Avner de-Shalit
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240388
- eISBN:
- 9780191599033
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240388.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Environmental Politics
When constructing environmental policies in democratic regimes, there is a need for a theory that can be used not only by academics but also by politicians and activists. So why has the major part of ...
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When constructing environmental policies in democratic regimes, there is a need for a theory that can be used not only by academics but also by politicians and activists. So why has the major part of environmental ethics failed to penetrate environmental policy and serve as its rationale? Obviously, there is a gap between the questions that environmental philosophers discuss and the issues that motivate environmental activists. Avner de‐Shalit attempts to bridge this gap by combining tools of political philosophy with questions of environmental ethics and environmental politics. He defends a radical position in relation to both environmental protection and social policies, in order to put forward a political theory, which is not only philosophically sound, but also relevant to the practice of environmental activism. The author argues that several directions in environmental ethics can be at odds with the contemporary political debates surrounding environmental politics. He then goes on to examine the environmental scope of liberalism, communitarianism, participatory democracy, and socialism, and concludes that while elements of liberalism and communitarianism may support environmental protection, it is participatory democracy and a modified version of socialism that are crucial for protecting the environment.Less
When constructing environmental policies in democratic regimes, there is a need for a theory that can be used not only by academics but also by politicians and activists. So why has the major part of environmental ethics failed to penetrate environmental policy and serve as its rationale? Obviously, there is a gap between the questions that environmental philosophers discuss and the issues that motivate environmental activists. Avner de‐Shalit attempts to bridge this gap by combining tools of political philosophy with questions of environmental ethics and environmental politics. He defends a radical position in relation to both environmental protection and social policies, in order to put forward a political theory, which is not only philosophically sound, but also relevant to the practice of environmental activism. The author argues that several directions in environmental ethics can be at odds with the contemporary political debates surrounding environmental politics. He then goes on to examine the environmental scope of liberalism, communitarianism, participatory democracy, and socialism, and concludes that while elements of liberalism and communitarianism may support environmental protection, it is participatory democracy and a modified version of socialism that are crucial for protecting the environment.
Elizabeth Frazer
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295648
- eISBN:
- 9780191599316
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295642.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Offers a detailed critical analysis of the ideal of ‘community’ in politics. Traces elements of the idea of community in a number of social, philosophical, and political contexts over the last ...
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Offers a detailed critical analysis of the ideal of ‘community’ in politics. Traces elements of the idea of community in a number of social, philosophical, and political contexts over the last century, exploring how these have been and continue to be articulated in recent political and public policy debates. ‘Community’ is invoked as a justification for reorganization of state institutions, as the source of care and support for individuals, and as an entity that is valuable in its own right and must therefore be sustained and defended. In community development, community action, community care and community politics, the tensions and contradictions within the concept are invariably felt. Community is both inclusive and exclusive, both organized and unstructured, both hierarchical and egalitarian. The book argues that analysis of the concept ‘community’ reveals the role of ideas and ideals in shaping political action, the barriers to the realization of community in practical contexts, and ultimately the untenability of the ideal itself.Less
Offers a detailed critical analysis of the ideal of ‘community’ in politics. Traces elements of the idea of community in a number of social, philosophical, and political contexts over the last century, exploring how these have been and continue to be articulated in recent political and public policy debates. ‘Community’ is invoked as a justification for reorganization of state institutions, as the source of care and support for individuals, and as an entity that is valuable in its own right and must therefore be sustained and defended. In community development, community action, community care and community politics, the tensions and contradictions within the concept are invariably felt. Community is both inclusive and exclusive, both organized and unstructured, both hierarchical and egalitarian. The book argues that analysis of the concept ‘community’ reveals the role of ideas and ideals in shaping political action, the barriers to the realization of community in practical contexts, and ultimately the untenability of the ideal itself.
Gregory S. Alexander and Eduardo M. Peñalver (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195391572
- eISBN:
- 9780199775804
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195391572.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Environmental and Energy Law
The relationship between individuals and communities — all manner of communities, but especially the state — is a central preoccupation of property theory. Across a broad range of property thought — ...
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The relationship between individuals and communities — all manner of communities, but especially the state — is a central preoccupation of property theory. Across a broad range of property thought — from utilitarian to Lockean to Hegelian — scholars have expended enormous effort explaining what owners can do with their property and the extent to which the community or the state can participate in those decisions. Discussions of property rights, from whatever perspective, necessarily reflect ideas about the proper domain and limits of individual and community power. Property stands so squarely at the intersection between the individual and community because systems of property are always the creation of some community. Moreover, systems of property have as their subject matter the allocation among community members of rights and duties with respect to resources that human beings need in order to survive and flourish. These allocative decisions are crucially important both to individuals, owners and non-owners alike, and to the community as a whole. In other words, whenever we discuss property, we are unavoidably discussing the architecture of community and of the individual's place within it. Even though the relationship between individuals and community stands at the conceptual center of property theory, the normative theories of community underlying discussions of property are frequently left implicit. This book aims to remedy this deficiency. With essays by property theorists from five different countries, it addresses various facets of the intersection between property and community.Less
The relationship between individuals and communities — all manner of communities, but especially the state — is a central preoccupation of property theory. Across a broad range of property thought — from utilitarian to Lockean to Hegelian — scholars have expended enormous effort explaining what owners can do with their property and the extent to which the community or the state can participate in those decisions. Discussions of property rights, from whatever perspective, necessarily reflect ideas about the proper domain and limits of individual and community power. Property stands so squarely at the intersection between the individual and community because systems of property are always the creation of some community. Moreover, systems of property have as their subject matter the allocation among community members of rights and duties with respect to resources that human beings need in order to survive and flourish. These allocative decisions are crucially important both to individuals, owners and non-owners alike, and to the community as a whole. In other words, whenever we discuss property, we are unavoidably discussing the architecture of community and of the individual's place within it. Even though the relationship between individuals and community stands at the conceptual center of property theory, the normative theories of community underlying discussions of property are frequently left implicit. This book aims to remedy this deficiency. With essays by property theorists from five different countries, it addresses various facets of the intersection between property and community.
John McCormick
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199556212
- eISBN:
- 9780191721830
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199556212.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union, International Relations and Politics
This book attempts to identify and outline the political, economic, and social norms and values associated with Europe and Europeans. It argues that regardless of the doubts associated with the ...
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This book attempts to identify and outline the political, economic, and social norms and values associated with Europe and Europeans. It argues that regardless of the doubts associated with the exercise of European integration and the work of the European Union, and regardless of residual identities with states and nations, Europeans have much in common. The opening chapters deal with the historical development of European ideas, and are followed by chapters addressing European attitudes towards the state (including a rejection of state‐based nationalism, new ideas about patriotism and citizenship, and the importance of cosmopolitanism), the characteristics of politics and government in Europe (with an emphasis on communitarianism and the effects of the parliamentary system of government), European economic models (including the importance of welfarism and sustainable development), European social models, European attitudes towards values such as multiculturalism and secularism, and Europeanist views in regard to international relations (emphasizing civilian power and multiculturalism).Less
This book attempts to identify and outline the political, economic, and social norms and values associated with Europe and Europeans. It argues that regardless of the doubts associated with the exercise of European integration and the work of the European Union, and regardless of residual identities with states and nations, Europeans have much in common. The opening chapters deal with the historical development of European ideas, and are followed by chapters addressing European attitudes towards the state (including a rejection of state‐based nationalism, new ideas about patriotism and citizenship, and the importance of cosmopolitanism), the characteristics of politics and government in Europe (with an emphasis on communitarianism and the effects of the parliamentary system of government), European economic models (including the importance of welfarism and sustainable development), European social models, European attitudes towards values such as multiculturalism and secularism, and Europeanist views in regard to international relations (emphasizing civilian power and multiculturalism).
Peter Dula
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195395037
- eISBN:
- 9780199894451
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195395037.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Theology
For decades, theologians and philosophers of religion have been engaged in vigorous debate about the status and nature of ecclesiology, hence of community. In that discussion, theologians have found ...
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For decades, theologians and philosophers of religion have been engaged in vigorous debate about the status and nature of ecclesiology, hence of community. In that discussion, theologians have found resources in political philosophy, particularly communitarianism and political liberalism. This book turns instead to Stanley Cavell to show how his work illuminates that discussion, in particular, how his understanding of companionship and friendship might usefully complicate the communitarian‐liberal divide. Since the 1960s, Cavell has been the most category‐defying philosopher in North America as well as one of the least understood. In part, this is because philosophers are not sure what to do with Cavell's extensive engagements with literature and film or, stranger yet, Cavell's openness to theological concerns. This book, the first on Cavell and theology, places Cavell in conversation with some of the philosophers most influential in contemporary theology (Alasdair MacIntyre, Martha Nussbaum, and John Rawls). It then takes up Cavell's relationship to Christian theology, shows how the figure of Christ appears repeatedly in his work, and illustrates how Cavell's account of skepticism and acknowledgment is a profoundly illuminating and transformative resource for theological discussions, not just of ecclesiology, but of sin, salvation, and the existence of God.Less
For decades, theologians and philosophers of religion have been engaged in vigorous debate about the status and nature of ecclesiology, hence of community. In that discussion, theologians have found resources in political philosophy, particularly communitarianism and political liberalism. This book turns instead to Stanley Cavell to show how his work illuminates that discussion, in particular, how his understanding of companionship and friendship might usefully complicate the communitarian‐liberal divide. Since the 1960s, Cavell has been the most category‐defying philosopher in North America as well as one of the least understood. In part, this is because philosophers are not sure what to do with Cavell's extensive engagements with literature and film or, stranger yet, Cavell's openness to theological concerns. This book, the first on Cavell and theology, places Cavell in conversation with some of the philosophers most influential in contemporary theology (Alasdair MacIntyre, Martha Nussbaum, and John Rawls). It then takes up Cavell's relationship to Christian theology, shows how the figure of Christ appears repeatedly in his work, and illustrates how Cavell's account of skepticism and acknowledgment is a profoundly illuminating and transformative resource for theological discussions, not just of ecclesiology, but of sin, salvation, and the existence of God.
Joshua Cohen
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199581498
- eISBN:
- 9780191722875
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199581498.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, History of Philosophy, Political Philosophy
The fundamental problem of Rousseau's political philosophy is to find a form of association that protects the person and goods of each person without demanding from them a morally unacceptable ...
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The fundamental problem of Rousseau's political philosophy is to find a form of association that protects the person and goods of each person without demanding from them a morally unacceptable sacrifice of autonomy. His solution to this problem, specified by a social contract, is the society of the general will: a free community of equals, whose members share a commitment to the common good, and in which each gives the law to him or herself. But how could it be that we accept a common authority and yet remain fully autonomous; and is such a society genuinely possible for human beings? Rousseau answers the first question by filling out the ideal of a free community of equals, regulated by the general will. He answers the second by showing that human beings can, appearances notwithstanding, live together in a free community of equals, motivated by the general will, and by describing how a free community of equals might work institutionally, as a form of democracy. At the heart of the argument is the idea that human beings are naturally good but corrupted by bad institutions. With institutions that advance the common good and secure each citizen's self-worth, people may acquire the requisite motivations. To this end, Rousseau favors direct-democratic lawmaking, and emphasizes the importance of strong communal solidarities. But the ideal of a free community of equals may be more robust — and more robustly attractive — than his proposals about direct democracy and communitarian ideas of solidarity might suggest.Less
The fundamental problem of Rousseau's political philosophy is to find a form of association that protects the person and goods of each person without demanding from them a morally unacceptable sacrifice of autonomy. His solution to this problem, specified by a social contract, is the society of the general will: a free community of equals, whose members share a commitment to the common good, and in which each gives the law to him or herself. But how could it be that we accept a common authority and yet remain fully autonomous; and is such a society genuinely possible for human beings? Rousseau answers the first question by filling out the ideal of a free community of equals, regulated by the general will. He answers the second by showing that human beings can, appearances notwithstanding, live together in a free community of equals, motivated by the general will, and by describing how a free community of equals might work institutionally, as a form of democracy. At the heart of the argument is the idea that human beings are naturally good but corrupted by bad institutions. With institutions that advance the common good and secure each citizen's self-worth, people may acquire the requisite motivations. To this end, Rousseau favors direct-democratic lawmaking, and emphasizes the importance of strong communal solidarities. But the ideal of a free community of equals may be more robust — and more robustly attractive — than his proposals about direct democracy and communitarian ideas of solidarity might suggest.
Daniel Engster
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199214358
- eISBN:
- 9780191706684
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199214358.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Caring practices are essential for the survival, development, and social functioning of human beings, but until recently have generally been overlooked as a moral grounding for a theory of justice. ...
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Caring practices are essential for the survival, development, and social functioning of human beings, but until recently have generally been overlooked as a moral grounding for a theory of justice. This chapter suggests that caring practices can, and should, be placed at the heart of any consistent theory of justice. The unique nature of a caring theory of justice is demonstrated by contrasting it with other contemporary justice theories including liberalism, communitarianism, and natural law theory. Care theory is further situated in relation to contemporary feminist theories of justice. A caring theory of justice is shown to have special relevance in addressing contemporary social problems relating to the care of children, the elderly, and other dependent individuals, and in generating a minimal account of justice that can accommodate diverse cultural and religious views.Less
Caring practices are essential for the survival, development, and social functioning of human beings, but until recently have generally been overlooked as a moral grounding for a theory of justice. This chapter suggests that caring practices can, and should, be placed at the heart of any consistent theory of justice. The unique nature of a caring theory of justice is demonstrated by contrasting it with other contemporary justice theories including liberalism, communitarianism, and natural law theory. Care theory is further situated in relation to contemporary feminist theories of justice. A caring theory of justice is shown to have special relevance in addressing contemporary social problems relating to the care of children, the elderly, and other dependent individuals, and in generating a minimal account of justice that can accommodate diverse cultural and religious views.
Gavin Mooney
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199235971
- eISBN:
- 9780191717086
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199235971.001.0001
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Public and Welfare
This book mounts a critique of current health economics and provides a new way of looking at the economics of health and health care. It argues that health economics has been too dominated by the ...
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This book mounts a critique of current health economics and provides a new way of looking at the economics of health and health care. It argues that health economics has been too dominated by the economics of health care and has largely ignored the impact of poverty, inequality, poor housing, and lack of education on health. It is suggested that some of the structural issues of economies, particularly the individualism of neo liberalism which is becoming more and more pervasive across the globe, need to be addressed in health economics. The book instead proposes a form of collective decision making through communitarianism, placing value on participation in public life and on institutions, such as health care. It is envisaged this form of decision making can be used at the local, national, or global levels. For the last, this would mean a major revamp of global institutions like the World Bank and the IMF. Examples of the impact of the new paradigm on health policy in general but also more specifically on priority setting and equity are included.Less
This book mounts a critique of current health economics and provides a new way of looking at the economics of health and health care. It argues that health economics has been too dominated by the economics of health care and has largely ignored the impact of poverty, inequality, poor housing, and lack of education on health. It is suggested that some of the structural issues of economies, particularly the individualism of neo liberalism which is becoming more and more pervasive across the globe, need to be addressed in health economics. The book instead proposes a form of collective decision making through communitarianism, placing value on participation in public life and on institutions, such as health care. It is envisaged this form of decision making can be used at the local, national, or global levels. For the last, this would mean a major revamp of global institutions like the World Bank and the IMF. Examples of the impact of the new paradigm on health policy in general but also more specifically on priority setting and equity are included.
Chua Beng Huat
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199277629
- eISBN:
- 9780191603303
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199277621.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter explores communitarianism and single-party dominance in Singapore. It argues that communitariasnism as a political ideology is a discursive resource available to all contesting parties. ...
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This chapter explores communitarianism and single-party dominance in Singapore. It argues that communitariasnism as a political ideology is a discursive resource available to all contesting parties. In Singapore, after nearly forty years of People’s Action Party (PAP) rule, the positive outcomes in various areas of social life of the logic of ‘governance by groups’ will have a lasting impact on Singaporeans. Political parties seeking to contest political power could do worse than adopting the communitarian orientation of the PAP.Less
This chapter explores communitarianism and single-party dominance in Singapore. It argues that communitariasnism as a political ideology is a discursive resource available to all contesting parties. In Singapore, after nearly forty years of People’s Action Party (PAP) rule, the positive outcomes in various areas of social life of the logic of ‘governance by groups’ will have a lasting impact on Singaporeans. Political parties seeking to contest political power could do worse than adopting the communitarian orientation of the PAP.
Andrew Vincent
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199271252
- eISBN:
- 9780191601101
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199271259.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Examines the initial critique of justice‐based political theory. This critical movement was not so much a resistance to the idea of justice as to its Universalist pretensions. An attempt was thus ...
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Examines the initial critique of justice‐based political theory. This critical movement was not so much a resistance to the idea of justice as to its Universalist pretensions. An attempt was thus made to root political theory in a form of conventionalism. This chapter examines the sophisticated origins of the conventionalist form of argument in the writings of Michael Oakeshott, the better‐known writings of communitarianism and the reaction of the later Rawls to communitarianism in terms of his ideas on political liberalism.Less
Examines the initial critique of justice‐based political theory. This critical movement was not so much a resistance to the idea of justice as to its Universalist pretensions. An attempt was thus made to root political theory in a form of conventionalism. This chapter examines the sophisticated origins of the conventionalist form of argument in the writings of Michael Oakeshott, the better‐known writings of communitarianism and the reaction of the later Rawls to communitarianism in terms of his ideas on political liberalism.
Iris Marion Young
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294719
- eISBN:
- 9780191599361
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294719.003.0020
- Subject:
- Political Science, Reference
Traces the developments in contemporary political theory of the last 20 years in the politicization of the social. Six major trends are analysed. The debate around social justice is a disagreement ...
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Traces the developments in contemporary political theory of the last 20 years in the politicization of the social. Six major trends are analysed. The debate around social justice is a disagreement about the relationship between equality and liberty. Recent democratic theory deals with the question of citizen participation. Feminists have challenged the traditional public–private distinction as well as the universality they regard as male gendered. Post‐modernism reflects on the relationship between political institutions and social power, and conceptualizes political actors as shaped by political processes. New social movements bring previously private issues into the political sphere. Finally, communitarians aim to understand political values from within their specific social and cultural contexts.Less
Traces the developments in contemporary political theory of the last 20 years in the politicization of the social. Six major trends are analysed. The debate around social justice is a disagreement about the relationship between equality and liberty. Recent democratic theory deals with the question of citizen participation. Feminists have challenged the traditional public–private distinction as well as the universality they regard as male gendered. Post‐modernism reflects on the relationship between political institutions and social power, and conceptualizes political actors as shaped by political processes. New social movements bring previously private issues into the political sphere. Finally, communitarians aim to understand political values from within their specific social and cultural contexts.
Klaus von Beyme
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294719
- eISBN:
- 9780191599361
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294719.003.0022
- Subject:
- Political Science, Reference
Provides a chronology of shifting paradigms, tracing a shift from ‘grand ideas’ to empirical studies. These changes are not universal, seen in the ‘geography of paradigm shifts’ of France, Germany, ...
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Provides a chronology of shifting paradigms, tracing a shift from ‘grand ideas’ to empirical studies. These changes are not universal, seen in the ‘geography of paradigm shifts’ of France, Germany, Britain, and the USA. Methodological approaches are situated within a framework of comparisons of the micro or the macro, and systems or actors. A minimal consensus is developing, in the theme of communitarianism. Empirical political theory reflects the revival of old positions in new formats, unlike the Kuhnian paradigmatic revolutions of the natural sciences.Less
Provides a chronology of shifting paradigms, tracing a shift from ‘grand ideas’ to empirical studies. These changes are not universal, seen in the ‘geography of paradigm shifts’ of France, Germany, Britain, and the USA. Methodological approaches are situated within a framework of comparisons of the micro or the macro, and systems or actors. A minimal consensus is developing, in the theme of communitarianism. Empirical political theory reflects the revival of old positions in new formats, unlike the Kuhnian paradigmatic revolutions of the natural sciences.
Randy E. Barnett
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198297291
- eISBN:
- 9780191598777
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198297297.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
What is liberty, as opposed to licence, and why is it so important? When people pursue happiness, peace, and prosperity whilst living in society, they confront pervasive problems of knowledge, ...
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What is liberty, as opposed to licence, and why is it so important? When people pursue happiness, peace, and prosperity whilst living in society, they confront pervasive problems of knowledge, interest, and power. These problems are dealt with by ensuring the liberty of the people to pursue their own ends, but addressing these problems also requires that liberty be structured by certain rights and procedures associated with the classical liberal conception of justice and the rule of law. This book identifies the content of natural rights—several property, freedom of contract, first possession, restitution, and self defence—and explains how natural rights are distinct from natural law and why these abstract rights require a conventional rule of law to implement. Barnett discusses the practicality of restitution as an alternative to punishment in criminal justice and the constitutional principles that are needed to protect fundamental rights from enforcement error and abuse. After describing how a polycentric legal system would function, he concludes by considering communitarian objections and those based on retributive and distributive justice.Less
What is liberty, as opposed to licence, and why is it so important? When people pursue happiness, peace, and prosperity whilst living in society, they confront pervasive problems of knowledge, interest, and power. These problems are dealt with by ensuring the liberty of the people to pursue their own ends, but addressing these problems also requires that liberty be structured by certain rights and procedures associated with the classical liberal conception of justice and the rule of law. This book identifies the content of natural rights—several property, freedom of contract, first possession, restitution, and self defence—and explains how natural rights are distinct from natural law and why these abstract rights require a conventional rule of law to implement. Barnett discusses the practicality of restitution as an alternative to punishment in criminal justice and the constitutional principles that are needed to protect fundamental rights from enforcement error and abuse. After describing how a polycentric legal system would function, he concludes by considering communitarian objections and those based on retributive and distributive justice.
Randy E. Barnett
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198297291
- eISBN:
- 9780191598777
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198297297.003.0015
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter anticipates and responds to various objections to the thesis of the book, including those founded on communitarianism and on considerations of retributive and distributive justice. It ...
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This chapter anticipates and responds to various objections to the thesis of the book, including those founded on communitarianism and on considerations of retributive and distributive justice. It considers such issues as neutrality, and the difference between the right or just and the good. It concludes by considering the practicality of using ‘public policy’ analysis in place of the rights identified here and of adding additional rights to those defended as needed, to handle the problems of knowledge, interest, and power.Less
This chapter anticipates and responds to various objections to the thesis of the book, including those founded on communitarianism and on considerations of retributive and distributive justice. It considers such issues as neutrality, and the difference between the right or just and the good. It concludes by considering the practicality of using ‘public policy’ analysis in place of the rights identified here and of adding additional rights to those defended as needed, to handle the problems of knowledge, interest, and power.
George P. Fletcher
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195156287
- eISBN:
- 9780199872169
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195156285.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter examines the history of America's commitment to the idea of nationhood as the ideological basis for subsequent developments in equality and popular democracy. The lives and work of ...
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This chapter examines the history of America's commitment to the idea of nationhood as the ideological basis for subsequent developments in equality and popular democracy. The lives and work of Orestes Brownson and Francis Lieber are discussed, focusing on Brownson's communitarian views of nationhood and collective identity, and Lieber's emphasis on a common language and on the distinction between a “people” and a “nation”.Less
This chapter examines the history of America's commitment to the idea of nationhood as the ideological basis for subsequent developments in equality and popular democracy. The lives and work of Orestes Brownson and Francis Lieber are discussed, focusing on Brownson's communitarian views of nationhood and collective identity, and Lieber's emphasis on a common language and on the distinction between a “people” and a “nation”.
Margaret Moore
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198273851
- eISBN:
- 9780191599934
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198273851.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter argues that the analysis of the previous chapters indicates the problems attached to conceiving of morality as rooted in a neutral or Archimedean point from which different principles ...
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This chapter argues that the analysis of the previous chapters indicates the problems attached to conceiving of morality as rooted in a neutral or Archimedean point from which different principles can be assessed and validated, but that it is more fruitful to root morality within a particular tradition. The problem of moral scepticism and relativism and pluralism are discussed as well as the implications of this approach to moral theorizing for ethical political principles.Less
This chapter argues that the analysis of the previous chapters indicates the problems attached to conceiving of morality as rooted in a neutral or Archimedean point from which different principles can be assessed and validated, but that it is more fruitful to root morality within a particular tradition. The problem of moral scepticism and relativism and pluralism are discussed as well as the implications of this approach to moral theorizing for ethical political principles.
Eamonn Callan
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198292586
- eISBN:
- 9780191598913
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198292589.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Liberal politics is often misrepresented as repugnant to state support—e.g. through educational policy—for any particular ideal of virtuous character. This is a misrepresentation because liberal ...
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Liberal politics is often misrepresented as repugnant to state support—e.g. through educational policy—for any particular ideal of virtuous character. This is a misrepresentation because liberal institutions can only flourish given the widespread social currency of liberal ideals of character, and this in turn presupposes that educational institutions are wedded to that ideal. This point undermines much communitarian criticism of liberalism. The tension between democratic and liberal ideals in political education is briefly explored.Less
Liberal politics is often misrepresented as repugnant to state support—e.g. through educational policy—for any particular ideal of virtuous character. This is a misrepresentation because liberal institutions can only flourish given the widespread social currency of liberal ideals of character, and this in turn presupposes that educational institutions are wedded to that ideal. This point undermines much communitarian criticism of liberalism. The tension between democratic and liberal ideals in political education is briefly explored.
Eamonn Callan
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198292586
- eISBN:
- 9780191598913
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198292589.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Rawls's political conception of the person and his related conception of reasonable pluralism entail a partially comprehensive ideal of personal autonomy. The warrant for that ideal is further ...
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Rawls's political conception of the person and his related conception of reasonable pluralism entail a partially comprehensive ideal of personal autonomy. The warrant for that ideal is further supported by showing that it is integral to the virtue of justice and that communitarian claims that autonomy is at odds with a life of integrity are unfounded.Less
Rawls's political conception of the person and his related conception of reasonable pluralism entail a partially comprehensive ideal of personal autonomy. The warrant for that ideal is further supported by showing that it is integral to the virtue of justice and that communitarian claims that autonomy is at odds with a life of integrity are unfounded.
Philip Pettit
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198296423
- eISBN:
- 9780191600081
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198296428.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Freedom as non‐domination is a significantly egalitarian good. Maximizing the intensity of the non‐domination that people enjoy will require that people enjoy non‐domination with equal intensity, ...
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Freedom as non‐domination is a significantly egalitarian good. Maximizing the intensity of the non‐domination that people enjoy will require that people enjoy non‐domination with equal intensity, even though maximizing the extent of undominated choice—maximizing the resources and opportunities that people enjoy—need not require its equal distribution; the project supports structural equality but not material equality. Freedom as non‐domination is also a communitarian good. It can be realized only under an arrangement involving people in communal interaction. And it can be realized for one person only so far as it is realized for others in the vulnerability classes to which that person belongs: thus, a woman can be fully free in this sense only so far as womanhood is not a badge of vulnerability, only so far as all women are free. The communitarian character of freedom as non‐domination means that the freedom of a community is as basic a notion as the freedom of individuals, and that there is every reason, as communitarians require, why people should be able to identify with a state that promotes such freedom.Less
Freedom as non‐domination is a significantly egalitarian good. Maximizing the intensity of the non‐domination that people enjoy will require that people enjoy non‐domination with equal intensity, even though maximizing the extent of undominated choice—maximizing the resources and opportunities that people enjoy—need not require its equal distribution; the project supports structural equality but not material equality. Freedom as non‐domination is also a communitarian good. It can be realized only under an arrangement involving people in communal interaction. And it can be realized for one person only so far as it is realized for others in the vulnerability classes to which that person belongs: thus, a woman can be fully free in this sense only so far as womanhood is not a badge of vulnerability, only so far as all women are free. The communitarian character of freedom as non‐domination means that the freedom of a community is as basic a notion as the freedom of individuals, and that there is every reason, as communitarians require, why people should be able to identify with a state that promotes such freedom.
Maurizio Viroli
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293583
- eISBN:
- 9780191600289
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293585.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Argues for the possibility of patriotism without nationalism. Contemporary debates on patriotism have focused on how to uphold patriotism after the disasters of the nationalistic patriotism of ...
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Argues for the possibility of patriotism without nationalism. Contemporary debates on patriotism have focused on how to uphold patriotism after the disasters of the nationalistic patriotism of Fascism and Nazism. While Habermas disconnected the universal political principles from nationality, communitarians like MacIntyre have emphasized the importance of shared pre‐political identities. Instead of extreme, contemporary pluralistic societies require political unity based on the values of the republic in the tradition of Tocqueville, Walzer, and Taylor.Less
Argues for the possibility of patriotism without nationalism. Contemporary debates on patriotism have focused on how to uphold patriotism after the disasters of the nationalistic patriotism of Fascism and Nazism. While Habermas disconnected the universal political principles from nationality, communitarians like MacIntyre have emphasized the importance of shared pre‐political identities. Instead of extreme, contemporary pluralistic societies require political unity based on the values of the republic in the tradition of Tocqueville, Walzer, and Taylor.
