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Promises and Politics: Head Start Sets the Stage in the 1960s

Elizabeth Rose

in The Promise of Preschool: From Head Start to Universal Pre-Kindergarten

The creation of the federal Head Start program in 1965 put the needs of young children from poor families on the national agenda. Head Start was inspired both by research suggesting the promise of ... More

The creation of the federal Head Start program in 1965 put the needs of young children from poor families on the national agenda. Head Start was inspired both by research suggesting the promise of early intervention and by the politics of Lyndon Johnson's War on Poverty, which required that it be launched quickly and on a large scale, and that it bypass the structures of local government. Local programs varied widely in how they prioritized Head Start's different goals, making it difficult to assess the program's success. By drawing national attention to the promise of preschool for the poor, Head Start also spurred interest in preschool for other children, leading to the expansion of public kindergartens, private nursery schools, and the television show Sesame Street.Less

Community Control

Elizabeth Todd-Breland

in Political Education: Black Politics and Education Reform in Chicago since the 1960s

This chapter examines the movement for community control that developed in Chicago during the 1960s and 1970s. Students, parents, and community organizations pursued community control of schools ... More

This chapter examines the movement for community control that developed in Chicago during the 1960s and 1970s. Students, parents, and community organizations pursued community control of schools through citywide educational conferences, Black Power organizing, student protests, and in the Woodlawn Experimental Schools Project (WESP), Chicago’s experiment with decentralization and community control of schools. Using War on Poverty funds and led by Rev. Arthur Brazier and Barbara Sizemore, WESP was a joint project between the University of Chicago, Chicago Public Schools, and The Woodlawn Organization. The War on Poverty is remembered as a moment when government programs expanded dramatically while incorporating more local participation and leadership from members of impacted communities in implementing these programs. This narrative conceals the role of powerful private entities—like the University of Chicago—in publicly funded War on Poverty programs. Originating in a different historical context, WESP was a precursor to national educational trends of semiautonomous school governance and public-private partnerships. The shift from desegregation to community control was not solely a response to the state’s failure to desegregate schools. It also reflected the prominence of a strain of Black political thought that foregrounded Black empowerment and self-governance in efforts to increase Black achievement.Less

‘On Our Terms’: The politics of Aboriginal health in Australia

Judith Healy and Martin McKee

in Accessing Healthcare: Responding to diversity

People of Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander descent make up about 2.6% of the Australian population, but health outcomes for these groups remain abysmal. Aboriginal people live about twenty years ... More

People of Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander descent make up about 2.6% of the Australian population, but health outcomes for these groups remain abysmal. Aboriginal people live about twenty years less than the rest of the population despite living in a country that has one of the best health systems in the world. In delivering health care to its indigenous people, Australia has moved from a mainstream model to a multicultural approach, to parallel health services in geographic areas with large indigenous populations. Health policies are one part of a complex picture since the well-being of Aboriginal people also depends upon the wider societal context. While there is some consensus upon key principles, such as primary health care, holistic health, and community control, policies and strategies are highly contested among the loose coalition of Aboriginal activists.Less

Do You Consider Revolution to Be a Crime?: Fighting for Police Reform

Simon Balto

in Occupied Territory: Policing Black Chicago from Red Summer to Black Power

The final chapter documents the wide range of Black-led activist efforts to reform the police at the end of the 1960s and in the early 1970s. The launching point is the assassination of Fred Hampton, ... More

The final chapter documents the wide range of Black-led activist efforts to reform the police at the end of the 1960s and in the early 1970s. The launching point is the assassination of Fred Hampton, Deputy Chairman of the Illinois Black Panther Party, in a 1969 killing orchestrated by the Chicago Police Department, the Cook County State’s Attorney, and the Federal Bureau of Investigation. In the aftermath of his killing, a wave of community organizations mobilized or expanded their protests about Chicago’s police. This included groups like the Afro-American Patrolman’s League, comprised of Black CPD officers seeking to end police brutality and ensure better police services for Black Chicago. It included U.S. Congressman Ralph Metcalfe using the power of his office to expose police violence and harassment, and the fight for community control of the police led by the Black Panthers. Some activists who advocated for police reform sought more responsive police services to better community safety from escalating gun violence; others, such as those involved in the push for community control, pursued visions of semi-abolition of the police as currently constituted. Binding them together was a common understanding that the CPD was not working for Black Chicago.Less

The Rise and Fall of the Desegregation Paradigm

Elizabeth Todd-Breland

in Political Education: Black Politics and Education Reform in Chicago since the 1960s

This chapter analyzes the history of desegregation strategies pursued in Chicago and the processes by which those strategies fell out of favor. The chapter situates these developments within the ... More

This chapter analyzes the history of desegregation strategies pursued in Chicago and the processes by which those strategies fell out of favor. The chapter situates these developments within the broader national context of the Brown v. Board of Education decision and national Civil Rights organizing, while also detailing the work of local organizers like Rosie Simpson. The chapter examines desegregation demonstrations, mass protests, opposition to busing, and citywide committees launched during the 1950s and 1960s by the Coordinating Council of Community Organizations, the Chicago Urban League, and local neighborhood groups. Even during this period of intensive organizing for school desegregation, the slow pace of desegregation and lack of commitment by city officials sowed seeds of ambivalence toward desegregation strategies. Disillusioned with the progress of integration, many Black students, parents, educators, and community groups began advocating for alternatives to desegregation, including community control of schools.Less

Conclusion

Rebecca E. Klatch

in A Generation Divided: The New Left, the New Right, and the 1960s

This chapter explains that the unique intersect of the left and the right speaks to the peculiarities of American political ideology in which suspicion of authority, opposition to government, and the ... More

This chapter explains that the unique intersect of the left and the right speaks to the peculiarities of American political ideology in which suspicion of authority, opposition to government, and the ideals of individual freedom, decentralization, and community control are core values for segments of both left and right. It notes that the late 1970s and 1980s witnessed the triumph of YAF as their members and the philosophy of the organization swept Washington and captured the spirit of the times. The chapter shows that the transformations activists went through as a result of their participation not only creates bonds among YAF and SDS members but also inevitably links activists across ideology. Participation in social movements of the 1960s was a transformative experience, offering a realization of self and a way to affirm identity.Less

The “Hollow Prospect” of Integration

Edward G. Goetz

in The One-Way Street of Integration: Fair Housing and the Pursuit of Racial Justice in American Cities

This chapter describes the tension between integration and community development from the 1940s through the end of the 1960s. It describes the conflict within the African-American community between ... More

This chapter describes the tension between integration and community development from the 1940s through the end of the 1960s. It describes the conflict within the African-American community between efforts to achieve integration on the one hand and building power and capacity within the community on the other. It describes the emergence and evolution of the fair housing movement in the U.S. Finally, the ways in which this conflict played out during the civil rights and Black Power eras is highlighted.Less

Community Control and the Struggle for Black Education in the 1960s

Russell Rickford

in We Are an African People: Independent Education, Black Power, and the Radical Imagination

This chapter describes the philosophical transition from desegregation to “community control” as the driving force behind African-American urban struggles for educational opportunity and dignity in ... More

This chapter describes the philosophical transition from desegregation to “community control” as the driving force behind African-American urban struggles for educational opportunity and dignity in the late 1960s. Focusing on New York City, it outlines grassroots educational battles against substandard, segregated schools in Harlem and the Ocean Hill–Brownsville section of Brooklyn. It argues that political adaptation, as well as the shortcomings of the crusade for “quality integrated education,” reinvigorated black nationalist elements of African-American educational philosophy. It demonstrates how parents and activists mobilized theories of “black education” as part of their efforts to resist inferior public education and to imagine redemptive social alternatives.Less

‘We are our own educators!’: black educational authority, gender and community control

Jessica Gerrard

in Radical childhoods: Schooling and the struggle for social change

Chapter 6 turns to a consideration of BSS practices and their relationship to the state. First, this chapter examines the reclamation of educational authority made by BSSs, and the inter-relationship ... More

Chapter 6 turns to a consideration of BSS practices and their relationship to the state. First, this chapter examines the reclamation of educational authority made by BSSs, and the inter-relationship between this and the campaign demand for state schools to be accountable for their failure to educate black children. Following from this, second, the creation of black pedagogues and pedagogies, as community-based enactments of educational authority, are examined. Here in particular, gender narratives come to the fore through the ways in which men and women practiced their educational authority. Last, this chapter turns to the changing dynamics between the BSS movement and the state, and ways in which BSS teachers traversed the complex dual principles of community-control and government responsibility. As is explored, the slow and piecemeal incorporation of BSSs into local governmental funding mechanisms into the 1980s brought significant change – and challenge – for this community-based schooling movement.Less

Consolidating the New Culture of Border Control: Schengen in the European Union

in Cultures of Border Control: Schengen and the Evolution of European Frontiers

This chapter explores the consolidation of Schengen culture by looking at the main events that followed Schengen's communitarization and at selected policy initiatives elaborated. Also, it analyzes ... More

This chapter explores the consolidation of Schengen culture by looking at the main events that followed Schengen's communitarization and at selected policy initiatives elaborated. Also, it analyzes how the consolidation of Schengen has involved the border control community. Schengen was able to consolidate its dominant position in the border control domain. The advances introduced by the Amsterdam Treaty had strengthened the European Union (EU)'s role as an active player on the international stage. The European Neighbourhood Policy appeared to be a promising development in the EU's foreign policy. The European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) can be considered the latest “victim” of the Schengen culture's spread into new areas of EU policy. The “comprehensive” response to the terrorism adopted by EU governments and institutions has contributed to the further blurring of the distinction between internal and external security and to the deemphasis of the significance of national borders to guarantee Europe's security.Less

There’s Gonna Be Flames, There’s Gonna Be Fighting, There’s Gonna Be Rebellion!: The Tumult and Promise of Chocolate City, 1968–1978

Chris Myers Asch and George Derek Musgrove

in Chocolate City: A History of Race and Democracy in the Nation's Capital

The chapter charts the decade between the April 1968 riots and Marion Barry’s victory in the 1978 mayoral election. The nation’s capital witnessed a remarkable political revolution during this ... More

The chapter charts the decade between the April 1968 riots and Marion Barry’s victory in the 1978 mayoral election. The nation’s capital witnessed a remarkable political revolution during this unpredictable period of citizen-driven politics, cultural and political experimentation, and swift change. D.C. gained a measure of local power for the first time in nearly a century, and Washingtonians of all races – including a growing Hispanic community in the Adams Morgan/Mount Pleasant neighborhoods – pushed for self-determination, community control, and participatory democracy. The transformation was tumultuous, marked by devastating riots, surging crime, and middle-class flight from the city. Politics was often uncivil and chaotic as Washingtonians struggled to be heard in a clamorous era marked by attacks on authorities – Congress, the police, city planners, developers, and others. But for city residents unused to local political power – and particularly for black Washingtonians – it was a thrilling, hopeful time.Less

“Territorio Libre”: Upheaval in the Vietnam War Era

Roberta Gold

in When Tenants Claimed the City: The Struggle for Citizenship in New York City Housing

This chapter examines the work of young radicals in the Black Panthers, Young Lords Party, student left, and lower-profile neighborhood groups who sought to establish community say over housing ... More

This chapter examines the work of young radicals in the Black Panthers, Young Lords Party, student left, and lower-profile neighborhood groups who sought to establish community say over housing during the Vietnam War period. It first provides an overview of ghetto radicalism in the late 1960s before turning to school activism and the involvement of women radicals in the housing struggle under the banner of community control. It then considers the emergence of the squatter movement, along with the squatter actions launched by young radicals in collaboration with older activists in an attempt to preserve ome of New York's scarce low-rent housing stock. It also discusses the interaction between Old and New Left housing organizers that amplified the feminist awakenings taking place in New York during this period. In particular, it looks at how young people who became active with Met Council on Housing were mentored by women whose brand of feminism focused on a deliberate analysis of sexual exploitation.Less

A Decent Place to Live: The Postwar Housing Shortage

Jeffrey Helgeson

in Crucibles of Black Empowerment: Chicago’s Neighborhood Politics from the New Deal to Harold Washington

The next two chapters (Ch. 4 and 5) examine black Chicagoans’ struggles to win access to the unevenly distributed benefits of the postwar economic boom. This chapter shifts attention from the battles ... More

The next two chapters (Ch. 4 and 5) examine black Chicagoans’ struggles to win access to the unevenly distributed benefits of the postwar economic boom. This chapter shifts attention from the battles along the color line to efforts to secure housing behind the walls of segregation. The crisis of housing demanded a radical response, yet because the immediate needs for housing were so severe, radicals faced repression, and the opportunities for improved prospects were real at least for some black Chicagoans, many people continued to pursue individualistic efforts to win housing and to work with liberal institutions like the Chicago Housing Authority and the Chicago Urban League. Such efforts achieved important pragmatic improvements in housing, against all odds, while also creating shared experiences of disappointment with liberal housing reform that would set the stage for more radical movements for community control in succeeding decades.Less

Selecting a New Culture of Border Control: Schengen

in Cultures of Border Control: Schengen and the Evolution of European Frontiers

This chapter concentrates on Schengen, and in particular on the developments in four areas that characterized the policymaking process over the issue of border control in this period: internal ... More

This chapter concentrates on Schengen, and in particular on the developments in four areas that characterized the policymaking process over the issue of border control in this period: internal political dynamics, institutional issues, external relations, and the organization of the border control community. Practices of the Schengen border control community became more consistent with the main tenets of the pursued culture. The debate over the “preliminary conditions” during the negotiations over Schengen is addressed. The controversial diplomatic exercises of Italy and Denmark contributed to the further “testing” of the emerging Schengen culture of border control. The securitarian outlook that Schengen acquired over time had consequences not only for the national delegations represented at Schengen, but also for the European Commission.Less

Beyond Europe: Toward a New Culture of Border Control in North America?

in Cultures of Border Control: Schengen and the Evolution of European Frontiers

This chapter explains the potential of a cultural evolutionary model beyond Europe, concentrating on the North American case. Moreover, the challenges to the Westphalian model of border control in ... More

This chapter explains the potential of a cultural evolutionary model beyond Europe, concentrating on the North American case. Moreover, the challenges to the Westphalian model of border control in the latter part of the twentieth century are reported. It then covers the post-9/11 emergence of the Washington culture of border control, its pursuit, and its (still unfinished) selection. The set of assumptions about borders and their management that were elaborated in North America after 9/11 represented the foundations of the emerging culture of border control that have since guided policy makers in the region. The United States clearly placed the tone of the arguments used to pursue the new culture of border control in North America. Relations within North America's border control policy community and with the community's international partners have been characterized by recurrent diplomatic crises.Less

“To Plan Our Own Community”: Government, Grassroots, and Local Development

Roberta Gold

in When Tenants Claimed the City: The Struggle for Citizenship in New York City Housing

This chapter examines the democratically planned state-sponsored projects that became possible due to the new banner of cooperation between government and grassroots organizers. It first provides an ... More

This chapter examines the democratically planned state-sponsored projects that became possible due to the new banner of cooperation between government and grassroots organizers. It first provides an overview of the battle over community control of housing development before discussing a number of New York's War on Poverty initiatives such as the Upper Park Avenue Community Association (UPACA), along with their significance for community-based housing activism. It also considers efforts to involve African Americans in economic development, the involvement of women in grassroots development planning, and the creation of community development corporations (CDCs). Finally, it describes Model Cities, an urban initiative designed to engage “the community” by inviting neighborhood participation in planning and attacking many problems at once. The successful projects showed not only that democratic state-sponsored urban renewal was possible, but that New York's tenant history made a difference.Less

High Noon in the Ghetto: Occupied Territory and Resistance to Police Brutality

Max Felker-Kantor

in Policing Los Angeles: Race, Resistance, and the Rise of the LAPD

Get-tough policing was not the only possible response to the urban uprisings of the 1960s as this chapter shows. African American and Mexican American residents challenged punitive crime policy, ... More

Get-tough policing was not the only possible response to the urban uprisings of the 1960s as this chapter shows. African American and Mexican American residents challenged punitive crime policy, demanded police accountability, and promoted anti–police abuse activism. Residents and activists, such as the Black Panthers, Brown Berets, imagined the meaning of safety that rested on community control of the police. Yet the LAPD responded to these movements by framing them as a threat to order to justify increased officer discretion to harass, arrest, and repress. This cut short the possibility for alternative models of policing and ensured that grievances with the police persisted.Less

A Taste of What It Takes: United Bronx Parents, School Lunch, and the Struggle for Community Control

Lana Dee Povitz

in Stirrings: How Activist New Yorkers Ignited a Movement for Food Justice

In the late 1960s, at the peak of the Puerto Rican- and Black-led community control movement, United Bronx Parents, an organization of mostly immigrant mothers, launched the city’s first sustained ... More

In the late 1960s, at the peak of the Puerto Rican- and Black-led community control movement, United Bronx Parents, an organization of mostly immigrant mothers, launched the city’s first sustained grassroots campaign to improve school lunch. This chapter explores the tenets of community control and the related movement of welfare rights to show how both informed the approach of parent organizers who staged the campaign and challenged New York City’s Board of Education to improve services to school-aged children. The chapter also shows how food became a tool of empowerment: the campaign helped parents move from blaming themselves to having a systemic understanding of their children’s disenfranchisement within a racist public school system. The campaign gave parent organizers the knowledge that they could solve problems more effectively than could school administrators.Less