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This chapter addresses the legitimacy problems of the Union and how they can be alleviated. The EU, as every system of domination, is in need of justification, but this may take different forms and may refer to different institutional solutions. Three such are outlined, respectively depicting the EU as a problem‐solving entity, as a value‐based community, and as a rights‐based union. As it becomes clear that neither a scaling down of the EU to the form of an international organization, nor a value‐based conception, making the EU into a unified nation state, are viable options, we are left with the third option: the EU as a post‐national, rights‐based union. This chapter shows that this conception is reflected in the constitution‐making process.

The aim of any collective security system is to preserve, and ensure the observance of, certain community defined values. Under Chapter VII of the UN Charter, the Security Council is mandated to determine what these community values are — what constitutes a threat to, or breach of, international peace and what is the appropriate measure to maintain or restore peace. The danger with the delegation of Chapter VII powers by the Security Council is that the interests of States may not converge with the most effective way to achieve the community defined values at best and at worst may even conflict with the attainment of such an objective. This is where application of the legal framework governing the process of delegation of Chapter VII powers is of primary importance. The role of law here is to prescribe the limits which regulate the delegation and exercise of these powers to ensure that the community-defined goal is achieved.

John Erik Fossum and Cathrine Holst discuss their approach in relation to three conceptions of the European Union: as a problem‐solving entity; as a value community; and as a rights‐based Union. The great majority of Norwegian public intellectuals frown at the notion of Europe as a democratic anchor, and instead insist that the EU is a democratic curse, which Norway should stay away from. The European project and European governance are seen to have profoundly negative effects on the role of politics, autonomy, agency, sovereignty and republican ideals. The same can be said of how Norwegian public intellectuals consider the relationship between Europe‐as‐values and Europe‐as‐prosperity. There is a strongly held conviction that Europe is a “rich man's club”, a conviction that has remained unscathed throughout the last two bouts of EU enlargement because of a subtle shift to Europe‐as‐a‐businessman's club, and fountain of all‐permeating neo‐liberal economics.

This chapter focuses on the need for a shift in the health economics paradigm. It identifies the requirements of a new paradigm shift which includes a move from individuals' values to citizens' and community values; the acceptance of both health care systems and public health as social institutions; and a shift away from the property rights currently in the hands of medical associations and individual doctors to investing power in the community whose health is at stake, whose health service it is, and who are members of the population whose public health it is.

This chapter discusses the values and principles vital for shaping how community social work practice is carried out when addressing Latino small businesses. The four key values in implementing community social work practice are social justice, self-determination, community well-being, and community assets. With regards to practice principles, five are derived from a variety of scholarly and practices sources. First, all communities, regardless of socioeconomic circumstances, possess inherent assets. Second, communities must play influential roles in the decision making process pertaining to intervention goals. Third, communities are the best experts on their conditions and circumstances. Fourth, Latino small businesses must be viewed from a multifaceted perspective that stresses economic/operational, cultural, and social capital dimensions. Finally, sustainable community-focused initiatives in support of Latino small businesses are best achieved through meaningful collaboration. These values and principles take on a synergistic effect when all of them are present and interacting with one another.

As urbanization leads to repeated, marked environmental gradients in space, it provides an ideal ‘natural’ experiment to study how evolving metacommunities, in which evolutionary and community ecological processes interact in a landscape context, respond to anthropogenic disturbances. An integrated approach that combines community data with data on genetic responses of focal taxa to urbanization is still lacking, notwithstanding the likely importance of eco-evolutionary feedbacks on urban ecosystem functions and services. Such a joint analysis is most easily achieved by focusing on shifts in trait values and their interspecific (cf. community ecology) and intraspecific components. The latter involves both non-genetic and genetic responses, and should be quantified for all dominant, abundant, or ecologically important species in the (meta)community. This chapter introduces the evolving metacommunity framework and discusses the use of cities to study how this framework can contribute to our insight into population and community responses to anthropogenic change. It discusses how this framework can enhance our capacity to predict responses to contemporary and future urbanization as well as its possible consequences for ecosystem functioning. It predicts that evolutionary trait change contributes substantially to observed trait shifts at the community level. Conversely, genetic adaptation might often be constrained by rapid changes in species composition. It explores eco-evolutionary partitioning metrics that quantify the evolutionary and ecological contributions to responses to urbanization. Finally, it provides guidelines for experimental studies on urban evolving metacommunities, and suggests directions on research that will build towards a fully integrated evolving metacommunity framework addressing biological responses to urbanization.

This sets out the aims of the book, how it sets out to consider how citizens and migrants define each other and that they do so through sets of relations that shift and are not binaries. It introduces the idea of the ‘community of value’, peopled by Good Citizens, whose borders are set externally by the Non-Citizen, but also internally by the Failed Citizen. The borders of citizenship are policed by Tolerated Citizens, who must prove their worth It goes on to briefly outline the book chapters

This chapter argues against a new and perhaps more benign way of classifying Nietzsche as a political conservative. It also adds to the argument that even though Nietzsche is seen as more leftist than he appears, he is not an egalitarian. It does so by making an extended and detailed case against Julian Young’s claim that the flourishing of the community is Nietzsche’s highest value. The final section suggests that Nietzsche’s view might nevertheless be able to accommodate richer notions of community value than is commonly supposed—one that, in important respects, is similar to the value that he attributes to the exceptional individual.

Over the years, the size of the immigrant population has increased considerably in many Western countries and raised concerns whether the majority population within a nation-state identify with and share a number of common values despite increased ethnic and religious diversity. This chapter includes the immigrant population into the ‘national identity’ debate by examining the extent to which non-Western immigrants identify with and feel proud of their host nation, and it investigates the community values with which they identify, utilizing a nationally representative survey taken among five large non-Western groups living in Denmark and a comparable group of native Danes. The chapter finds that non-Western immigrant groups and their descendants feel less Danish and have less nationalist pride than the majority. These non-Western immigrant groups share a number of crucial values with the native population—most notably a number of liberal and republican values, raising a number of key issues for political theory.

Community psychologists typically work in various settings, such as universities, community-based organizations, and/or as independent consultants. This chapter describes the experiences of one community psychologist who found a niche within a community college, including some material on his transition from graduate school to community college faculty and progression to tenured professor. This chapter describes how some community psychology values and competencies (i.e., human diversity, advocacy, mentorship, community-building) are practiced in this unique setting.

This chapter extends the discussion of surrogacy by focusing on how the people of Spey Bay thought about paying for bodily services and substances and what they felt this said about them as members of a community. People in Spey Bay do not think of money as inherently corrupting but hold individuals responsible for their own decisions about how they make and spend it. This chapter analyzes the views of the people of Spey Bay about blood, egg, and sperm donation in order to highlight the connections between community values and reproductive ethics, as well the circulation and meanings of money in their personal and professional lives. In doing so, it revisits questions about the contextual nature of ethics and the broad significance of reproduction in everyday life.

This chapter studies the political and literary work of the ‘miner writer’ Harold Heslop, whose works present another intermodern concern: community. It determines that the community of value found in Heslop's fiction is that of his fellow trade unionists and miners of ‘the North’.

Chapter 2 examines the hardening of borders from the ‘outside’, the differentiation between subjects, foreigners and aliens, and the emergence of the migrant via the alien and the subject, set in contrast to the British citizen. It makes the argument for a more nuanced account of race, racism and immigration controls that explores the relation between race, the community of value, and ‘the poor’. The return to a historical ‘Year Zero’ which erases the history of colonialism and its legacies, in particular the imposition of particular forms of statehood, government and nationalisms and the lasting impact of global inequalities, combines with an affected ‘racelessness’ to construct the immigrant as the poor and the desperate.

This chapter presents a brief history of Corby and its Scottish connection as a backcloth to the work of the Pen Green Centre since 1983. The main focus is on the values of parents and staff and the resulting research on involving parents in their children’s learning from 1997 to 2000 and subsequent developments in practice. An important starting point was the ‘Local Action Group’ against the proposed centre as a service for ‘problem families’, and the appointment of Margy Whalley, who had experience of community projects in Brazil and Papua, New Guinea, as Head of Centre to create something more positive. Freire’s concept of ‘dialogue’ is used to describe the two-way conversation that workers and parents can engage in to build understanding and agreement of how best to support children’s development and learning.