and inspired changes in the administrative culture of Whitehall, the difficulties in managing and controlling public spending plagued the Conservative Governments of the 1980s and 1990s as they had affected the administrations of Harold Wilson and Jim Callaghan. This chapter examines through a theoretical perspective why modern British governments find it difficult to control public spending centering on the argument of the Treasury's failure to achieve both short-term and medium-term objectives for public spending set by successive governments through the years 1976 to 1993. Treasury Expenditure Controllers and senior staff in the Finance Divisions of the spending department were interviewed to verify the interpretation of events as the research progressed.
Hugh Bochel and Martin Powell (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781447324560
- eISBN:
- 9781447324584
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781447324560.001.0001
- Subject:
- Education, Educational Policy and Politics
This book examines the social policies of the coalition government from 2010 to 2015, and outlines the incoming Conservative government’s approach during its first 100 days in office. Drawing on ...
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This book examines the social policies of the coalition government from 2010 to 2015, and outlines the incoming Conservative government’s approach during its first 100 days in office. Drawing on contributions on cross-cutting themes such as public expenditure and the governance of social policy, and on key service areas, including education, health and social security, it examines the key ideas underpinning the policies of the coalition government, the influences on policy, including the two governing parties, the legacy of New Labour, the financial crisis of 2008 and its interpretation, and ideology. The book argues that in most respects (although not all), the coalition government can be seen as having more in common with New Right approaches than those of New Labour’s Third Way or One Nation Conservatism. It suggests that that, combined with the emphasis on ‘austerity’ and large-scale public expenditure cuts, contributed to a reshaping of much of the welfare state, particularly in England, although the other constituent parts of the United Kingdom sought, in general, to move in a rather different policy direction.
Looking at the first 100 days of the Conservative government the book concludes that the direction of travel under the coalition was likely to persist at least until the next general election, if not beyond.Less
This book examines the social policies of the coalition government from 2010 to 2015, and outlines the incoming Conservative government’s approach during its first 100 days in office. Drawing on contributions on cross-cutting themes such as public expenditure and the governance of social policy, and on key service areas, including education, health and social security, it examines the key ideas underpinning the policies of the coalition government, the influences on policy, including the two governing parties, the legacy of New Labour, the financial crisis of 2008 and its interpretation, and ideology. The book argues that in most respects (although not all), the coalition government can be seen as having more in common with New Right approaches than those of New Labour’s Third Way or One Nation Conservatism. It suggests that that, combined with the emphasis on ‘austerity’ and large-scale public expenditure cuts, contributed to a reshaping of much of the welfare state, particularly in England, although the other constituent parts of the United Kingdom sought, in general, to move in a rather different policy direction.
Looking at the first 100 days of the Conservative government the book concludes that the direction of travel under the coalition was likely to persist at least until the next general election, if not beyond.
Martin Powell and Hugh Bochel
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9781447324560
- eISBN:
- 9781447324584
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781447324560.003.0016
- Subject:
- Education, Educational Policy and Politics
This Chapter aims to place the main points identified by the contributors into the framework introduced in Chapter 1. In particular, it revisits the questions of the main approaches underlying the ...
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This Chapter aims to place the main points identified by the contributors into the framework introduced in Chapter 1. In particular, it revisits the questions of the main approaches underlying the coalition government, whether its social policies may best be seen as ‘One Nation’ Conservative, New Right or Third Way; and to what extent it reflected Conservative or Liberal Democrat influences. It also explores the first 100 days of the Conservative government elected in May 2015, focusing on the first Conservative Queen’s Speech since 1996, the Budget of July 2015, and 100 day audits of a number of commentators. It concludes that the contributors to this volume tend to follow this broadly critical line, with most of them largely echoing the provisional assessments of chapter 1: the coalition government was closest to the ‘New Right’ approaches; there were significant continuities with previous Conservative (1979-1997) and New Labour (1997-2010) governments; and the Liberal Democrats did not appear to have had a significant impact in many policy areas. All of this suggests that the welfare state in the UK may look rather different after the coalition government.Less
This Chapter aims to place the main points identified by the contributors into the framework introduced in Chapter 1. In particular, it revisits the questions of the main approaches underlying the coalition government, whether its social policies may best be seen as ‘One Nation’ Conservative, New Right or Third Way; and to what extent it reflected Conservative or Liberal Democrat influences. It also explores the first 100 days of the Conservative government elected in May 2015, focusing on the first Conservative Queen’s Speech since 1996, the Budget of July 2015, and 100 day audits of a number of commentators. It concludes that the contributors to this volume tend to follow this broadly critical line, with most of them largely echoing the provisional assessments of chapter 1: the coalition government was closest to the ‘New Right’ approaches; there were significant continuities with previous Conservative (1979-1997) and New Labour (1997-2010) governments; and the Liberal Democrats did not appear to have had a significant impact in many policy areas. All of this suggests that the welfare state in the UK may look rather different after the coalition government.
Brian Harrison
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- March 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780199606122
- eISBN:
- 9780191804632
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:osobl/9780199606122.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter discusses changes in industry and commerce from 1970–1990. In 1970 wartime consensus ideas were very much alive, even under a self-consciously non-interventionist Conservative ...
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This chapter discusses changes in industry and commerce from 1970–1990. In 1970 wartime consensus ideas were very much alive, even under a self-consciously non-interventionist Conservative government. Both Conservative and Labour parties in the 1970s travelled in the same vehicle (corporatist planning), aimed for the same destination (relative as well as absolute material prosperity, without inflation), and diverged only on how best to get there. Yet the difficulties posed by corporatist structures became increasingly apparent, and were illuminated through the attempt by governments of both parties to operate an incomes policy. This crisis was as much political as economic, and is discussed in the first section of the chapter. The outcome was a marked shift in the political agenda, whose origin is discussed in the second section. The third and fourth sections outline the consequences for the British economy and for the workforce, respectively. The chapter concludes with brief discussion of the impact of these and other changes on the consumer.Less
This chapter discusses changes in industry and commerce from 1970–1990. In 1970 wartime consensus ideas were very much alive, even under a self-consciously non-interventionist Conservative government. Both Conservative and Labour parties in the 1970s travelled in the same vehicle (corporatist planning), aimed for the same destination (relative as well as absolute material prosperity, without inflation), and diverged only on how best to get there. Yet the difficulties posed by corporatist structures became increasingly apparent, and were illuminated through the attempt by governments of both parties to operate an incomes policy. This crisis was as much political as economic, and is discussed in the first section of the chapter. The outcome was a marked shift in the political agenda, whose origin is discussed in the second section. The third and fourth sections outline the consequences for the British economy and for the workforce, respectively. The chapter concludes with brief discussion of the impact of these and other changes on the consumer.
