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This chapter examines the EU’s decision to expand the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) to include defence. It begins by considering the significant developments in the WEU’s half-century of existence which led to the linkage between the EU and WEU. The events that reformed the EU and CFSP, and led to the revival for the common defence policy by integrating EU and WEU capabilities are reviewed. Some conditions that may forestall integration ‘spillover’ from turning into intergovernmental ‘spillback’ are discussed.

This chapter focuses on the application to the common foreign and security policy (CFSP) of the constitutional concepts, principles, and techniques that were examined in Part I in relation to EC external relations. The principle of conferral, the concepts of primacy and exclusivity, and the contrast between decision-making under Title V EU Treaty and the Community method are dealt with in successive sections.

This chapter outlines the nature of the instruments introduced by the EU pursuant to the democracy promotion commitment and examines the shortcomings and lacuna that remained in the range of policy tools available. The chapter describes the EU's new democracy aid provisions, its instruments of political conditionality, and the democracy‐related initiatives of the EU's Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). Different theories of integration are explored in relation to the development of the EU's presence as an international actor.

This chapter discusses the preparation for the negotiations on Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) in Europe. The preparations included the authorization of preparatory work in 1988, the production of the Delors Committee Report in 1989, the approval of the Report at Madrid, and the finalization of the agreement for an Intergovernmental Conference (IGC). Various events, including the Gulf War and the German Unification, affected the EMU negotiations. This made the Common Foreign and Security Policy a more important issue in the IGC.

This chapter analyses the role of democratic accountability in the Union's foreign policy, focusing on democratic accountability within the CFSP. It should, however, be pointed out that the involvement of the European Parliament in Community decision-making is most far-reaching in the legislative sphere. The European Parliament is not much involved in the executive aspects of Community policies, and its exclusion from the executive aspects of the CFSP, therefore, does not represent as stark a contrast as it might appear. The possibilities for judicial control by the Court of Justice within the sphere of the CFSP are also considered.

The focus of this chapter is on the institutionalization of a space for the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), and on efforts since the signing of the Maastricht Treaty on European Union (TEU) to link the CFSP with other European Union (EU) domains under a principle of coherence. In the light of unfavourable perceptions about institutional performance in the conduct of EU external relations, and the perceived need for change, two major questions are addressed: the kinds of institutional problems that have resulted from the TEU’s provisions on external relations; and the extent to which, and how, these problems have been resolved. The chapter first maps out the EU’s institutional space in the policy domains most directly concerned with external relations, and then shows how these mechanisms created new problems, and thus pressures for institutional change, once the TEU came into effect. These problems are defined primarily in terms of institutional gaps and contradictions across the EU’s external policy domains. Finally, the attempts of the EU to resolve these problems through two sets of institutional reforms, one informal and the other formal, are described.

This chapter discusses the highlights of the Intergovernmental Conference (IGC) debate on the EMU, which lasted for the whole of 1991. The IGC focused on refining the draft Common Foreign and Security Policy contained in the Italian Presidency Report of November 1990 and the Rome European Council of December 1990, and on discussing two major issues of principles. These issues are about the extent to which the Community's foreign policy should be assimilated to EC mechanisms and procedures, and how far the Community should go in developing its own defence and security capabilities.

An analysis is made of the creation of new European Union (EU) spaces for cooperation in policing and immigration policies. The Treaty of Rome was silent on both topics, and before the Maastricht Treaty on European Union (TEU), European Community (EC) states had begun to coordinate their responses to specific problems – such as terrorism, drugs, and asylum seekers – usually on a bilateral basis, with multilateral forms of cooperation fragmented, ad hoc, and outside EC structures. The chapter has three main sections, the first of which briefly describes the institutional landscape in policing and migration in Europe before the TEU. Section 2 assesses the major internal and external changes – the Single Market and the collapse of the Iron Curtain, respectively – that provoked the move toward institutionalizing police and migration cooperation at the EU level; it devotes particular attention to the domestic crisis in Germany resulting from massive migrations from the east, and the policy entrepreneurship of Germany’s Chancellor Helmut Kohl. Section 3 analyses how the Third Pillar of the TEU, that on Justice and Home Affairs (in which policing and immigration policies were combined) borrowed from existing institutions – most notably the Second Pillar (the Common Foreign and Security Policy); the Amsterdam Treaty (1996) then partially separated policing and migration again – but with a completely different institutional structure within the European Union.

This chapter explores the impact of the Lisbon Treaty on EU external action, including the Common, Foreign, and Security Policy (CFSP) and the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). The discussion begins by considering the approach taken to external action in the Lisbon Treaty, since this is necessary for an understanding of the more detailed provisions analyzed thereafter. It examines the Treaty architecture that informs this area of EU law, the principles that govern EU external action, the main institutional actors, and the changes made that affect the EU's legal personality. The focus in the second part shifts to those aspects of EU external action that are dealt with by the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU). It addresses each principal head of EU external competence brought together in what is now Part Five TFEU, to outline the pre-existing Treaty provisions and then to indicate the main changes made by the Lisbon Treaty. The final part of the chapter stands back from the detail and considers broader issues of consistency, coherence, and coordination that have been of concern in this area. These issues are addressed from the perspectives of purpose, institutions, and doctrine.

This chapter discusses the problems in the implementation of the CFSP. One of the key problems is financing, because the administrative and operational expenditures of the CFSP are charged to the European Community budget, just like the now-defunct European Political Cooperation. Some Member States were not very supportive of the CFSP because of its foreign and security policy provisions and some of them devised their own national foreign policies without using the CFSP framework. The creation of the Contact Group on Yugoslavia further impaired the credibility of the CFSP.

This chapter explores the impact of the Lisbon Treaty on EU external action, including the Common, Foreign, and Security Policy (CFSP) and the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). The discussion begins by considering the approach taken to external action in the Lisbon Treaty, since this is necessary for an understanding of the more detailed provisions analyzed thereafter. It examines the Treaty architecture that informs this area of EU law, the principles that govern EU external action, the main institutional actors, and the changes made that affect the EU's legal personality. The focus in the second part shifts to those aspects of EU external action that are dealt with by the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU). It addresses each principal head of EU external competence brought together in what is now Part Five TFEU, to outline the pre-existing Treaty provisions and then to indicate the main changes made by the Lisbon Treaty. The final part of the chapter stands back from the detail and considers broader issues of consistency, coherence, and coordination that have been of concern in this area. These issues are addressed from the perspectives of purpose, institutions, and doctrine.

The field of foreign and security policy reveals the uneven impact of Franco-German bilateralism. The two countries successfully promoted treaty reforms to make foreign, security, and defense policy part of the EC/EU’s remit through establishing a European foreign and security policy regime. They found common ground for instruments for military and civilian crisis management and actively participated in international crisis management activities in the framework of the European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP). However, it was Franco-British leadership, backed by Germany, that led to the establishment of the ESDP in 1999. And Paris and Berlin could not provide strong leadership during a number of post-Cold War international crises: the violent break-up of Yugoslavia in the 1990s, the Iraq War in 2003, or the civil war in Libya in 2011. Differences in foreign policy traditions, in geopolitically defined interests, and in strategic cultures and military resources explain France and Germany’s limited impact in shaping this domain of European affairs.

This chapter examines the weaknesses and accomplishments of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) of the European Union. Despite criticism of the CFSP, it has made a number of achievements during the period between the entry into force of the Treaty of Maastricht in November 1993 and the entry into force of the Treaty of Amsterdam in May 1999. These achievements include the success of the CFSP in maintaining the independent sovereign status of Member States, and its contribution to international diplomacy.

This chapter introduces the policy context (international security architecture) and the policy area (EU foreign affairs, security, and defence) of civilian CSDP, and moreover provides an in-depth study of the policy tool of EU peacebuilding (civilian crisis management). The chapter explores in particular the delegation dynamics at work, which have produced the distinctive legal, institutional, and operational environment of the CFSP and CSDP. The analysis demonstrates that civilian CSDP is intergovernmental in conception, but Europeanized through practice. Next to unravelling the idiosyncratic governance features of civilian CSDP, the chapter provides a detailed overview of the main actors in EU civilian crisis management. Moreover, peacebuilding activities are demarcated from other external activities of the EU (ie development and AFSJ activities). The chapter closes with legal arguments and pragmatic considerations that highlight the importance of accountability in EU civilian crisis management.

This chapter provides an overview of the historical evolution and the post-Lisbon institutional and legal characteristics of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), including the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). Specific attention is paid to the specificity and sui generis nature of the CFSP as an EU competence and to the instruments at the disposal of the EU under this policy. The limited but growing jurisdiction of the Court of Justice in CFSP is illustrated with recent case law. The legal and institutional underpinnings of the CSDP are discussed, as well as its post-Lisbon dynamics, notably operations, international agreements, permanent structured cooperation, and mutual assistance.

This chapter begins with the role of culture in foreign policy. It reviews the surprising historical evolution of the EU’s common foreign and security policy, highlighting the slow institutionalization of EU diplomatic capacity and security coordination. The symbols and practices that label, map, and narrate European foreign policy are cataloged: the legal construction of the EU as a sovereign actor, the creation of European diplomats in the European External Action Service, the development of a European grand strategy, and the networking of European security forces (albeit always nested within NATO and UN missions). The meanings generated from European foreign policy form a key part of the creation of a broader imagined community of Europe, but they also demonstrate that it is one with substantial built-in limits and weaknesses.

Chapter 5 focuses on foreign policy and the way processes of state transformation in Europe interacted with developments in the international system. The chapter recounts how after 1945 intra-state relations in Western Europe quickly moved beyond earlier antagonisms. However, closer cooperation on foreign policy issues was inhibited by the Cold War. Only in the period of détente was European foreign policy cooperation possible, as shown by the EC’s role in the CSCE negotiations in the 1970s. The technocratic and bureaucratic aspects of the CSCE negotiations anticipate EU foreign policy in the post-Cold-War period. The chapter explores these post-Cold-War characteristics, namely the EU’s pragmatism, its eschewal of power politics, and its orientation towards the development of functional roles for the EU within specific areas of international relations, free from any realpolitik or grand strategy. This kind of foreign policy corresponds to a Europe of member states.