Jochen Prantl
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199287680
- eISBN:
- 9780191603723
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199287686.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This book examines the dynamics between informal groups of states and the UN Security Council in the management of conflicts in Namibia, El Salvador, and Kosovo. It sets forth three main arguments. ...
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This book examines the dynamics between informal groups of states and the UN Security Council in the management of conflicts in Namibia, El Salvador, and Kosovo. It sets forth three main arguments. Firstly, that informal groups of states are agents of incremental change. They proliferated in the 1990s out of the increasing demands on the United Nations to adapt to the new security environment of the post-bipolar world, without formally changing the constitutional foundation of the Organization. Secondly, that informal mechanisms may narrow the operational and participatory gap growing out of the multiple incapacities that prevent the Security Council from formulating an effective response to crisis situations. Informal groups of states may enhance Council governance if they strike a balance between competing demands of inclusiveness, efficiency, informality, transparency, and accountability. Thirdly, that the post-Cold War era has fostered an environment where the substance of conflict resolution and the process of its legitimation have become increasingly detached. The former tends to be delegated to informal groups or coalition of states, while the Security Council provides the latter. The successful merger of right process and substantive outcome may strengthen the legitimacy of the Council and make actions taken by informal settings more acceptable.Less
This book examines the dynamics between informal groups of states and the UN Security Council in the management of conflicts in Namibia, El Salvador, and Kosovo. It sets forth three main arguments. Firstly, that informal groups of states are agents of incremental change. They proliferated in the 1990s out of the increasing demands on the United Nations to adapt to the new security environment of the post-bipolar world, without formally changing the constitutional foundation of the Organization. Secondly, that informal mechanisms may narrow the operational and participatory gap growing out of the multiple incapacities that prevent the Security Council from formulating an effective response to crisis situations. Informal groups of states may enhance Council governance if they strike a balance between competing demands of inclusiveness, efficiency, informality, transparency, and accountability. Thirdly, that the post-Cold War era has fostered an environment where the substance of conflict resolution and the process of its legitimation have become increasingly detached. The former tends to be delegated to informal groups or coalition of states, while the Security Council provides the latter. The successful merger of right process and substantive outcome may strengthen the legitimacy of the Council and make actions taken by informal settings more acceptable.
Benjamin Reilly
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199286874
- eISBN:
- 9780191713156
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199286874.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter examines the interrelationship between democratization and ethnic conflict in the Asia-Pacific region. It begins by considering the divergent paths from authoritarian rule to democracy ...
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This chapter examines the interrelationship between democratization and ethnic conflict in the Asia-Pacific region. It begins by considering the divergent paths from authoritarian rule to democracy that different Asian and Pacific states have followed. It then examines the various internal conflicts afflicting states of the region. It concludes by considering which political strategies and institutional choices may be most appropriate for states facing the twin challenge of democratization and conflict management.Less
This chapter examines the interrelationship between democratization and ethnic conflict in the Asia-Pacific region. It begins by considering the divergent paths from authoritarian rule to democracy that different Asian and Pacific states have followed. It then examines the various internal conflicts afflicting states of the region. It concludes by considering which political strategies and institutional choices may be most appropriate for states facing the twin challenge of democratization and conflict management.
John McGarry and Brendan O'Leary
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- August 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199266579
- eISBN:
- 9780191601446
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199266573.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
The book collects some of the major essays, past and new, of two of the leading authorities on the Northern Ireland conflict. The essays cover a wide range of topics, from the Anglo-Irish Agreement ...
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The book collects some of the major essays, past and new, of two of the leading authorities on the Northern Ireland conflict. The essays cover a wide range of topics, from the Anglo-Irish Agreement of 1985, and the management of Northern Ireland by successive Labour and Conservative governments between 1974 and 1997, to an analysis of the 1998 Agreement, and the issues of policing and human rights reform in the aftermath of that agreement. The book is unified by the theory of consociation, one of the most influential theories in the regulation of conflicts. The authors are critical exponents of the consociational approach, and several chapters explain its attractions over alternative forms of conflict regulation. The book explains why Northern Ireland's national divisions have made the achievement of a consociational agreement particularly difficult.The issues raised in the book are crucial to a proper understanding of Northern Ireland's past and future, which, the authors argue, is likely to involve some type of consociational democracy, whether or not the one agreed to on Good Friday 1998. The issues addressed, however, are not particular to Northern Ireland. They are relevant to a host of other divided territories, including Cyprus, Kosovo, Macedonia, Sri Lanka, Nigeria, Afghanistan, Bosnia, Israel/Palestine, and Iraq. The book is therefore vital reading not just for Northern Ireland specialists, but also for anyone interested in consociational and in the just and durable regulation of national and ethnic conflict.Less
The book collects some of the major essays, past and new, of two of the leading authorities on the Northern Ireland conflict. The essays cover a wide range of topics, from the Anglo-Irish Agreement of 1985, and the management of Northern Ireland by successive Labour and Conservative governments between 1974 and 1997, to an analysis of the 1998 Agreement, and the issues of policing and human rights reform in the aftermath of that agreement. The book is unified by the theory of consociation, one of the most influential theories in the regulation of conflicts. The authors are critical exponents of the consociational approach, and several chapters explain its attractions over alternative forms of conflict regulation. The book explains why Northern Ireland's national divisions have made the achievement of a consociational agreement particularly difficult.
The issues raised in the book are crucial to a proper understanding of Northern Ireland's past and future, which, the authors argue, is likely to involve some type of consociational democracy, whether or not the one agreed to on Good Friday 1998. The issues addressed, however, are not particular to Northern Ireland. They are relevant to a host of other divided territories, including Cyprus, Kosovo, Macedonia, Sri Lanka, Nigeria, Afghanistan, Bosnia, Israel/Palestine, and Iraq. The book is therefore vital reading not just for Northern Ireland specialists, but also for anyone interested in consociational and in the just and durable regulation of national and ethnic conflict.
Richard Caplan
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- July 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199263455
- eISBN:
- 9780191602726
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199263450.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Since the mid-1990s, the United Nations and other multilateral organizations have been entrusted with exceptional authority for the administration of war-torn and strife-ridden territories. In Bosnia ...
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Since the mid-1990s, the United Nations and other multilateral organizations have been entrusted with exceptional authority for the administration of war-torn and strife-ridden territories. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, Eastern Slavonia, Kosovo, and East Timor, these organizations have assumed responsibility for governance to a degree unprecedented in recent history. These initiatives represent some of the boldest experiments in the management and settlement of intra-state conflict ever attempted by third parties. This book is a study of recent experiences in the international administration of war-torn territories. Examines the nature of these operations—their mandates, structures, and powers—and distinguishes them from kindred historical and contemporary experiences of peacekeeping, trusteeship, and military occupation. Analyses and assesses the effectiveness of international administrations and discusses, in thematic fashion, the key operational and political challenges that arise in the context of these experiences. Also reflects on the policy implications of these experiences, recommending reforms or new approaches to the challenge posed by localized anarchy in a global context. Argues that despite many of the problems arising from both the design and implementation of international administrations—some of them very serious—international administrations have generally made a positive contribution to the mitigation of conflict in the territories where they have been established.Less
Since the mid-1990s, the United Nations and other multilateral organizations have been entrusted with exceptional authority for the administration of war-torn and strife-ridden territories. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, Eastern Slavonia, Kosovo, and East Timor, these organizations have assumed responsibility for governance to a degree unprecedented in recent history. These initiatives represent some of the boldest experiments in the management and settlement of intra-state conflict ever attempted by third parties.
This book is a study of recent experiences in the international administration of war-torn territories. Examines the nature of these operations—their mandates, structures, and powers—and distinguishes them from kindred historical and contemporary experiences of peacekeeping, trusteeship, and military occupation. Analyses and assesses the effectiveness of international administrations and discusses, in thematic fashion, the key operational and political challenges that arise in the context of these experiences. Also reflects on the policy implications of these experiences, recommending reforms or new approaches to the challenge posed by localized anarchy in a global context. Argues that despite many of the problems arising from both the design and implementation of international administrations—some of them very serious—international administrations have generally made a positive contribution to the mitigation of conflict in the territories where they have been established.
John Paul Lederach and R. Scott Appleby
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195395914
- eISBN:
- 9780199776801
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195395914.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter argues that peacebuilding operations cannot fulfill their potential and achieve justpeace without “strategic” planning and implementation. The authors employ vignettes from Mozambique, ...
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This chapter argues that peacebuilding operations cannot fulfill their potential and achieve justpeace without “strategic” planning and implementation. The authors employ vignettes from Mozambique, Colombia, and the Philippines to illustrate the current challenges of conflict transformation and peacebuilding. The multiplicity of peacebuilding actors and increasing interaction between the local and global point to the need for strategic responses to conflict. The authors sketch the contours of a theory of strategic peacebuilding, arguing that it includes a confluence of disciplines, practices and expertise that is intended to promote social change and healing that would not naturally occur. They propose principles of strategic peacebuilding and offer practical suggestions for peacebuilding practitioners.Less
This chapter argues that peacebuilding operations cannot fulfill their potential and achieve justpeace without “strategic” planning and implementation. The authors employ vignettes from Mozambique, Colombia, and the Philippines to illustrate the current challenges of conflict transformation and peacebuilding. The multiplicity of peacebuilding actors and increasing interaction between the local and global point to the need for strategic responses to conflict. The authors sketch the contours of a theory of strategic peacebuilding, arguing that it includes a confluence of disciplines, practices and expertise that is intended to promote social change and healing that would not naturally occur. They propose principles of strategic peacebuilding and offer practical suggestions for peacebuilding practitioners.
Sandra L. Bloom and Brian Farragher
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195374803
- eISBN:
- 9780199865420
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195374803.003.0007
- Subject:
- Social Work, Health and Mental Health
Emotions are contagious and under any conditions, human service delivery environments demand the highest levels of emotional labor from workers, who must contain the overwhelming and distressing ...
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Emotions are contagious and under any conditions, human service delivery environments demand the highest levels of emotional labor from workers, who must contain the overwhelming and distressing emotions of their clients. Stress and trauma exacerbate staff demands for emotional labor. Atmospheres of recurrent or constant crisis severely constrain the ability of staff to manage their own emotions and this makes it difficult to provide healing environments for their clients. Atmospheres of chronic crisis and fear contribute negatively to poor services. Under these circumstances, conflict escalates and both relationships and problem-solving suffers.Less
Emotions are contagious and under any conditions, human service delivery environments demand the highest levels of emotional labor from workers, who must contain the overwhelming and distressing emotions of their clients. Stress and trauma exacerbate staff demands for emotional labor. Atmospheres of recurrent or constant crisis severely constrain the ability of staff to manage their own emotions and this makes it difficult to provide healing environments for their clients. Atmospheres of chronic crisis and fear contribute negatively to poor services. Under these circumstances, conflict escalates and both relationships and problem-solving suffers.
John McGarry (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244348
- eISBN:
- 9780191599866
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199244340.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
Written by a leading group of scholars in the field, this unique volume examines post‐Agreement Northern Ireland from a comparative perspective. It shatters the myth that Northern Ireland is ‘a place ...
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Written by a leading group of scholars in the field, this unique volume examines post‐Agreement Northern Ireland from a comparative perspective. It shatters the myth that Northern Ireland is ‘a place apart’ – its conflict the result of peculiarly local circumstances. The book is divided into two sections. The first includes theoretical chapters that centre on the concepts of consociationalism, social transformation, and integrationism. The second involves the case‐study approach, with Northern Ireland being compared with other divided societies in four continents, including the Aland islands, the Basque country, Canada, Cyprus, Corsica, East Timor, Israel/Palestine, Lebanon, Puerto Rico, South Africa, South Tyrol, and Sri Lanka. The collection shows that comparative analysis is essential for understanding the dynamics of Northern Ireland's conflict and ethnic conflict in general. It also shows the value of comparative analysis for conflict management. The contributors offer a wealth of suggestions on how to consolidate or change the landmark Agreement that Northern Ireland's political parties reached in April 1998.Less
Written by a leading group of scholars in the field, this unique volume examines post‐Agreement Northern Ireland from a comparative perspective. It shatters the myth that Northern Ireland is ‘a place apart’ – its conflict the result of peculiarly local circumstances. The book is divided into two sections. The first includes theoretical chapters that centre on the concepts of consociationalism, social transformation, and integrationism. The second involves the case‐study approach, with Northern Ireland being compared with other divided societies in four continents, including the Aland islands, the Basque country, Canada, Cyprus, Corsica, East Timor, Israel/Palestine, Lebanon, Puerto Rico, South Africa, South Tyrol, and Sri Lanka. The collection shows that comparative analysis is essential for understanding the dynamics of Northern Ireland's conflict and ethnic conflict in general. It also shows the value of comparative analysis for conflict management. The contributors offer a wealth of suggestions on how to consolidate or change the landmark Agreement that Northern Ireland's political parties reached in April 1998.
Richard J. Ponzio
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199594955
- eISBN:
- 9780191725562
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199594955.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics, Political Theory
The origins and evolution of international peacebuilding in international politics are explored in Chapter 2. By citing relevant theoretical arguments and empirical data from ten peacebuilding ...
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The origins and evolution of international peacebuilding in international politics are explored in Chapter 2. By citing relevant theoretical arguments and empirical data from ten peacebuilding operations, the United Nations and other international actors are shown to be adept at creating the conditions for the establishment of capable governing institutions legitimized through democratic legal authority. None of the cases presented further exhibit signs of returning to full-scale and sustained conflict in the near future. However, research from nine peacebuilding operations indicates that, alongside successful initiatives, many weaknesses and failures permeate efforts to promote democracy after war. Nevertheless, by taking stock of recent trends and incorporating relevant theoretical insights and statistical analysis, the existing international peacebuilding literature reinforces the defense of my study's first major proposition: institutionalizing democratic legal authority can create the conditions and framework necessary to mediate competing domestic interests and to address the root causes of a conflict peacefully.Less
The origins and evolution of international peacebuilding in international politics are explored in Chapter 2. By citing relevant theoretical arguments and empirical data from ten peacebuilding operations, the United Nations and other international actors are shown to be adept at creating the conditions for the establishment of capable governing institutions legitimized through democratic legal authority. None of the cases presented further exhibit signs of returning to full-scale and sustained conflict in the near future. However, research from nine peacebuilding operations indicates that, alongside successful initiatives, many weaknesses and failures permeate efforts to promote democracy after war. Nevertheless, by taking stock of recent trends and incorporating relevant theoretical insights and statistical analysis, the existing international peacebuilding literature reinforces the defense of my study's first major proposition: institutionalizing democratic legal authority can create the conditions and framework necessary to mediate competing domestic interests and to address the root causes of a conflict peacefully.
Richard J. Ponzio
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199594955
- eISBN:
- 9780191725562
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199594955.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics, Political Theory
The Introduction examines the relationship between peacebuilding and democratic legal authority institutionalization, and briefly investigates the track record of international peacebuilding ...
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The Introduction examines the relationship between peacebuilding and democratic legal authority institutionalization, and briefly investigates the track record of international peacebuilding operations since the cold war. It further offers the book's major areas of inquiry, as well as two chief arguments: first, democratic legal authority can create the conditions and framework necessary to mediate competing domestic interests and to address the root causes of a conflict peacefully; second, one overlooked problem of international peacebuilding stems from the divergent conceptions, between international officials and the local population, of authority and its sources of legitimacy (e.g., between an understanding of legitimate authority anchored in tribal and religious norms or sometimes dominant individuals and personal relationships versus norms emanating from principles of democracy and the rule of law).Less
The Introduction examines the relationship between peacebuilding and democratic legal authority institutionalization, and briefly investigates the track record of international peacebuilding operations since the cold war. It further offers the book's major areas of inquiry, as well as two chief arguments: first, democratic legal authority can create the conditions and framework necessary to mediate competing domestic interests and to address the root causes of a conflict peacefully; second, one overlooked problem of international peacebuilding stems from the divergent conceptions, between international officials and the local population, of authority and its sources of legitimacy (e.g., between an understanding of legitimate authority anchored in tribal and religious norms or sometimes dominant individuals and personal relationships versus norms emanating from principles of democracy and the rule of law).
Richard J. Ponzio
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199594955
- eISBN:
- 9780191725562
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199594955.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics, Political Theory
Chapter 1 builds directly on the Introduction by defining the main features of this study's conceptual framework, including qualitative and quantitative measurement tools. Specifically, it juxtaposes ...
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Chapter 1 builds directly on the Introduction by defining the main features of this study's conceptual framework, including qualitative and quantitative measurement tools. Specifically, it juxtaposes democratic legal authority alongside competing forms of authority and shows why international peacebuilders view democratic authority and the rule of law as central to the formation and functioning of a state. For them, the legitimacy of state authority is rooted in democratic institutions and practice (the consent of the governed). Although a broad range of factors influence success or failure in institutionalizing democratic legal authority after war, the chapter elaborates on one largely overlooked problem that stems from the divergent conceptions, between international peacebuilders and the local population, of authority and its sources of legitimacy. Failure to bridge the diverse conceptions of authority is argued to lead to contradictions and unintended negative consequences during a peacebuilding operation, such as the creation of perverse incentives within government and the crowding out of domestic political space.Less
Chapter 1 builds directly on the Introduction by defining the main features of this study's conceptual framework, including qualitative and quantitative measurement tools. Specifically, it juxtaposes democratic legal authority alongside competing forms of authority and shows why international peacebuilders view democratic authority and the rule of law as central to the formation and functioning of a state. For them, the legitimacy of state authority is rooted in democratic institutions and practice (the consent of the governed). Although a broad range of factors influence success or failure in institutionalizing democratic legal authority after war, the chapter elaborates on one largely overlooked problem that stems from the divergent conceptions, between international peacebuilders and the local population, of authority and its sources of legitimacy. Failure to bridge the diverse conceptions of authority is argued to lead to contradictions and unintended negative consequences during a peacebuilding operation, such as the creation of perverse incentives within government and the crowding out of domestic political space.
Anna Bigelow
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195368239
- eISBN:
- 9780199867622
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195368239.003.0006
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Religious diversity has always been a part of life in Malerkotla. That situation has not always been handled with grace. Several significant examples of communal conflict — wars, demonstrations, ...
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Religious diversity has always been a part of life in Malerkotla. That situation has not always been handled with grace. Several significant examples of communal conflict — wars, demonstrations, guerrilla attacks, and hate crimes — have occurred throughout the town’s history. Yet especially since Partition, Malerkotla has managed the inevitable stresses extremely well and recovered equilibrium rapidly after undergoing shocks to the system. Community efforts to establish a shared idiom of inclusive piety through memorialization practices focus and depend most especially on the person of Haider Shaikh. The legacy of the saint and the persistence of the religiously diverse cult based at his tomb provide a substantial basis for the success of tried and true techniques of conflict management such as peace committees and dialogue initiatives.Less
Religious diversity has always been a part of life in Malerkotla. That situation has not always been handled with grace. Several significant examples of communal conflict — wars, demonstrations, guerrilla attacks, and hate crimes — have occurred throughout the town’s history. Yet especially since Partition, Malerkotla has managed the inevitable stresses extremely well and recovered equilibrium rapidly after undergoing shocks to the system. Community efforts to establish a shared idiom of inclusive piety through memorialization practices focus and depend most especially on the person of Haider Shaikh. The legacy of the saint and the persistence of the religiously diverse cult based at his tomb provide a substantial basis for the success of tried and true techniques of conflict management such as peace committees and dialogue initiatives.
Richard J. Ponzio
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199594955
- eISBN:
- 9780191725562
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199594955.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics, Political Theory
This book examines the evolution of international peacebuilding since the cold war, identifying the factors that limit the progress of international actors to institutionalize democratic authority ...
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This book examines the evolution of international peacebuilding since the cold war, identifying the factors that limit the progress of international actors to institutionalize democratic authority and the rule of law in war-shattered societies. It gives particular attention to Afghanistan's Bonn Agreement process (2001–5) and post-Bonn period (2006–9), in which the country's multiple, competing forms of authority (e.g., religious leaders, tribal elders, militia commanders, and technocrats) challenged efforts to create “modern” forms of political authority rooted in democratic norms and the rule of law. Despite the significant risks involved, this volume argues that the institutionalization of democratic legal authority can create the conditions and framework necessary to mediate competing domestic interests and to address the root causes of a conflict peacefully. At the same time, one overlooked problem of international peacebuilding stems from the divergent conceptions, between international officials and the local population, of authority and its sources of legitimacy. By helping a conflict-affected society reconcile the inherent tensions between competing forms of authority, international peacebuilders can contribute to improved conditions for governance and a reduction in intrastate political violence. Due to high expenditures in a period of global economic uncertainty and frustrations in Afghanistan and elsewhere, democratization as an approach to conflict management and resolution is in retreat in some influential policy circles. But it is only a deepening of democracy, rather than lowering the metrics for progress and conditions for exit, that will determine whether fragile states are placed on a viable course toward stability and greater self‐sufficiency.Less
This book examines the evolution of international peacebuilding since the cold war, identifying the factors that limit the progress of international actors to institutionalize democratic authority and the rule of law in war-shattered societies. It gives particular attention to Afghanistan's Bonn Agreement process (2001–5) and post-Bonn period (2006–9), in which the country's multiple, competing forms of authority (e.g., religious leaders, tribal elders, militia commanders, and technocrats) challenged efforts to create “modern” forms of political authority rooted in democratic norms and the rule of law. Despite the significant risks involved, this volume argues that the institutionalization of democratic legal authority can create the conditions and framework necessary to mediate competing domestic interests and to address the root causes of a conflict peacefully. At the same time, one overlooked problem of international peacebuilding stems from the divergent conceptions, between international officials and the local population, of authority and its sources of legitimacy. By helping a conflict-affected society reconcile the inherent tensions between competing forms of authority, international peacebuilders can contribute to improved conditions for governance and a reduction in intrastate political violence. Due to high expenditures in a period of global economic uncertainty and frustrations in Afghanistan and elsewhere, democratization as an approach to conflict management and resolution is in retreat in some influential policy circles. But it is only a deepening of democracy, rather than lowering the metrics for progress and conditions for exit, that will determine whether fragile states are placed on a viable course toward stability and greater self‐sufficiency.
Andrew Reynolds
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295105
- eISBN:
- 9780191600128
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295103.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This work deals with the region of southern Africa in relation to democratic consolidation, dynamic modes of representation, and the mitigation of ethnic (and regional) conflict. It starts with the ...
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This work deals with the region of southern Africa in relation to democratic consolidation, dynamic modes of representation, and the mitigation of ethnic (and regional) conflict. It starts with the premise that all three objectives are desirable, and poses the question: which institutional arrangements will best facilitate effective representation, political stability, and interethnic accommodation in the emerging democracies of southern Africa? The answer to this question is sought through a comparative analysis of the effect of institutional structures in five case study countries – Malawi, Namibia, South Africa, Zambia, and Zimbabwe – chosen because all have made the transition from non-democratic government to multiparty competition with varying degrees of success, and they represent at least half of the southern African region, so they comprise a useful cross section of democratic types, societal dynamics, and institutional arrangements. The study uses a hybrid methodology drawn from both new institutionalist and cultural, ‘rich descriptive’, traditions, hence, it utilizes comparative electoral systems methodology; at the same time, the discussions of the case studies are based on detailed social and politically historical descriptions. The Introduction is arranged in five main parts which: address the relevance of question of the best institutional arrangements for democratization; define the dependent (object of study), intervening, and independent (macro-institutional explanatory) variables used in the study; explain why the focus of the study is on political institutions, and discuss various alternative approaches that could have been taken; and give an outline of the contents of the chapters that follow.Less
This work deals with the region of southern Africa in relation to democratic consolidation, dynamic modes of representation, and the mitigation of ethnic (and regional) conflict. It starts with the premise that all three objectives are desirable, and poses the question: which institutional arrangements will best facilitate effective representation, political stability, and interethnic accommodation in the emerging democracies of southern Africa? The answer to this question is sought through a comparative analysis of the effect of institutional structures in five case study countries – Malawi, Namibia, South Africa, Zambia, and Zimbabwe – chosen because all have made the transition from non-democratic government to multiparty competition with varying degrees of success, and they represent at least half of the southern African region, so they comprise a useful cross section of democratic types, societal dynamics, and institutional arrangements. The study uses a hybrid methodology drawn from both new institutionalist and cultural, ‘rich descriptive’, traditions, hence, it utilizes comparative electoral systems methodology; at the same time, the discussions of the case studies are based on detailed social and politically historical descriptions. The Introduction is arranged in five main parts which: address the relevance of question of the best institutional arrangements for democratization; define the dependent (object of study), intervening, and independent (macro-institutional explanatory) variables used in the study; explain why the focus of the study is on political institutions, and discuss various alternative approaches that could have been taken; and give an outline of the contents of the chapters that follow.
Andrew Reynolds
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295105
- eISBN:
- 9780191600128
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295103.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This is the second of four chapters that discusses the theoretical underpinnings of the research on democratization in southern Africa that is described in the book, as well as providing qualitative ...
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This is the second of four chapters that discusses the theoretical underpinnings of the research on democratization in southern Africa that is described in the book, as well as providing qualitative discussions of democracy in the five country case studies used: Malawi, Namibia, South Africa, Zambia, and Zimbabwe. It first defines the intervening variable of ‘inclusion’, which is described as key to the explanation of how conflicts are best managed within divided societies, and discusses its relationship to the macro-institutional explanatory (independent) variables used in the study. It then defines and describes how to measure each of the explanatory variables used: electoral system type; democratic type (coalitions and grand coalitions – consensual– versus concentrations of executive power; fusion – majoritarian – or separation of executive and legislative powers; unicameralism or bicameralism; type of party system; issues dimensions of partisan conflict; unitary versus federal government; constitutions, minority vetoes, and judicial review); and executive type (presidential or parliamentary). The data obtained for each country are discussed, compared, and summarised in tables.Less
This is the second of four chapters that discusses the theoretical underpinnings of the research on democratization in southern Africa that is described in the book, as well as providing qualitative discussions of democracy in the five country case studies used: Malawi, Namibia, South Africa, Zambia, and Zimbabwe. It first defines the intervening variable of ‘inclusion’, which is described as key to the explanation of how conflicts are best managed within divided societies, and discusses its relationship to the macro-institutional explanatory (independent) variables used in the study. It then defines and describes how to measure each of the explanatory variables used: electoral system type; democratic type (coalitions and grand coalitions – consensual– versus concentrations of executive power; fusion – majoritarian – or separation of executive and legislative powers; unicameralism or bicameralism; type of party system; issues dimensions of partisan conflict; unitary versus federal government; constitutions, minority vetoes, and judicial review); and executive type (presidential or parliamentary). The data obtained for each country are discussed, compared, and summarised in tables.
Alok K. Chakrabarti and Richard W. Schneider
- Published in print:
- 1990
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195062526
- eISBN:
- 9780199854905
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195062526.003.0008
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Public Management
Industry and academic scientists view scientific and technical predicaments as fields that require an interdisciplinary method. With the increased interest about interdisciplinary research in ...
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Industry and academic scientists view scientific and technical predicaments as fields that require an interdisciplinary method. With the increased interest about interdisciplinary research in universities, campus supervisory bodies must give considerable attention to this kind of inquiry. While a cross-disciplinary perspective provides positive contributions in both a conceptual and practical sense, there will always be conflicts encountered during the execution of such a type of research. Epistemological concerns and conceptual issues are implanted in the organizational and cognitive complexities of both academic and industrial institutions. Other problems arise from geographical barriers, time limitations, reciprocal neglect of the existence and needs of others, and lack of social orientation. In this regard, the chapter presents a theoretical paradigm that can explain the occurrence of conflicts and its management.Less
Industry and academic scientists view scientific and technical predicaments as fields that require an interdisciplinary method. With the increased interest about interdisciplinary research in universities, campus supervisory bodies must give considerable attention to this kind of inquiry. While a cross-disciplinary perspective provides positive contributions in both a conceptual and practical sense, there will always be conflicts encountered during the execution of such a type of research. Epistemological concerns and conceptual issues are implanted in the organizational and cognitive complexities of both academic and industrial institutions. Other problems arise from geographical barriers, time limitations, reciprocal neglect of the existence and needs of others, and lack of social orientation. In this regard, the chapter presents a theoretical paradigm that can explain the occurrence of conflicts and its management.
Andrew Reynolds
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295105
- eISBN:
- 9780191600128
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295103.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This is the third of four chapters that discusses the theoretical underpinnings of the research on democratization in southern Africa that is described in the book, and deals with the theoretical ...
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This is the third of four chapters that discusses the theoretical underpinnings of the research on democratization in southern Africa that is described in the book, and deals with the theoretical debate underlying the choice of electoral system in divided societies. The five sections of the chapter are: The Importance of Electoral Systems; The Range of Electoral Systems; What Criteria Should Electoral Systems Aim to Fulfil?; The Debate over Electoral Systems and Conflict Management in Africa (single-member district plurality, proportional representation, the alternative vote in multi-member districts (the Horowitz proposal for South Africa); and Conclusion. The overall discussion includes reference not only to four of the country case studies presented in the rest of the book (Namibia, South Africa, Zambia, and Zimbabwe) but also to numerous other countries worldwide.Less
This is the third of four chapters that discusses the theoretical underpinnings of the research on democratization in southern Africa that is described in the book, and deals with the theoretical debate underlying the choice of electoral system in divided societies. The five sections of the chapter are: The Importance of Electoral Systems; The Range of Electoral Systems; What Criteria Should Electoral Systems Aim to Fulfil?; The Debate over Electoral Systems and Conflict Management in Africa (single-member district plurality, proportional representation, the alternative vote in multi-member districts (the Horowitz proposal for South Africa); and Conclusion. The overall discussion includes reference not only to four of the country case studies presented in the rest of the book (Namibia, South Africa, Zambia, and Zimbabwe) but also to numerous other countries worldwide.
Eduardo Vasconcellos
- Published in print:
- 1990
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195062526
- eISBN:
- 9780199854905
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195062526.003.0013
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Public Management
An evaluation of the processes and outcomes of interdisciplinary type of inquiry in the government research centers of Brazil is conducted in order to capitalize on the strengths and point out ...
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An evaluation of the processes and outcomes of interdisciplinary type of inquiry in the government research centers of Brazil is conducted in order to capitalize on the strengths and point out pitfalls. High- and low-performing projects are contrasted when it comes to conflict management, interpersonal relationships, size, and extent of interdisciplinarity. These explicit and implicit interests in the supervision of interdisciplinary research development are caused by four factors: (1) problems are to be accounted for by variables coming from different fields; (2) some topics are unresolved through departmental perspective, hence identifying them as handled under cross-disciplinary approaches; (3) the need for increased levels of specialization is prevalent; and (4) the importance of the integration of knowledge from various fields has been recognized.Less
An evaluation of the processes and outcomes of interdisciplinary type of inquiry in the government research centers of Brazil is conducted in order to capitalize on the strengths and point out pitfalls. High- and low-performing projects are contrasted when it comes to conflict management, interpersonal relationships, size, and extent of interdisciplinarity. These explicit and implicit interests in the supervision of interdisciplinary research development are caused by four factors: (1) problems are to be accounted for by variables coming from different fields; (2) some topics are unresolved through departmental perspective, hence identifying them as handled under cross-disciplinary approaches; (3) the need for increased levels of specialization is prevalent; and (4) the importance of the integration of knowledge from various fields has been recognized.
Richard J. Ponzio
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199594955
- eISBN:
- 9780191725562
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199594955.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics, Political Theory
The concluding Chapter 6 synthesizes research and its connection with the broader peacebuilding and democratization literature. With special reference to Afghanistan's political transition from 2001 ...
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The concluding Chapter 6 synthesizes research and its connection with the broader peacebuilding and democratization literature. With special reference to Afghanistan's political transition from 2001 to 2009, the chief findings are presented in relation to this study's principal research questions and two major arguments. Despite the country's myriad, interlocking challenges, applying the democratic peacebuilding approach in Afghanistan (and elsewhere) will help overcome several shortcomings and contradictions in current political reform efforts. This will offer, arguably, the best chance for peace and other dividends for the Afghan people, as well as contribute to regional and global stability. The chapter also highlights new directions in the study of the peacebuilding and democratization nexus, including the untapped potential of the United Nations Peacebuilding Commission.Less
The concluding Chapter 6 synthesizes research and its connection with the broader peacebuilding and democratization literature. With special reference to Afghanistan's political transition from 2001 to 2009, the chief findings are presented in relation to this study's principal research questions and two major arguments. Despite the country's myriad, interlocking challenges, applying the democratic peacebuilding approach in Afghanistan (and elsewhere) will help overcome several shortcomings and contradictions in current political reform efforts. This will offer, arguably, the best chance for peace and other dividends for the Afghan people, as well as contribute to regional and global stability. The chapter also highlights new directions in the study of the peacebuilding and democratization nexus, including the untapped potential of the United Nations Peacebuilding Commission.
Louis T. Wells and Rafiq Ahmed
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195310627
- eISBN:
- 9780199783847
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195310627.001.0001
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, International
In the 1990s, inexperienced firms from rich countries jumped directly into huge projects in some of the world's least developed countries. Their investments reflected almost unbridled enthusiasm for ...
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In the 1990s, inexperienced firms from rich countries jumped directly into huge projects in some of the world's least developed countries. Their investments reflected almost unbridled enthusiasm for emerging markets and trust in new international guarantees. Yet within a few years, the business pages of the world press were reporting an exploding number of serious disputes between foreign investors and governments. As the expected bonanzas proved elusive and the protections weaker than anticipated, many foreign investors became disenchanted with emerging markets. So bad were the outcomes in some cases that a few notable infrastructure firms came close to bankruptcy; several others hurriedly fled poor countries as projects soured. This book shows why disputes developed, points out how investments and disputes have changed over time, explores why various firms responded differently to crises, and questions the basic wisdom of some of the enthusiasm for privatization. It tells how firms, countries, and multilateral development organizations can build a conflict-management system that balances the legitimate economic and social concerns of the host countries and those of investors. Without these changes, multinational corporations will lose profitable opportunities and poor countries will not gain the contributions that foreign investment can make toward alleviating poverty.Less
In the 1990s, inexperienced firms from rich countries jumped directly into huge projects in some of the world's least developed countries. Their investments reflected almost unbridled enthusiasm for emerging markets and trust in new international guarantees. Yet within a few years, the business pages of the world press were reporting an exploding number of serious disputes between foreign investors and governments. As the expected bonanzas proved elusive and the protections weaker than anticipated, many foreign investors became disenchanted with emerging markets. So bad were the outcomes in some cases that a few notable infrastructure firms came close to bankruptcy; several others hurriedly fled poor countries as projects soured. This book shows why disputes developed, points out how investments and disputes have changed over time, explores why various firms responded differently to crises, and questions the basic wisdom of some of the enthusiasm for privatization. It tells how firms, countries, and multilateral development organizations can build a conflict-management system that balances the legitimate economic and social concerns of the host countries and those of investors. Without these changes, multinational corporations will lose profitable opportunities and poor countries will not gain the contributions that foreign investment can make toward alleviating poverty.
Ha-Joon Chang and Robert Rowthorn
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198289845
- eISBN:
- 9780191684777
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198289845.003.0002
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
This chapter deals with the role that the state may assume. According to the authors, there are four state interventions in the market: New Political Economy, welfare economics, institutional ...
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This chapter deals with the role that the state may assume. According to the authors, there are four state interventions in the market: New Political Economy, welfare economics, institutional economics and Austrian economics. The state has its different roles according to these views which varies from full state intervention up to a state-intervention-free market. The authors suggest that the state must possess all the strength of the argument offered by these views. To sum it all, the state must be a good and ultimate entrepreneur and conflict manager at the same time. Too much intervention on the part of the state may harm the market while on the other, too much leniency on the side of the state may make the state too weak or too corrupt.Less
This chapter deals with the role that the state may assume. According to the authors, there are four state interventions in the market: New Political Economy, welfare economics, institutional economics and Austrian economics. The state has its different roles according to these views which varies from full state intervention up to a state-intervention-free market. The authors suggest that the state must possess all the strength of the argument offered by these views. To sum it all, the state must be a good and ultimate entrepreneur and conflict manager at the same time. Too much intervention on the part of the state may harm the market while on the other, too much leniency on the side of the state may make the state too weak or too corrupt.
