Ted Gest
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195103434
- eISBN:
- 9780199833887
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195103432.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Before the 1960s crime wave, American police officers were little trained and spent much of their time responding to citizen calls about crime. A Law Enforcement Education Program (LEEP) in the 1970s ...
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Before the 1960s crime wave, American police officers were little trained and spent much of their time responding to citizen calls about crime. A Law Enforcement Education Program (LEEP) in the 1970s began to upgrade police education. A round of studies questioned the effectiveness of police patrol tactics. Analysts advocated more sophisticated methods, called ‘problem‐oriented policing’ and later the more general ‘community policing.’ New York lawyer Adam Walinsky promoted a concept called the Police Corps that would encourage more college‐educated officers. The reform ideas coalesced in the presidency of Bill Clinton, who successfully argued for federal funding for an additional 100,000 community‐oriented local officers, an idea that Walinsky complained was a watered‐down form of his concept (which still was instituted on a smaller scale). Clinton's Attorney General, Janet Reno, was initially skeptical of the massive federal program called ‘Community Oriented Policing Services’ (COPS), but she eventually backed it. It was not certain how many officers were hired and permanently funded—it may have been closer to 50,000—but the program did have a significant impact on police hiring in the nation. Less clear was the effect of COPS on the crime rate. The program's supporters asserted success, but other factors like the economy, demographics and alternate policing methods might have been just as important.Less
Before the 1960s crime wave, American police officers were little trained and spent much of their time responding to citizen calls about crime. A Law Enforcement Education Program (LEEP) in the 1970s began to upgrade police education. A round of studies questioned the effectiveness of police patrol tactics. Analysts advocated more sophisticated methods, called ‘problem‐oriented policing’ and later the more general ‘community policing.’ New York lawyer Adam Walinsky promoted a concept called the Police Corps that would encourage more college‐educated officers. The reform ideas coalesced in the presidency of Bill Clinton, who successfully argued for federal funding for an additional 100,000 community‐oriented local officers, an idea that Walinsky complained was a watered‐down form of his concept (which still was instituted on a smaller scale). Clinton's Attorney General, Janet Reno, was initially skeptical of the massive federal program called ‘Community Oriented Policing Services’ (COPS), but she eventually backed it. It was not certain how many officers were hired and permanently funded—it may have been closer to 50,000—but the program did have a significant impact on police hiring in the nation. Less clear was the effect of COPS on the crime rate. The program's supporters asserted success, but other factors like the economy, demographics and alternate policing methods might have been just as important.
Anthony A. Braga and David L. Weisburd
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195341966
- eISBN:
- 9780199866847
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195341966.003.0006
- Subject:
- Law, Criminal Law and Criminology
This chapter examines potential harmful effects of the concentration of police resources in specific hot spots that could lead citizens to question the fairness of these practices. Complaints about ...
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This chapter examines potential harmful effects of the concentration of police resources in specific hot spots that could lead citizens to question the fairness of these practices. Complaints about excessive force and police corruption are not uncommon in high‐crime neighborhoods where police are sometimes viewed as an “occupying force.” Police executives seeking to engage effective police crime prevention practices need to consider community perceptions of the “fairness” of the content of hot spots policing strategies and the behavior of the officers who are implementing them. Unfortunately, police effectiveness studies have traditionally overlooked the effects of police practices upon citizen perceptions of police legitimacy. Based on the available research evidence, the chapter reviews the potential for problematic police practices in hot spots policing strategies and then discusses the key elements of community and problem‐oriented policing programs that can be incorporated into hot spots programs to improve citizen support and cooperation.Less
This chapter examines potential harmful effects of the concentration of police resources in specific hot spots that could lead citizens to question the fairness of these practices. Complaints about excessive force and police corruption are not uncommon in high‐crime neighborhoods where police are sometimes viewed as an “occupying force.” Police executives seeking to engage effective police crime prevention practices need to consider community perceptions of the “fairness” of the content of hot spots policing strategies and the behavior of the officers who are implementing them. Unfortunately, police effectiveness studies have traditionally overlooked the effects of police practices upon citizen perceptions of police legitimacy. Based on the available research evidence, the chapter reviews the potential for problematic police practices in hot spots policing strategies and then discusses the key elements of community and problem‐oriented policing programs that can be incorporated into hot spots programs to improve citizen support and cooperation.
Wesley G. Skogan
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195154580
- eISBN:
- 9780199944033
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195154580.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Law, Crime and Deviance
Highly popular with both the public and political leaders, community policing is the most important development in law enforcement in the last twenty-five years. But does it really work? Can police ...
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Highly popular with both the public and political leaders, community policing is the most important development in law enforcement in the last twenty-five years. But does it really work? Can police departments fundamentally change their organization? Can neighborhood problems be solved? In the early 1990s, Chicago, the nation's third-largest city, instituted the nation's largest community policing initiative. This book provides a comprehensive evaluation of that citywide program, examining its impact on crime, neighborhood residents, and the police. Based on the results of a thirteen-year study, including interviews, citywide surveys, and sophisticated statistical analyses, it reveals a city divided among African Americans, whites, and Latinos. By looking at the varying effects community policing had on each of these groups, the book provides an analysis of what works and why. As the use of community policing increases and issues related to race and immigration become more pressing, it will serve the needs of an increasing amount of students, scholars, and professionals interested in the most effective and harmonious means of keeping communities safe.Less
Highly popular with both the public and political leaders, community policing is the most important development in law enforcement in the last twenty-five years. But does it really work? Can police departments fundamentally change their organization? Can neighborhood problems be solved? In the early 1990s, Chicago, the nation's third-largest city, instituted the nation's largest community policing initiative. This book provides a comprehensive evaluation of that citywide program, examining its impact on crime, neighborhood residents, and the police. Based on the results of a thirteen-year study, including interviews, citywide surveys, and sophisticated statistical analyses, it reveals a city divided among African Americans, whites, and Latinos. By looking at the varying effects community policing had on each of these groups, the book provides an analysis of what works and why. As the use of community policing increases and issues related to race and immigration become more pressing, it will serve the needs of an increasing amount of students, scholars, and professionals interested in the most effective and harmonious means of keeping communities safe.
Jonathan Fox
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199208852
- eISBN:
- 9780191709005
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199208852.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter explores the relationship between democratization and decentralization. In Mexico, the government promoted deliberative citizen participation nation-wide in rural municipalities, well ...
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This chapter explores the relationship between democratization and decentralization. In Mexico, the government promoted deliberative citizen participation nation-wide in rural municipalities, well before national electoral democratization. Mexican decentralization empowered municipalities, but it turns out that municipal governance systematically excludes millions of rural people who live outside of the town centers that usually control municipal affairs. Those villages are most directly governed by sub-municipal authorities. In some states and regions these truly local authorities are chosen democratically, representing villagers to the municipality, in others they are designated from above, representing the mayor to the villagers. This chapter explores rural citizens' efforts to hold local governments accountable through three different comparative research strategies: analysis of resource allocation decision-making processes in a representative sample of local rural governments in the state of Oaxaca; comparison of changing municipal-sub-municipal power relations in four rural states (Oaxaca, Guerrero, Hidalgo, and Chiapas); and a nation-wide comparison of the state level laws that govern this invisible ‘sub-municipal regime’.Less
This chapter explores the relationship between democratization and decentralization. In Mexico, the government promoted deliberative citizen participation nation-wide in rural municipalities, well before national electoral democratization. Mexican decentralization empowered municipalities, but it turns out that municipal governance systematically excludes millions of rural people who live outside of the town centers that usually control municipal affairs. Those villages are most directly governed by sub-municipal authorities. In some states and regions these truly local authorities are chosen democratically, representing villagers to the municipality, in others they are designated from above, representing the mayor to the villagers. This chapter explores rural citizens' efforts to hold local governments accountable through three different comparative research strategies: analysis of resource allocation decision-making processes in a representative sample of local rural governments in the state of Oaxaca; comparison of changing municipal-sub-municipal power relations in four rural states (Oaxaca, Guerrero, Hidalgo, and Chiapas); and a nation-wide comparison of the state level laws that govern this invisible ‘sub-municipal regime’.
Wesley G. Skogan
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195154580
- eISBN:
- 9780199944033
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195154580.003.0019
- Subject:
- Sociology, Law, Crime and Deviance
Chicago's community-policing initiative was formally inaugurated in April 1993. Dubbed CAPS (Chicago Alternative Policing Strategy), the program was developed, tested, and refined over a ...
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Chicago's community-policing initiative was formally inaugurated in April 1993. Dubbed CAPS (Chicago Alternative Policing Strategy), the program was developed, tested, and refined over a fifteen-month period in five experimental districts. Community policing was eventually expanded to encompass all twenty-five police districts and to involve almost every city agency. By 1998, however, the program was dead in the water. A new generation of leaders within the police department saw an opportunity to implement new management initiatives aimed at revitalizing CAPS and other important aspects of the department. Among their solutions was the introduction of a management-accountability system resembling—on the surface—New York City's famous CompStat process. This chapter describes the program and examines the obstacles to making it work, along with the police department's struggle to overcome those obstacles. Chicago's program touched base with the three major elements that make up community-policing initiatives around the country: community involvement, problem solving, and reorganization.Less
Chicago's community-policing initiative was formally inaugurated in April 1993. Dubbed CAPS (Chicago Alternative Policing Strategy), the program was developed, tested, and refined over a fifteen-month period in five experimental districts. Community policing was eventually expanded to encompass all twenty-five police districts and to involve almost every city agency. By 1998, however, the program was dead in the water. A new generation of leaders within the police department saw an opportunity to implement new management initiatives aimed at revitalizing CAPS and other important aspects of the department. Among their solutions was the introduction of a management-accountability system resembling—on the surface—New York City's famous CompStat process. This chapter describes the program and examines the obstacles to making it work, along with the police department's struggle to overcome those obstacles. Chicago's program touched base with the three major elements that make up community-policing initiatives around the country: community involvement, problem solving, and reorganization.
Wesley G. Skogan
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195154580
- eISBN:
- 9780199944033
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195154580.003.0010
- Subject:
- Sociology, Law, Crime and Deviance
Community policing is the most important development in law enforcement in the past quarter century. Cities across the country report that they are moving toward this new model, which supplements ...
More
Community policing is the most important development in law enforcement in the past quarter century. Cities across the country report that they are moving toward this new model, which supplements traditional crime fighting with problem-solving and prevention-oriented approaches that emphasize the role of the public in helping set police priorities. This book uses Chicago as a laboratory to address several fundamental questions about the reality of community policing. First, can police departments—and especially big departments—really change? Second, can it work? What do cities that claim they are “doing community policing” actually do? Across the United States, community policing has proved to have three core strategic components: decentralization, citizen involvement, and problem solving. Chicago provides an important test of community policing because it consists of three groups: African Americans, Latinos, and whites. The book examines the effectiveness of community policing in addressing two of its more important targets: social disorder and physical decay.Less
Community policing is the most important development in law enforcement in the past quarter century. Cities across the country report that they are moving toward this new model, which supplements traditional crime fighting with problem-solving and prevention-oriented approaches that emphasize the role of the public in helping set police priorities. This book uses Chicago as a laboratory to address several fundamental questions about the reality of community policing. First, can police departments—and especially big departments—really change? Second, can it work? What do cities that claim they are “doing community policing” actually do? Across the United States, community policing has proved to have three core strategic components: decentralization, citizen involvement, and problem solving. Chicago provides an important test of community policing because it consists of three groups: African Americans, Latinos, and whites. The book examines the effectiveness of community policing in addressing two of its more important targets: social disorder and physical decay.
Anthony A. Braga and David L. Weisburd
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195341966
- eISBN:
- 9780199866847
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195341966.003.0002
- Subject:
- Law, Criminal Law and Criminology
Recent police interest in hot spots policing is part of a larger set of changes and innovations that have occurred in policing over the last three decades. Some have described the period of change ...
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Recent police interest in hot spots policing is part of a larger set of changes and innovations that have occurred in policing over the last three decades. Some have described the period of change and innovation that began in the policing industry during the 1980s as the most dramatic in the history of policing. Hot spots policing is not the only recent innovation that has been concerned with the concentration of crime at place. Indeed, dealing with crime hot spots has been a key component of many recent police innovations such as Compstat, community policing, and problem‐oriented policing. However, to understand the emergence of hot spots policing, it is necessary to understand the crisis in American policing that required the police to innovate. It is also important to understand the relationship of hot spots policing to other strategic innovations such as community policing and problem‐oriented policing. This chapter examines crisis and change in American policing, reviews several key strategic police innovations, and then traces the theoretical and empirical insights that led to the emergence of hot spots policing.Less
Recent police interest in hot spots policing is part of a larger set of changes and innovations that have occurred in policing over the last three decades. Some have described the period of change and innovation that began in the policing industry during the 1980s as the most dramatic in the history of policing. Hot spots policing is not the only recent innovation that has been concerned with the concentration of crime at place. Indeed, dealing with crime hot spots has been a key component of many recent police innovations such as Compstat, community policing, and problem‐oriented policing. However, to understand the emergence of hot spots policing, it is necessary to understand the crisis in American policing that required the police to innovate. It is also important to understand the relationship of hot spots policing to other strategic innovations such as community policing and problem‐oriented policing. This chapter examines crisis and change in American policing, reviews several key strategic police innovations, and then traces the theoretical and empirical insights that led to the emergence of hot spots policing.
Wesley G. Skogan
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195154580
- eISBN:
- 9780199944033
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195154580.003.0061
- Subject:
- Sociology, Law, Crime and Deviance
One goal of Chicago's community-policing initiative, CAPS (Chicago Alternative Policing Strategy), was to build popular confidence in the responsiveness and effectiveness of the police. This chapter ...
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One goal of Chicago's community-policing initiative, CAPS (Chicago Alternative Policing Strategy), was to build popular confidence in the responsiveness and effectiveness of the police. This chapter examines the changing views of Chicagoans about their police as CAPS took root in the city. Police gained significant support over time, and they did so among all major groups. This can be attributed in large part to improving neighborhood conditions. Many—but not all—Chicagoans felt their neighborhoods were growing cleaner, safer, and more comfortable as places to live, and official rates of crime were declining. These improvements in quality of life benefited the police. Some of the remaining gaps between views of whites and African Americans can be ascribed to personal experience. At least some of the improved rating of the Chicago police was “earned” by improving neighborhood conditions, and a bit was earned by effective community outreach. It is necessary to consider the enduring gap between the city's whites, Latinos, and African Americans.Less
One goal of Chicago's community-policing initiative, CAPS (Chicago Alternative Policing Strategy), was to build popular confidence in the responsiveness and effectiveness of the police. This chapter examines the changing views of Chicagoans about their police as CAPS took root in the city. Police gained significant support over time, and they did so among all major groups. This can be attributed in large part to improving neighborhood conditions. Many—but not all—Chicagoans felt their neighborhoods were growing cleaner, safer, and more comfortable as places to live, and official rates of crime were declining. These improvements in quality of life benefited the police. Some of the remaining gaps between views of whites and African Americans can be ascribed to personal experience. At least some of the improved rating of the Chicago police was “earned” by improving neighborhood conditions, and a bit was earned by effective community outreach. It is necessary to consider the enduring gap between the city's whites, Latinos, and African Americans.
Wesley G. Skogan
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195154580
- eISBN:
- 9780199944033
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195154580.003.0030
- Subject:
- Sociology, Law, Crime and Deviance
In Chicago's community-policing model, beat meetings are the vehicle for grassroots consultation and collaboration between police and the community. At the meetings, the two sides are to come ...
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In Chicago's community-policing model, beat meetings are the vehicle for grassroots consultation and collaboration between police and the community. At the meetings, the two sides are to come together to identify local priorities, discuss how both police and residents can best address them, and review their progress in doing so. This chapter explores two questions: Who is “the community” that is being represented? How well are they represented? The possibility that CAPS (Chicago Alternative Policing Strategy) participants would be unrepresentative of the community was encouraged by the way in which Chicago resolved the potentially complicated question of “Who is the community?” The chapter examines the relationship between the demographic representation of beats and the background of those who attend the meetings, including homeowners and Latinos. There was a limited correspondence between residents' views of crime and those of beat-meeting participants.Less
In Chicago's community-policing model, beat meetings are the vehicle for grassroots consultation and collaboration between police and the community. At the meetings, the two sides are to come together to identify local priorities, discuss how both police and residents can best address them, and review their progress in doing so. This chapter explores two questions: Who is “the community” that is being represented? How well are they represented? The possibility that CAPS (Chicago Alternative Policing Strategy) participants would be unrepresentative of the community was encouraged by the way in which Chicago resolved the potentially complicated question of “Who is the community?” The chapter examines the relationship between the demographic representation of beats and the background of those who attend the meetings, including homeowners and Latinos. There was a limited correspondence between residents' views of crime and those of beat-meeting participants.
Wesley G. Skogan
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195154580
- eISBN:
- 9780199944033
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195154580.003.0011
- Subject:
- Sociology, Law, Crime and Deviance
This chapter describes the condition of the city and the state of police–community relations in Chicago in the early 1990s, providing a baseline from which to assess what happened during the ...
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This chapter describes the condition of the city and the state of police–community relations in Chicago in the early 1990s, providing a baseline from which to assess what happened during the remainder of the decade and into the next, as community policing took hold in the city. In brief, the situation looked grim. In the early 1990s, crime hit record levels. Chicago's population had been declining for forty years, and better-off African Americans already had joined white families in the flight to the suburbs. Those who remained behind were sharply segregated by race, and the racial composition of the city's neighborhoods provided a template that described the distribution of almost every social and physical ill. The relationship between the police and the public was also bad. This was especially true in the eyes of African Americans and Latinos, although there was evidence that Chicagoans of all races thought that, in important ways, police were not doing a very good job. As Chicago's community-policing program developed, whites, African Americans, and Latinos adopted distinctive patterns of involvement in it.Less
This chapter describes the condition of the city and the state of police–community relations in Chicago in the early 1990s, providing a baseline from which to assess what happened during the remainder of the decade and into the next, as community policing took hold in the city. In brief, the situation looked grim. In the early 1990s, crime hit record levels. Chicago's population had been declining for forty years, and better-off African Americans already had joined white families in the flight to the suburbs. Those who remained behind were sharply segregated by race, and the racial composition of the city's neighborhoods provided a template that described the distribution of almost every social and physical ill. The relationship between the police and the public was also bad. This was especially true in the eyes of African Americans and Latinos, although there was evidence that Chicagoans of all races thought that, in important ways, police were not doing a very good job. As Chicago's community-policing program developed, whites, African Americans, and Latinos adopted distinctive patterns of involvement in it.
Wesley G. Skogan
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195154580
- eISBN:
- 9780199944033
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195154580.003.0037
- Subject:
- Sociology, Law, Crime and Deviance
In the CAPS (Chicago Alternative Policing Strategy) model of community policing, police are to move beyond driving to the scene quickly in response to individual 911 calls, and instead, have to adopt ...
More
In the CAPS (Chicago Alternative Policing Strategy) model of community policing, police are to move beyond driving to the scene quickly in response to individual 911 calls, and instead, have to adopt a proactive, prevention-oriented stance toward neighborhood problems. Their first step is to identify problems and prioritize them, and then to analyze their locations, victims, and offenders. Subsequently, police design strategies that might deal with the chronic character of priority problems, thinking “outside the box” of traditional police-enforcement tactics. They then implement their strategies and assess their effectiveness. This widely used model of problem solving was developed to address traditional crimes. However, an important feature of Chicago's community-oriented approach to problem solving is that the police have taken responsibility for a wide range of neighborhood problems. The police took on new responsibilities because they needed to be able to respond to the concerns expressed by residents at beat meetings and other public venues, and because Chicago took seriously the “broken windows” view of crime and neighborhood decline.Less
In the CAPS (Chicago Alternative Policing Strategy) model of community policing, police are to move beyond driving to the scene quickly in response to individual 911 calls, and instead, have to adopt a proactive, prevention-oriented stance toward neighborhood problems. Their first step is to identify problems and prioritize them, and then to analyze their locations, victims, and offenders. Subsequently, police design strategies that might deal with the chronic character of priority problems, thinking “outside the box” of traditional police-enforcement tactics. They then implement their strategies and assess their effectiveness. This widely used model of problem solving was developed to address traditional crimes. However, an important feature of Chicago's community-oriented approach to problem solving is that the police have taken responsibility for a wide range of neighborhood problems. The police took on new responsibilities because they needed to be able to respond to the concerns expressed by residents at beat meetings and other public venues, and because Chicago took seriously the “broken windows” view of crime and neighborhood decline.
Wesley G. Skogan
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195154580
- eISBN:
- 9780199944033
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195154580.003.0068
- Subject:
- Sociology, Law, Crime and Deviance
How did Chicago do after more than a decade of community policing? This chapter explores the most important challenges facing the city and its police department, to find out whether CAPS (Chicago ...
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How did Chicago do after more than a decade of community policing? This chapter explores the most important challenges facing the city and its police department, to find out whether CAPS (Chicago Alternative Policing Strategy) was effective and how the city changed over a ten-year period. It revisits the data to see who benefited from community policing and to determine the distribution of outcomes by race. The first challenge facing the city was to actually implement the program and stick with it over the long haul. In 1996 and 1997, Chicago expanded its staff of civilian community-outreach workers charged with turning residents out for marches and rallies, and sustaining participation in beat meetings. Community involvement was a crucial factor in community policing. Surveys showed that, early on, crime was the number-one issue on Chicagoans' minds. Police focused on social disorder and physical decay, which previously had low priority. Things got better between African Americans and police, but confidence had also grown among whites. The city's Latinos presented the most daunting challenge to CAPS.Less
How did Chicago do after more than a decade of community policing? This chapter explores the most important challenges facing the city and its police department, to find out whether CAPS (Chicago Alternative Policing Strategy) was effective and how the city changed over a ten-year period. It revisits the data to see who benefited from community policing and to determine the distribution of outcomes by race. The first challenge facing the city was to actually implement the program and stick with it over the long haul. In 1996 and 1997, Chicago expanded its staff of civilian community-outreach workers charged with turning residents out for marches and rallies, and sustaining participation in beat meetings. Community involvement was a crucial factor in community policing. Surveys showed that, early on, crime was the number-one issue on Chicagoans' minds. Police focused on social disorder and physical decay, which previously had low priority. Things got better between African Americans and police, but confidence had also grown among whites. The city's Latinos presented the most daunting challenge to CAPS.
Wesley G. Skogan
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195154580
- eISBN:
- 9780199944033
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195154580.003.0022
- Subject:
- Sociology, Law, Crime and Deviance
A central feature of community policing is the breadth and variety of avenues it provides for citizen participation. The public may be expected to be proactive—to act independently on behalf of the ...
More
A central feature of community policing is the breadth and variety of avenues it provides for citizen participation. The public may be expected to be proactive—to act independently on behalf of the community by getting involved in problem-solving projects. These self-help initiatives can range from Saturday-morning alley cleanups to marches confronting drug dealers or street prostitutes. This chapter focuses on citizen involvement in Chicago's community-policing program, CAPS (Chicago Alternative Policing Strategy), which envisioned an extensive role for the public in its operations. The city's model called for neighborhood residents to help identify problems and formulate solutions to them. They were also called upon to play an active role in solving these problems. In Chicago's plan, beat meetings are the most important mechanism for building and sustaining close relationships between police and the public. Television played little role in encouraging Chicagoans to attend the meetings.Less
A central feature of community policing is the breadth and variety of avenues it provides for citizen participation. The public may be expected to be proactive—to act independently on behalf of the community by getting involved in problem-solving projects. These self-help initiatives can range from Saturday-morning alley cleanups to marches confronting drug dealers or street prostitutes. This chapter focuses on citizen involvement in Chicago's community-policing program, CAPS (Chicago Alternative Policing Strategy), which envisioned an extensive role for the public in its operations. The city's model called for neighborhood residents to help identify problems and formulate solutions to them. They were also called upon to play an active role in solving these problems. In Chicago's plan, beat meetings are the most important mechanism for building and sustaining close relationships between police and the public. Television played little role in encouraging Chicagoans to attend the meetings.
Wesley G. Skogan
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195154580
- eISBN:
- 9780199944033
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195154580.003.0050
- Subject:
- Sociology, Law, Crime and Deviance
In describing Chicago's new community-policing program, the police department's 1993 strategic plan Together We Can reassured readers that CAPS (Chicago Alternative Policing Strategy) was not soft on ...
More
In describing Chicago's new community-policing program, the police department's 1993 strategic plan Together We Can reassured readers that CAPS (Chicago Alternative Policing Strategy) was not soft on crime. It stressed the importance of good traditional police work and effective crime fighting, and also argued for a preventive approach to crime control. Police could hope that neighborhood mobilization around CAPS might contribute to greater watchfulness and wariness among the public. It might also lead to a greater willingness of residents to report crimes and (especially) step forward as witnesses, rather than just lying low and hoping to not be victimized. This chapter describes trends in crime and fear of crime in Chicago, considering a measure of crime: assessments of its seriousness gathered through surveys. Moreover, it examines the link between race and trends in crime, focusing on whites, African Americans, and Latinos.Less
In describing Chicago's new community-policing program, the police department's 1993 strategic plan Together We Can reassured readers that CAPS (Chicago Alternative Policing Strategy) was not soft on crime. It stressed the importance of good traditional police work and effective crime fighting, and also argued for a preventive approach to crime control. Police could hope that neighborhood mobilization around CAPS might contribute to greater watchfulness and wariness among the public. It might also lead to a greater willingness of residents to report crimes and (especially) step forward as witnesses, rather than just lying low and hoping to not be victimized. This chapter describes trends in crime and fear of crime in Chicago, considering a measure of crime: assessments of its seriousness gathered through surveys. Moreover, it examines the link between race and trends in crime, focusing on whites, African Americans, and Latinos.
O.P. Mishra
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198075950
- eISBN:
- 9780199080892
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198075950.003.0010
- Subject:
- Sociology, Urban and Rural Studies
This chapter focuses on the actions that can be adopted to prevent crime. These measures are very closely connected to the crimogenic factors are considered to be responsible for overall functioning ...
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This chapter focuses on the actions that can be adopted to prevent crime. These measures are very closely connected to the crimogenic factors are considered to be responsible for overall functioning of the criminal justice system, as well as crime. It begins with a look at the approaches adopted for the prevention of crime, including deterrence, rehabilitation, and retribution. The next is on the role of police in preventing crime, which also addresses some practical issues. Popular crime prevention approaches and other community policing schemes that are adopted by the Delhi police are also considered. Finally, chapter ends with a section on the helpline services for certain groups and the deployment of police and the crime rate in Delhi.Less
This chapter focuses on the actions that can be adopted to prevent crime. These measures are very closely connected to the crimogenic factors are considered to be responsible for overall functioning of the criminal justice system, as well as crime. It begins with a look at the approaches adopted for the prevention of crime, including deterrence, rehabilitation, and retribution. The next is on the role of police in preventing crime, which also addresses some practical issues. Popular crime prevention approaches and other community policing schemes that are adopted by the Delhi police are also considered. Finally, chapter ends with a section on the helpline services for certain groups and the deployment of police and the crime rate in Delhi.
Kevin Hearty
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781786940476
- eISBN:
- 9781786944993
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5949/liverpool/9781786940476.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter critically evaluates how the interaction between memory politics and police reform processes shapes current views of community policing within Irish republican communities. Establishing ...
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This chapter critically evaluates how the interaction between memory politics and police reform processes shapes current views of community policing within Irish republican communities. Establishing the overarching context of post-conflict police reform within which opposing narratives on community policing are pieced together, the chapter critiques the impact that changes in police symbolism, police composition and the nature of the core policing function fulfilled by the PSNI has had on views of policing within working class republican communities. It examines how the Patten programme of police reform has interacted with individual and collective memory to fashion opposing narratives on community policing. The chapter suggests that there are currently two competing master narratives on community policing that prevail within modern Irish republicanism; the ‘critical engagement’ narrative proffered by those in favour of policing that uses the memory of past ‘suspect community’ policing by the RUC to frame itself with assertions of newness, change and of the primary policing function now being to provide a policing service to local communities and the ‘cosmetic reform’ narrative espoused by those who continue to reject post-Patten policing in Northern Ireland that uses memory in a more ideologised manner in order to dismiss police reform as an attempt to normalise ‘British’ policing in Ireland.Less
This chapter critically evaluates how the interaction between memory politics and police reform processes shapes current views of community policing within Irish republican communities. Establishing the overarching context of post-conflict police reform within which opposing narratives on community policing are pieced together, the chapter critiques the impact that changes in police symbolism, police composition and the nature of the core policing function fulfilled by the PSNI has had on views of policing within working class republican communities. It examines how the Patten programme of police reform has interacted with individual and collective memory to fashion opposing narratives on community policing. The chapter suggests that there are currently two competing master narratives on community policing that prevail within modern Irish republicanism; the ‘critical engagement’ narrative proffered by those in favour of policing that uses the memory of past ‘suspect community’ policing by the RUC to frame itself with assertions of newness, change and of the primary policing function now being to provide a policing service to local communities and the ‘cosmetic reform’ narrative espoused by those who continue to reject post-Patten policing in Northern Ireland that uses memory in a more ideologised manner in order to dismiss police reform as an attempt to normalise ‘British’ policing in Ireland.
Ted Gest
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195103434
- eISBN:
- 9780199833887
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195103432.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
The high crime rates of the early 1990s and a string of sensational crimes from coast to coast set the stage in 1994 for the most extensive and costly federal anticrime bill ever. Bill Clinton had ...
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The high crime rates of the early 1990s and a string of sensational crimes from coast to coast set the stage in 1994 for the most extensive and costly federal anticrime bill ever. Bill Clinton had made crime fighting a top priority, particularly after his health care reform bill had faltered. Congress had taken the initiative, led by Democrats Senator Joseph Biden of Delaware and Representative Charles Schumer of New York. The Democrats came up with a way to put $30 billion for anticrime programs into a ‘trust fund’ created by a reduction in the federal bureaucracy. Soon it seemed that Clinton's 100,000 community police officers, a Republican demand for more prisons, and various other programs to combat violence against women and other crime problems all could be funded. Republicans backed off support of big allocations for crime prevention ideas like ‘midnight basketball’ for teens, and the National Rifle Association fought against a proposed ban on assault‐style weapons. The result was a donnybrook that kept Congress in session through most of the summer. Republicans eventually won a series of concessions on funding, although the assault weapon provision survived and the law was passed. In the process, Democratic leadership on Capitol Hill was seen as so flawed that the crime law played a significant part in the Republicans’ seizing control of the House of Representatives in the 1994 elections. Five years later, the crime law's impact on crime rates was uncertain; in fact, crime had begun to fall long before many of its provisions could have had much effect.Less
The high crime rates of the early 1990s and a string of sensational crimes from coast to coast set the stage in 1994 for the most extensive and costly federal anticrime bill ever. Bill Clinton had made crime fighting a top priority, particularly after his health care reform bill had faltered. Congress had taken the initiative, led by Democrats Senator Joseph Biden of Delaware and Representative Charles Schumer of New York. The Democrats came up with a way to put $30 billion for anticrime programs into a ‘trust fund’ created by a reduction in the federal bureaucracy. Soon it seemed that Clinton's 100,000 community police officers, a Republican demand for more prisons, and various other programs to combat violence against women and other crime problems all could be funded. Republicans backed off support of big allocations for crime prevention ideas like ‘midnight basketball’ for teens, and the National Rifle Association fought against a proposed ban on assault‐style weapons. The result was a donnybrook that kept Congress in session through most of the summer. Republicans eventually won a series of concessions on funding, although the assault weapon provision survived and the law was passed. In the process, Democratic leadership on Capitol Hill was seen as so flawed that the crime law played a significant part in the Republicans’ seizing control of the House of Representatives in the 1994 elections. Five years later, the crime law's impact on crime rates was uncertain; in fact, crime had begun to fall long before many of its provisions could have had much effect.
Nigel Fielding
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198260271
- eISBN:
- 9780191682087
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198260271.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Criminal Law and Criminology
Community policing seems always in vogue, yet its essential qualities remain elusive. There has been a rush to evaluate community policing before commentators have got to grips with what community ...
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Community policing seems always in vogue, yet its essential qualities remain elusive. There has been a rush to evaluate community policing before commentators have got to grips with what community police officers do which is distinctive. This book demonstrates, in detail, how community police officers go about such matters as gathering crime-relevant information from people in the local community, how they apply informal social control to public disorder situations, and how they ‘play’ the police organization itself in order to obtain resources they need and to secure their own advancement. However, such a brief is not sufficient in itself. The point is to use such a discussion of working practices to assess the conceptual apparatus which has been developed to understand community policing, and to evaluate the potential of community policing to achieve the objectives which policy-makers have set for it. That is the agenda of this book.Less
Community policing seems always in vogue, yet its essential qualities remain elusive. There has been a rush to evaluate community policing before commentators have got to grips with what community police officers do which is distinctive. This book demonstrates, in detail, how community police officers go about such matters as gathering crime-relevant information from people in the local community, how they apply informal social control to public disorder situations, and how they ‘play’ the police organization itself in order to obtain resources they need and to secure their own advancement. However, such a brief is not sufficient in itself. The point is to use such a discussion of working practices to assess the conceptual apparatus which has been developed to understand community policing, and to evaluate the potential of community policing to achieve the objectives which policy-makers have set for it. That is the agenda of this book.
Desmond Rea and Robin Masefield
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- January 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781781381502
- eISBN:
- 9781781382172
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5949/liverpool/9781781381502.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Public Policy
This chapter deals with two main topics both of which were key recommendations of the Independent Commission – the establishment of district policing partnerships (DPPs) and the introduction of ...
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This chapter deals with two main topics both of which were key recommendations of the Independent Commission – the establishment of district policing partnerships (DPPs) and the introduction of policing with the community. It sets out the legislation and the appointment of the first DPPs by the Policing Board (in Northern Ireland’s largest ever public appointment exercise), their roll-out, their work and the support provided to them by the Policing Board, challenges to their members in terms of personal security, and their successive reconstitutions. The second half of the chapter deals with policing with the community which the Commission defined as the police participating in the community and the community participating in its own policing and supporting the police. The chapter again brings out the role of the Board in promoting policing with the community in a variety of ways. It looks at the relationship between DPPs and Community Safety Partnerships and makes comparisons with Crime and Disorder Reduction Partnerships in England and Wales.Less
This chapter deals with two main topics both of which were key recommendations of the Independent Commission – the establishment of district policing partnerships (DPPs) and the introduction of policing with the community. It sets out the legislation and the appointment of the first DPPs by the Policing Board (in Northern Ireland’s largest ever public appointment exercise), their roll-out, their work and the support provided to them by the Policing Board, challenges to their members in terms of personal security, and their successive reconstitutions. The second half of the chapter deals with policing with the community which the Commission defined as the police participating in the community and the community participating in its own policing and supporting the police. The chapter again brings out the role of the Board in promoting policing with the community in a variety of ways. It looks at the relationship between DPPs and Community Safety Partnerships and makes comparisons with Crime and Disorder Reduction Partnerships in England and Wales.
Steve Herbert
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- February 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226327303
- eISBN:
- 9780226327358
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226327358.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Law, Crime and Deviance
Politicians, citizens, and police agencies have long embraced community policing, hoping to reduce crime and disorder by strengthening the ties between urban residents and the officers entrusted with ...
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Politicians, citizens, and police agencies have long embraced community policing, hoping to reduce crime and disorder by strengthening the ties between urban residents and the officers entrusted with their protection. That strategy seems to make sense, but this book reveals the reasons why it rarely, if ever, works. Drawing on data collected in diverse Seattle neighborhoods from interviews with residents, observation of police officers, and attendance at community-police meetings, this book identifies the many obstacles that make effective collaboration between city dwellers and the police so unlikely to succeed. At the same time, the book shows that residents' pragmatic ideas about the role of community differ dramatically from those held by social theorists. The book provides a critical perspective not only on the future of community policing, but on the nature of state-society relations as well.Less
Politicians, citizens, and police agencies have long embraced community policing, hoping to reduce crime and disorder by strengthening the ties between urban residents and the officers entrusted with their protection. That strategy seems to make sense, but this book reveals the reasons why it rarely, if ever, works. Drawing on data collected in diverse Seattle neighborhoods from interviews with residents, observation of police officers, and attendance at community-police meetings, this book identifies the many obstacles that make effective collaboration between city dwellers and the police so unlikely to succeed. At the same time, the book shows that residents' pragmatic ideas about the role of community differ dramatically from those held by social theorists. The book provides a critical perspective not only on the future of community policing, but on the nature of state-society relations as well.