Andreas Herberg‐Rothe
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199202690
- eISBN:
- 9780191707834
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199202690.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The problem with Clausewitz's world-renowned formula depends on an internal tension within his concept of policy/politics. This tension invalidates neither his formula nor his theory, but it has to ...
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The problem with Clausewitz's world-renowned formula depends on an internal tension within his concept of policy/politics. This tension invalidates neither his formula nor his theory, but it has to be unfolded in order that the formula could serve as an analytical tool. Otherwise, the formula would become a dogma. Clausewitz emphasized this fundamental tension only indirectly by saying that war is the continuation of policy, but with ‘other means’. Peter Paret has clearly revealed this tension by declaring: ‘The readiness to fight and the readiness to compromise lie at the core of politics’. By following up this tension in Clausewitz's work, this chapter introduces a ‘small’ change in the understanding of what Clausewitz endorses with a ‘state’: nothing else than any kind of community. By taking this ‘small’ change into account, it argues that Clausewitz's trinity enables a general theory of war.Less
The problem with Clausewitz's world-renowned formula depends on an internal tension within his concept of policy/politics. This tension invalidates neither his formula nor his theory, but it has to be unfolded in order that the formula could serve as an analytical tool. Otherwise, the formula would become a dogma. Clausewitz emphasized this fundamental tension only indirectly by saying that war is the continuation of policy, but with ‘other means’. Peter Paret has clearly revealed this tension by declaring: ‘The readiness to fight and the readiness to compromise lie at the core of politics’. By following up this tension in Clausewitz's work, this chapter introduces a ‘small’ change in the understanding of what Clausewitz endorses with a ‘state’: nothing else than any kind of community. By taking this ‘small’ change into account, it argues that Clausewitz's trinity enables a general theory of war.
Monique Deveaux
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199289790
- eISBN:
- 9780191711022
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199289790.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter argues that deliberative democracy theory is an invaluable resource for thinking about how liberal democracies and minority cultural groups might mediate conflicts of culture. However, ...
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This chapter argues that deliberative democracy theory is an invaluable resource for thinking about how liberal democracies and minority cultural groups might mediate conflicts of culture. However, it needs to be amended in important ways if it is to respond to the needs of minority cultural communities. This chapter makes the case for a deliberative democratic approach to resolving tensions between gender equality and cultural recognition, grounding it in principle of political inclusion and democratic legitimacy. This conception of democratic deliberation is open-ended with respect to outcomes, and takes its cue from an agonistic account of power and dialogue rather than the reasoned deliberation usually urged by proponents of discourse ethics, such as Jürgen Habermas, Joshua Cohen, and Seyla Benhabib. This approach to negotiating conflicts, which emphasizes negotiation and compromise, can also help to empower vulnerable members of cultural groups who dissent from prevailing cultural roles and arrangements in their communities.Less
This chapter argues that deliberative democracy theory is an invaluable resource for thinking about how liberal democracies and minority cultural groups might mediate conflicts of culture. However, it needs to be amended in important ways if it is to respond to the needs of minority cultural communities. This chapter makes the case for a deliberative democratic approach to resolving tensions between gender equality and cultural recognition, grounding it in principle of political inclusion and democratic legitimacy. This conception of democratic deliberation is open-ended with respect to outcomes, and takes its cue from an agonistic account of power and dialogue rather than the reasoned deliberation usually urged by proponents of discourse ethics, such as Jürgen Habermas, Joshua Cohen, and Seyla Benhabib. This approach to negotiating conflicts, which emphasizes negotiation and compromise, can also help to empower vulnerable members of cultural groups who dissent from prevailing cultural roles and arrangements in their communities.
Peter Taylor-Gooby
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199267262
- eISBN:
- 9780191602023
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019926726X.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
This chapter reviews work on new social risks. It concludes that welfare state regime and policy‐making structure makes an important difference to the emergence and development of new social risk ...
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This chapter reviews work on new social risks. It concludes that welfare state regime and policy‐making structure makes an important difference to the emergence and development of new social risk policies. Scandinavian social democratic regimes have the best developed policies, liberal regimes develop policies rapidly but are handicapped by reliance on market solutions; corporatist countries develop new social risk provision slowly, typically through compromise with a range of entrenched policy actors; and Mediterranean countries also move relatively slowly, in the context of an expanding welfare state and great reliance on family systems. Existing old social risk policies are also influential, both through the resources that they take up and the interest groups of political actors they create, who are likely to resist reform. New social risk policy‐making is highly important at the EU level for two reasons: the relatively undeveloped national policies in this area mean that cross‐national agencies can offer new policy directions; the policies are congruent with the open market ‘pragmatic monetarist’ approach of EU economic policy. The politics of new social risks differs from that of old social risks. Employers’ groups and modernising parties and unions play an important role and progress is often slow and dependent on compromise. By focussing on areas where reforms are urgent, to meet new needs, but also feasible, because they fit with the context of more globalized and competitive economies, the new social risks approach offers a new perspective on welfare state reform in Europe. This approach avoids the bleak emphasis on retrenchment of much previous analysis of the development of welfare policy.Less
This chapter reviews work on new social risks. It concludes that welfare state regime and policy‐making structure makes an important difference to the emergence and development of new social risk policies. Scandinavian social democratic regimes have the best developed policies, liberal regimes develop policies rapidly but are handicapped by reliance on market solutions; corporatist countries develop new social risk provision slowly, typically through compromise with a range of entrenched policy actors; and Mediterranean countries also move relatively slowly, in the context of an expanding welfare state and great reliance on family systems. Existing old social risk policies are also influential, both through the resources that they take up and the interest groups of political actors they create, who are likely to resist reform. New social risk policy‐making is highly important at the EU level for two reasons: the relatively undeveloped national policies in this area mean that cross‐national agencies can offer new policy directions; the policies are congruent with the open market ‘pragmatic monetarist’ approach of EU economic policy. The politics of new social risks differs from that of old social risks. Employers’ groups and modernising parties and unions play an important role and progress is often slow and dependent on compromise. By focussing on areas where reforms are urgent, to meet new needs, but also feasible, because they fit with the context of more globalized and competitive economies, the new social risks approach offers a new perspective on welfare state reform in Europe. This approach avoids the bleak emphasis on retrenchment of much previous analysis of the development of welfare policy.
Josephine McDonagh
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198112853
- eISBN:
- 9780191670862
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198112853.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, 19th-century Literature and Romanticism
This book reveals the English Opium-Eater to be a more complex and contradictory figure than is usually portrayed. All too often pigeon-holed as a latter-day Romantic and psychedelic dreamer, Thomas ...
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This book reveals the English Opium-Eater to be a more complex and contradictory figure than is usually portrayed. All too often pigeon-holed as a latter-day Romantic and psychedelic dreamer, Thomas De Quincey is shown here to have been a prolific contributor to the periodicals of his day, on subjects as diverse as astronomy, economics, psychology, and politics. The author traces the formulation of De Quincey's disciplines through an examination of his less frequently scrutinized works – political commentaries, translations of German philosophy, numerous essays, his treatise on economics – and shows that the writer aspired (often unsuccessfully) to participate in the major intellectual project of his time: the formation of new fields of knowledge, and the attempt to unify these into an organic whole. At the same time, De Quincey's works were often compromised by the demands of the market, his own political beliefs, and his tendency to produce works of ‘the most provoking jumble’. Focusing on works produced in Edinburgh in reduced circumstances in the years after 1830, the book portrays a transitional literary voice disseminating high Romantic values to a Victorian periodical audience, and a displaced High Tory regretting the end of England's ancient régime, even as he remains open to innovation in the diverse fields of knowledge. This study recontextualizes De Quincey as a true interdisciplinarian, journalist, and man of letters.Less
This book reveals the English Opium-Eater to be a more complex and contradictory figure than is usually portrayed. All too often pigeon-holed as a latter-day Romantic and psychedelic dreamer, Thomas De Quincey is shown here to have been a prolific contributor to the periodicals of his day, on subjects as diverse as astronomy, economics, psychology, and politics. The author traces the formulation of De Quincey's disciplines through an examination of his less frequently scrutinized works – political commentaries, translations of German philosophy, numerous essays, his treatise on economics – and shows that the writer aspired (often unsuccessfully) to participate in the major intellectual project of his time: the formation of new fields of knowledge, and the attempt to unify these into an organic whole. At the same time, De Quincey's works were often compromised by the demands of the market, his own political beliefs, and his tendency to produce works of ‘the most provoking jumble’. Focusing on works produced in Edinburgh in reduced circumstances in the years after 1830, the book portrays a transitional literary voice disseminating high Romantic values to a Victorian periodical audience, and a displaced High Tory regretting the end of England's ancient régime, even as he remains open to innovation in the diverse fields of knowledge. This study recontextualizes De Quincey as a true interdisciplinarian, journalist, and man of letters.
Iain McLean
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199546954
- eISBN:
- 9780191720031
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199546954.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, UK Politics
EU membership and parliamentary sovereignty. The Schuman Plan and supranationalism. The United Kingdom's early attempts to join. The 1972 debates. The 1975 referendum. The Single European Act and its ...
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EU membership and parliamentary sovereignty. The Schuman Plan and supranationalism. The United Kingdom's early attempts to join. The 1972 debates. The 1975 referendum. The Single European Act and its incorporation into domestic law. Factortame and the destruction of parliamentary sovereignty.Less
EU membership and parliamentary sovereignty. The Schuman Plan and supranationalism. The United Kingdom's early attempts to join. The 1972 debates. The 1975 referendum. The Single European Act and its incorporation into domestic law. Factortame and the destruction of parliamentary sovereignty.
David B. Wong
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780195305395
- eISBN:
- 9780199786657
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195305396.003.0009
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy
This final chapter returns to practical problems arising from accepting a plurality of true or justified moralities: (1) problems about how to have confidence in one’s moral commitments while ...
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This final chapter returns to practical problems arising from accepting a plurality of true or justified moralities: (1) problems about how to have confidence in one’s moral commitments while recognizing that different commitments are equally justified, and (2) problems about how to act toward others who have those different commitments and about how we might learn from others. Regarding (1), it is suggested, following Zhuangzi, that we can strive to make our moral commitments broader and more inclusive, trying to incorporate what we appreciate in others’ commitments. With regard to (2), approaches embodying the value of accommodation are advocated: accept that serious disagreement is a pervasive, inescapable fact of our moral lives, strive to maintain constructive relationship toward those with whom one disagrees, remain open to compromise, to joining forces with them on other issues, and to working on those parts of one’s moral projects that more likely to gain consensus. Particular issues such as abortion and substantial inequality in income and wealth, and the alleged divisiveness of multiculturalism are discussed. Finally, a conception of ritual derived from Confucianism is applied to the problem of how one might regard voting in elections as a means to promote the spirit of accommodation.Less
This final chapter returns to practical problems arising from accepting a plurality of true or justified moralities: (1) problems about how to have confidence in one’s moral commitments while recognizing that different commitments are equally justified, and (2) problems about how to act toward others who have those different commitments and about how we might learn from others. Regarding (1), it is suggested, following Zhuangzi, that we can strive to make our moral commitments broader and more inclusive, trying to incorporate what we appreciate in others’ commitments. With regard to (2), approaches embodying the value of accommodation are advocated: accept that serious disagreement is a pervasive, inescapable fact of our moral lives, strive to maintain constructive relationship toward those with whom one disagrees, remain open to compromise, to joining forces with them on other issues, and to working on those parts of one’s moral projects that more likely to gain consensus. Particular issues such as abortion and substantial inequality in income and wealth, and the alleged divisiveness of multiculturalism are discussed. Finally, a conception of ritual derived from Confucianism is applied to the problem of how one might regard voting in elections as a means to promote the spirit of accommodation.
Terryl C. Givens
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195167115
- eISBN:
- 9780199785599
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195167115.003.0020
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Ultimately, the challenge of Mormon culture is to assert individualism without elitism, and to embrace universalism without compromise. Mormonism must ultimately represent the best of what is human. ...
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Ultimately, the challenge of Mormon culture is to assert individualism without elitism, and to embrace universalism without compromise. Mormonism must ultimately represent the best of what is human. The question is: how can a Mormon aesthetic capture be both particular and universal, capturing the essence of Mormonism while reaching for transcendence?Less
Ultimately, the challenge of Mormon culture is to assert individualism without elitism, and to embrace universalism without compromise. Mormonism must ultimately represent the best of what is human. The question is: how can a Mormon aesthetic capture be both particular and universal, capturing the essence of Mormonism while reaching for transcendence?
Matthew Soberg Shugart and Martin P. Wattenberg
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199257683
- eISBN:
- 9780191600241
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019925768X.003.0026
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Reviews the experiences of several existing mixed‐member electoral systems in an effort to assess the likely prospects for the continued spread of this mode of electoral reform. There are three ...
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Reviews the experiences of several existing mixed‐member electoral systems in an effort to assess the likely prospects for the continued spread of this mode of electoral reform. There are three sections. The first, ‘Inherent and Contingent Factors in Electoral Reform’, looks at extreme electoral systems and systemic failure, act‐contingent explanations of pressures for reform, and outcome‐contingent explanations of political compromise leading to reform. The second section, ‘The Best of Both Worlds’, looks at the interparty and intraparty dimensions of mixed‐member electoral systems, and offers an assessment of these systems. The third section briefly assesses the prospects for continued spread of the mixed‐member idea.Less
Reviews the experiences of several existing mixed‐member electoral systems in an effort to assess the likely prospects for the continued spread of this mode of electoral reform. There are three sections. The first, ‘Inherent and Contingent Factors in Electoral Reform’, looks at extreme electoral systems and systemic failure, act‐contingent explanations of pressures for reform, and outcome‐contingent explanations of political compromise leading to reform. The second section, ‘The Best of Both Worlds’, looks at the interparty and intraparty dimensions of mixed‐member electoral systems, and offers an assessment of these systems. The third section briefly assesses the prospects for continued spread of the mixed‐member idea.
László Valki
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244096
- eISBN:
- 9780191600371
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019924409X.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Describes the Western influence on the democratic consolidation in Hungary in the 1980s and the 90s, focusing primarily on problems and conflicts, yet pointing out the historically unprecedented task ...
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Describes the Western influence on the democratic consolidation in Hungary in the 1980s and the 90s, focusing primarily on problems and conflicts, yet pointing out the historically unprecedented task of successful democratic consolidation. The West provided the Hungarian political and economic elite with an attractive democratic pattern as early as the 1980s. The chapter shows that democratic consolidation has proceeded more easily in Hungary than in most East European countries. In 1989, the Hungarian political and economic elite was relatively well prepared to establish democratic political institutions and to introduce a market economy. New reforms introduced between the 1960s and 1989 contributed to the establishment of a ‘social compromise’ reached between the political leadership and the nation. The increasing deficit in Hungary's balance of payments in the 1980s as a result of the oil crises, meant that the country had to obtain Western loans and became increasingly dependent on Western political decision makers, who used this opportunity to apply the policy of conditionality.Less
Describes the Western influence on the democratic consolidation in Hungary in the 1980s and the 90s, focusing primarily on problems and conflicts, yet pointing out the historically unprecedented task of successful democratic consolidation. The West provided the Hungarian political and economic elite with an attractive democratic pattern as early as the 1980s. The chapter shows that democratic consolidation has proceeded more easily in Hungary than in most East European countries. In 1989, the Hungarian political and economic elite was relatively well prepared to establish democratic political institutions and to introduce a market economy. New reforms introduced between the 1960s and 1989 contributed to the establishment of a ‘social compromise’ reached between the political leadership and the nation. The increasing deficit in Hungary's balance of payments in the 1980s as a result of the oil crises, meant that the country had to obtain Western loans and became increasingly dependent on Western political decision makers, who used this opportunity to apply the policy of conditionality.
Richard Rorty
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294962
- eISBN:
- 9780191598708
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294964.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Most people nowadays believe both that a free society is one in which citizens participate in government, and that it is one in which people are, within the limits Mill defined, left alone to choose ...
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Most people nowadays believe both that a free society is one in which citizens participate in government, and that it is one in which people are, within the limits Mill defined, left alone to choose their own values and ends. Liberals should not allow themselves to be encumbered with the idea of a self which is prior to its ends: existentialist, Californian, self which can somehow sit back and choose ends, values, and affiliations without reference to anything except its own momentary pleasure. The pragmatist, minimalist liberal, position is: try to educate the citizenry in the civic virtue of having as few compelling interests, beliefs, and desires as possible, to get them to be as flexible and wishy-washy as possible, and to value democratic consensus more than they value almost anything else. When Sandel says that liberals who have a merely “cooperative” vision of a community cannot meet Nozickian objections to redistributivist policies, the minimalist liberal should reply that they are met sentimentally, by telling sob stories about what happens to the poor in nonredistributivist societies. What emerges from Rawlsian attempts to put the search for consensual compromise above moral and religious conviction is not an absence of morality and religion, but new moralities and new religions.Less
Most people nowadays believe both that a free society is one in which citizens participate in government, and that it is one in which people are, within the limits Mill defined, left alone to choose their own values and ends. Liberals should not allow themselves to be encumbered with the idea of a self which is prior to its ends: existentialist, Californian, self which can somehow sit back and choose ends, values, and affiliations without reference to anything except its own momentary pleasure. The pragmatist, minimalist liberal, position is: try to educate the citizenry in the civic virtue of having as few compelling interests, beliefs, and desires as possible, to get them to be as flexible and wishy-washy as possible, and to value democratic consensus more than they value almost anything else. When Sandel says that liberals who have a merely “cooperative” vision of a community cannot meet Nozickian objections to redistributivist policies, the minimalist liberal should reply that they are met sentimentally, by telling sob stories about what happens to the poor in nonredistributivist societies. What emerges from Rawlsian attempts to put the search for consensual compromise above moral and religious conviction is not an absence of morality and religion, but new moralities and new religions.
Justin Crowe
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691152936
- eISBN:
- 9781400842575
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691152936.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter focuses on the empowerment of the federal judiciary from the Compromise of 1850 (admitting California into the Union as a free state and unofficially signifying the beginning of the ...
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This chapter focuses on the empowerment of the federal judiciary from the Compromise of 1850 (admitting California into the Union as a free state and unofficially signifying the beginning of the political crisis leading to the Civil War) to the Compromise of 1877 (settling the disputed 1876 presidential election between Samuel J. Tilden and Rutherford B. Hayes and representing the formal end of Reconstruction). The chapter asks why judicial institution building was pursued, how it was accomplished, and what it achieved within the context of mid-nineteenth century American politics. It examines the role of Republicans in Civil War and Reconstruction era institution building and how it resulted in a significant expansion of federal judicial power. It also considers the four stages in which the substantial empowerment of the judiciary occurred during the period, including the consolidation of a Republican-friendly Supreme Court through ameliorative reforms aimed at specific problems of judicial performance.Less
This chapter focuses on the empowerment of the federal judiciary from the Compromise of 1850 (admitting California into the Union as a free state and unofficially signifying the beginning of the political crisis leading to the Civil War) to the Compromise of 1877 (settling the disputed 1876 presidential election between Samuel J. Tilden and Rutherford B. Hayes and representing the formal end of Reconstruction). The chapter asks why judicial institution building was pursued, how it was accomplished, and what it achieved within the context of mid-nineteenth century American politics. It examines the role of Republicans in Civil War and Reconstruction era institution building and how it resulted in a significant expansion of federal judicial power. It also considers the four stages in which the substantial empowerment of the judiciary occurred during the period, including the consolidation of a Republican-friendly Supreme Court through ameliorative reforms aimed at specific problems of judicial performance.
Zhidong Hao
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9789622091009
- eISBN:
- 9789882207691
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789622091009.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Political History
This is one of the few books that argues for a feasible compromise solution to the political conflict across the Taiwan Strait that still troubles greater China. The book elaborates on the factors ...
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This is one of the few books that argues for a feasible compromise solution to the political conflict across the Taiwan Strait that still troubles greater China. The book elaborates on the factors both enabling and constraining the formation of a hybrid of federation and confederation. He deals with the role of the state and intellectuals (organic, professional, and critical) as well as their interaction in shaping national identities. The important questions raised are: Can China become a true world leader? Will Taiwan be a key player in China's transformation?Less
This is one of the few books that argues for a feasible compromise solution to the political conflict across the Taiwan Strait that still troubles greater China. The book elaborates on the factors both enabling and constraining the formation of a hybrid of federation and confederation. He deals with the role of the state and intellectuals (organic, professional, and critical) as well as their interaction in shaping national identities. The important questions raised are: Can China become a true world leader? Will Taiwan be a key player in China's transformation?
Justin Crowe
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691152936
- eISBN:
- 9781400842575
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691152936.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter examines the reorganization of the federal judiciary from the beginning of Thomas Jefferson's second term as president in 1805 until just prior to the Compromise of 1850. During the ...
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This chapter examines the reorganization of the federal judiciary from the beginning of Thomas Jefferson's second term as president in 1805 until just prior to the Compromise of 1850. During the first half of the nineteenth century, the government faced a new set of challenges, many of which were the result of the vast territorial expansion. Territorial expansion and the politics of statehood admission intertwined with judicial reform attempts focused primarily on arranging states in circuits and ensuring regional geographic representation on the Supreme Court. The chapter considers the four stages in which the history of judicial institution building unfolded in the eras of Jeffersonian and Jacksonian democracy: the Judiciary Act of 1807, the stalemate over the National Republicans' attempts to extend the circuit system to the West in the mid-1820s, the Whigs' failed consolidation plan of 1835, and the triumph of reform in the Judiciary Act of 1837.Less
This chapter examines the reorganization of the federal judiciary from the beginning of Thomas Jefferson's second term as president in 1805 until just prior to the Compromise of 1850. During the first half of the nineteenth century, the government faced a new set of challenges, many of which were the result of the vast territorial expansion. Territorial expansion and the politics of statehood admission intertwined with judicial reform attempts focused primarily on arranging states in circuits and ensuring regional geographic representation on the Supreme Court. The chapter considers the four stages in which the history of judicial institution building unfolded in the eras of Jeffersonian and Jacksonian democracy: the Judiciary Act of 1807, the stalemate over the National Republicans' attempts to extend the circuit system to the West in the mid-1820s, the Whigs' failed consolidation plan of 1835, and the triumph of reform in the Judiciary Act of 1837.
Christilla Roederer-Rynning
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199596225
- eISBN:
- 9780191729140
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199596225.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union, International Relations and Politics
How was agricultural policy reform possible in a context of almost unchanged institutional rules that provided ripe conditions for inertia and gridlock? This chapter argues that the original ...
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How was agricultural policy reform possible in a context of almost unchanged institutional rules that provided ripe conditions for inertia and gridlock? This chapter argues that the original joint-decision trap argument presented an analytical model of EU policy-making that corresponded most closely to pre-1990 Common Agricultural Policy (CAP), and sets out to elucidate the puzzle of reform in this area. Beyond the high politics of CAP reforms, the analysis highlights the evolution of the day-to-day policy business, which is captured by contrasting ideal-types of CAP policy-making: ‘hegemonic policy-making’ and ‘competitive policy-making’. Change took place, it is argued, through a combination of exogenous pressure, social and cognitive learning, and institutional manoeuvring, leading to what one might call ‘punctuated evolution’. In spite of recent changes, however, the CAP will continue to be one of the most controversial policy areas in the EU for reasons that are both material and ideological.Less
How was agricultural policy reform possible in a context of almost unchanged institutional rules that provided ripe conditions for inertia and gridlock? This chapter argues that the original joint-decision trap argument presented an analytical model of EU policy-making that corresponded most closely to pre-1990 Common Agricultural Policy (CAP), and sets out to elucidate the puzzle of reform in this area. Beyond the high politics of CAP reforms, the analysis highlights the evolution of the day-to-day policy business, which is captured by contrasting ideal-types of CAP policy-making: ‘hegemonic policy-making’ and ‘competitive policy-making’. Change took place, it is argued, through a combination of exogenous pressure, social and cognitive learning, and institutional manoeuvring, leading to what one might call ‘punctuated evolution’. In spite of recent changes, however, the CAP will continue to be one of the most controversial policy areas in the EU for reasons that are both material and ideological.
WILLIAM DUSINBERRE
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195326031
- eISBN:
- 9780199868308
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195326031.003.0013
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
Polk's purpose in securing the speedy annexation of Texas had been to expand plantation slavery into that vast domain. But this was not his aim in provoking war with Mexico; instead, Polk's principal ...
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Polk's purpose in securing the speedy annexation of Texas had been to expand plantation slavery into that vast domain. But this was not his aim in provoking war with Mexico; instead, Polk's principal purpose was continentalist — to expand the American empire — an aim he shared with many Northerners. Nevertheless, the Mexican War was as dangerous to the American Union as if slavery expansion had been the president's purpose. This was because Polk believed that the federal government must recognize Southern rights to extend slavery at least south of the Missouri Compromise line, even if it should prove impracticable to establish slavery very vigorously anywhere in the arid Southwest. Polk felt slavery could not be secure in the Southern states unless the right to take slaves into some of those territories were to receive federal recognition.Less
Polk's purpose in securing the speedy annexation of Texas had been to expand plantation slavery into that vast domain. But this was not his aim in provoking war with Mexico; instead, Polk's principal purpose was continentalist — to expand the American empire — an aim he shared with many Northerners. Nevertheless, the Mexican War was as dangerous to the American Union as if slavery expansion had been the president's purpose. This was because Polk believed that the federal government must recognize Southern rights to extend slavery at least south of the Missouri Compromise line, even if it should prove impracticable to establish slavery very vigorously anywhere in the arid Southwest. Polk felt slavery could not be secure in the Southern states unless the right to take slaves into some of those territories were to receive federal recognition.
Peter L. Lindseth
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195390148
- eISBN:
- 9780199866397
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195390148.003.0004
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law, Public International Law
This chapter initiates the discussion of the legal-historical effort to translate elements of the postwar constitutional settlement into supranational form over the last half-century. The focus here ...
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This chapter initiates the discussion of the legal-historical effort to translate elements of the postwar constitutional settlement into supranational form over the last half-century. The focus here is on the establishment of national executive leadership over the integration process. This development ran contrary to efforts by Jean Monnet to construct, purportedly on the New Deal model, a system of supranational technocratic autonomy in the High Authority of the European Coal and Steal Community. Monnet was ultimately curtailed significantly by the creation of the Council of Ministers in the Treaty of Paris of 1951. The institutional role of the Council of Ministers grew as a consequence of the Treaty of Rome of 1957, which established the European Economic Community. The crises of the 1960s further marginalized the Commission as an autonomous technocratic policy maker. But these crises also brought to the fore differing conceptions of national leadership that would play themselves out in the ‘empty chair’ crisis and the Luxembourg Compromise at mid-decade. France, under de Gaulle, favored control by particular national executives exercising a veto over supranational policy making; the remainder of the national executives favored shared oversight via consensus politics in the Council of Ministers. This later position prevailed, and found further expression in the creation of a dense bureaucracy of nationally dominated committees (COREPER, comitology). This process of national-executive ascendancy and shared oversight culminated in the creation of the European Council in 1974, which was to become the central institution of plebiscitary leadership in the process of European integration over the remainder of the century.Less
This chapter initiates the discussion of the legal-historical effort to translate elements of the postwar constitutional settlement into supranational form over the last half-century. The focus here is on the establishment of national executive leadership over the integration process. This development ran contrary to efforts by Jean Monnet to construct, purportedly on the New Deal model, a system of supranational technocratic autonomy in the High Authority of the European Coal and Steal Community. Monnet was ultimately curtailed significantly by the creation of the Council of Ministers in the Treaty of Paris of 1951. The institutional role of the Council of Ministers grew as a consequence of the Treaty of Rome of 1957, which established the European Economic Community. The crises of the 1960s further marginalized the Commission as an autonomous technocratic policy maker. But these crises also brought to the fore differing conceptions of national leadership that would play themselves out in the ‘empty chair’ crisis and the Luxembourg Compromise at mid-decade. France, under de Gaulle, favored control by particular national executives exercising a veto over supranational policy making; the remainder of the national executives favored shared oversight via consensus politics in the Council of Ministers. This later position prevailed, and found further expression in the creation of a dense bureaucracy of nationally dominated committees (COREPER, comitology). This process of national-executive ascendancy and shared oversight culminated in the creation of the European Council in 1974, which was to become the central institution of plebiscitary leadership in the process of European integration over the remainder of the century.
Michael A. Haedicke
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780804795906
- eISBN:
- 9780804798730
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804795906.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Social Movements and Social Change
This book traces the struggle to reconcile ideas and practices related to market growth, on the one hand, and sociocultural change, on the other, that exists within the U.S. organic foods sector. ...
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This book traces the struggle to reconcile ideas and practices related to market growth, on the one hand, and sociocultural change, on the other, that exists within the U.S. organic foods sector. Using a multi-level, qualitative approach, it examines how sector members engage with these ideas and practices during their day-to-day activities, as well as during periods of institution building and sector-level change. It uses interviews conducted by the author with sixty organic foods businesspeople, regulators, and advocates, as well as a wide range of archival sources, to describe how sector members have promoted intrasectoral conflict by emphasizing differences between these understandings and how they strive for compromise by highlighting points of convergence. Substantively, this text explains how the compromises that existed during the organic sector’s early years dissolved into conflicts related to federal organic foods regulations, and it also documents the interrelated contemporary strategies of newly arrived organic foods businesspeople, activist critics of market growth, and countercultural co-op store leaders. At a theoretical level, the book makes use of sociological and organizational scholarship about institutional logics to construct an analytic frame for research about fields that are divided between conflicting understandings of purpose and different imagined future trajectories. It also pushes the institutional logics approach further by explaining how the social mechanisms of cultural framing and organizational/institutional work mediate between contradictory logics and processes of conflict and compromise.Less
This book traces the struggle to reconcile ideas and practices related to market growth, on the one hand, and sociocultural change, on the other, that exists within the U.S. organic foods sector. Using a multi-level, qualitative approach, it examines how sector members engage with these ideas and practices during their day-to-day activities, as well as during periods of institution building and sector-level change. It uses interviews conducted by the author with sixty organic foods businesspeople, regulators, and advocates, as well as a wide range of archival sources, to describe how sector members have promoted intrasectoral conflict by emphasizing differences between these understandings and how they strive for compromise by highlighting points of convergence. Substantively, this text explains how the compromises that existed during the organic sector’s early years dissolved into conflicts related to federal organic foods regulations, and it also documents the interrelated contemporary strategies of newly arrived organic foods businesspeople, activist critics of market growth, and countercultural co-op store leaders. At a theoretical level, the book makes use of sociological and organizational scholarship about institutional logics to construct an analytic frame for research about fields that are divided between conflicting understandings of purpose and different imagined future trajectories. It also pushes the institutional logics approach further by explaining how the social mechanisms of cultural framing and organizational/institutional work mediate between contradictory logics and processes of conflict and compromise.
Samuel DeCanio
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780300198782
- eISBN:
- 9780300216318
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300198782.003.0010
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This chapter examines the Compromise of 1877 between Republicans and Southern Democrats involving railroad subsidies that would extend Thomas Scott's Texas and Pacific Railroad into their districts ...
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This chapter examines the Compromise of 1877 between Republicans and Southern Democrats involving railroad subsidies that would extend Thomas Scott's Texas and Pacific Railroad into their districts in exchange for making Rutherford Hayes president. Initially documented by C. Vann Woodward in Reunion and Reaction: The Compromise of 1877 and the End of Reconstruction (1954), the Compromise of 1877 involved not only the removal of federal troops from the South but also promises of federal aid to railroads. The compromise collapsed after Hayes became president and refused to provide railroad subsidies to the South. This chapter considers how the collapse of the Compromise of 1877 led Texas Democrat John Reagan to introduce a bill that culminated in the creation of the Interstate Commerce Commission. It also explores the ramifications of railroad regulation championed by Reagan for American state formation.Less
This chapter examines the Compromise of 1877 between Republicans and Southern Democrats involving railroad subsidies that would extend Thomas Scott's Texas and Pacific Railroad into their districts in exchange for making Rutherford Hayes president. Initially documented by C. Vann Woodward in Reunion and Reaction: The Compromise of 1877 and the End of Reconstruction (1954), the Compromise of 1877 involved not only the removal of federal troops from the South but also promises of federal aid to railroads. The compromise collapsed after Hayes became president and refused to provide railroad subsidies to the South. This chapter considers how the collapse of the Compromise of 1877 led Texas Democrat John Reagan to introduce a bill that culminated in the creation of the Interstate Commerce Commission. It also explores the ramifications of railroad regulation championed by Reagan for American state formation.
Chiara Lepora and Robert E. Goodin
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199677900
- eISBN:
- 9780191757273
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199677900.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter analyses the concept of compromise, in a way that will serve as a template for the analysis of complicity in later chapters. Three types of compromise – substitution, intersection and ...
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This chapter analyses the concept of compromise, in a way that will serve as a template for the analysis of complicity in later chapters. Three types of compromise – substitution, intersection and conjunction compromise – are distinguished. Compromises arise in the context of a conflict of principled concerns among actors. In the course of the compromise each has to do or allow the other to do something she thinks is wrong, or to refrain from doing something she thinks she should. That accounts for the sense of ‘being compromised’ that accompanies a compromise. Even if compromising was the right thing to do on balance, it is important always to bear in mind what was lost in order to secure those gains. These are all features that the more complex case of complicity shares.Less
This chapter analyses the concept of compromise, in a way that will serve as a template for the analysis of complicity in later chapters. Three types of compromise – substitution, intersection and conjunction compromise – are distinguished. Compromises arise in the context of a conflict of principled concerns among actors. In the course of the compromise each has to do or allow the other to do something she thinks is wrong, or to refrain from doing something she thinks she should. That accounts for the sense of ‘being compromised’ that accompanies a compromise. Even if compromising was the right thing to do on balance, it is important always to bear in mind what was lost in order to secure those gains. These are all features that the more complex case of complicity shares.
Stephen Wall
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199284559
- eISBN:
- 9780191700309
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199284559.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union, UK Politics
In 1963, General Charles de Gaulle issued his first veto of Britain's application to join the European Community (EC), the Common Market. Britain had declined to join the original six founders of the ...
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In 1963, General Charles de Gaulle issued his first veto of Britain's application to join the European Community (EC), the Common Market. Britain had declined to join the original six founders of the EC. In the early 1950s, it had been the British ‘functional’ versus the Continental ‘federal’ approach. It was not until January 1973 that Britain was able to join the EC. Money was a troublesome issue facing the British government in its relationship with the rest of the EC, but it was not the only one. There also was a great goal of political unification: the European Union. Subsequent arguments and negotiations split the EC, soured Margaret Thatcher's relationship with her fellow Heads of Government, and led some of them to conclude that Britain was a ‘bad European’.Less
In 1963, General Charles de Gaulle issued his first veto of Britain's application to join the European Community (EC), the Common Market. Britain had declined to join the original six founders of the EC. In the early 1950s, it had been the British ‘functional’ versus the Continental ‘federal’ approach. It was not until January 1973 that Britain was able to join the EC. Money was a troublesome issue facing the British government in its relationship with the rest of the EC, but it was not the only one. There also was a great goal of political unification: the European Union. Subsequent arguments and negotiations split the EC, soured Margaret Thatcher's relationship with her fellow Heads of Government, and led some of them to conclude that Britain was a ‘bad European’.
