Mario Diani and Doug McAdam (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199251780
- eISBN:
- 9780191599057
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199251789.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Illustrates relational approaches to the study of social movements and collective action. Contributors analyse most recent developments in the analysis of the role of networks as facilitators or ...
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Illustrates relational approaches to the study of social movements and collective action. Contributors analyse most recent developments in the analysis of the role of networks as facilitators or constraints of individual recruitment, various forms of interorganizational networks, and the relationship between social networks and the political context in which social movements operate. They also relate the growing attention to social networks by social movement analysis to broader theoretical debates. Both quantitative and qualitative network analysis are considered, and attention is paid to the time dimension and the evolution of networks, through both simulation models and empirical data. Empirical chapters cover both contemporary and historical episodes of collective action, in reference to authoritarian as well as progressive, left‐libertarian movements. Chapters focusing on individual networks specify different effects of network embeddedness over participation in different types of collective action (Passy, Anheier). Interorganizational relations are explored by looking at leadership dynamics (Diani), the relationship between categorical traits and network position within coalitions (Ansell), and the role of individuals in linking different organizations both synchronically and diachronically (Osa). Network approaches to the political process illustrate shifts in alliance and conflict networks at a time of regime change (Tilly and Wood), the evolution of social networks during protest cycles (Oliver and Myers), and the role of local elites in shaping protest networks in the community (Broadbent). Theoretical chapters discuss network perspectives on social movements in relation to recent theoretical developments in rational choice theory (Gould), cultural analysis (Mische), and the analysis of social mechanisms (McAdam). A radical case is also made for a reorientation of the whole social movement agenda along network lines (Diani).Less
Illustrates relational approaches to the study of social movements and collective action. Contributors analyse most recent developments in the analysis of the role of networks as facilitators or constraints of individual recruitment, various forms of interorganizational networks, and the relationship between social networks and the political context in which social movements operate. They also relate the growing attention to social networks by social movement analysis to broader theoretical debates. Both quantitative and qualitative network analysis are considered, and attention is paid to the time dimension and the evolution of networks, through both simulation models and empirical data. Empirical chapters cover both contemporary and historical episodes of collective action, in reference to authoritarian as well as progressive, left‐libertarian movements. Chapters focusing on individual networks specify different effects of network embeddedness over participation in different types of collective action (Passy, Anheier). Interorganizational relations are explored by looking at leadership dynamics (Diani), the relationship between categorical traits and network position within coalitions (Ansell), and the role of individuals in linking different organizations both synchronically and diachronically (Osa). Network approaches to the political process illustrate shifts in alliance and conflict networks at a time of regime change (Tilly and Wood), the evolution of social networks during protest cycles (Oliver and Myers), and the role of local elites in shaping protest networks in the community (Broadbent). Theoretical chapters discuss network perspectives on social movements in relation to recent theoretical developments in rational choice theory (Gould), cultural analysis (Mische), and the analysis of social mechanisms (McAdam). A radical case is also made for a reorientation of the whole social movement agenda along network lines (Diani).
David Miller
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199235056
- eISBN:
- 9780191715792
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199235056.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Russian Politics
This book presents a non-cosmopolitan theory of global justice. In contrast to theories that seek to extend principles of social justice, such as equality of opportunity or resources, to the world as ...
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This book presents a non-cosmopolitan theory of global justice. In contrast to theories that seek to extend principles of social justice, such as equality of opportunity or resources, to the world as a whole, it argues that in a world made up of self-determining national communities, a different conception is needed. The book presents and defends an account of national responsibility which entails that nations may justifiably claim the benefits that their decisions and policies produce, while also being held liable for harms that they inflict on other peoples. Such collective responsibility extends to responsibility for the national past, so the present generation may owe redress to those who have been harmed by the actions of their predecessors. Global justice, therefore, must be understood not in terms of equality, but in terms of a minimum set of basic rights that belong to human beings everywhere. Where these rights are being violated or threatened, remedial responsibility may fall on outsiders. The book considers how this responsibility should be allocated, and how far citizens of democratic societies must limit their pursuit of domestic objectives in order to discharge their global obligations.Less
This book presents a non-cosmopolitan theory of global justice. In contrast to theories that seek to extend principles of social justice, such as equality of opportunity or resources, to the world as a whole, it argues that in a world made up of self-determining national communities, a different conception is needed. The book presents and defends an account of national responsibility which entails that nations may justifiably claim the benefits that their decisions and policies produce, while also being held liable for harms that they inflict on other peoples. Such collective responsibility extends to responsibility for the national past, so the present generation may owe redress to those who have been harmed by the actions of their predecessors. Global justice, therefore, must be understood not in terms of equality, but in terms of a minimum set of basic rights that belong to human beings everywhere. Where these rights are being violated or threatened, remedial responsibility may fall on outsiders. The book considers how this responsibility should be allocated, and how far citizens of democratic societies must limit their pursuit of domestic objectives in order to discharge their global obligations.
Jochen Prantl
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199287680
- eISBN:
- 9780191603723
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199287686.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter analyzes the institutional setting of the United Nations. The underlying assumption is that the Security Council can best be described as a Janus-faced structure of both an open system ...
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This chapter analyzes the institutional setting of the United Nations. The underlying assumption is that the Security Council can best be described as a Janus-faced structure of both an open system and a closed shop. This notion reflects the Council’s sensitivity towards external change, while the restrictive provisions of the Charter constrain the possibilities of formal adaptation. The chapter examines: (1) the role of great powers in international organizations, (2) the role and function of the Security Council according to the Charter of the United Nations, and (3) the ‘constitutional practice’ of the Council, elaborating on certain variants of the collective security scheme as envisioned in the Charter.Less
This chapter analyzes the institutional setting of the United Nations. The underlying assumption is that the Security Council can best be described as a Janus-faced structure of both an open system and a closed shop. This notion reflects the Council’s sensitivity towards external change, while the restrictive provisions of the Charter constrain the possibilities of formal adaptation. The chapter examines: (1) the role of great powers in international organizations, (2) the role and function of the Security Council according to the Charter of the United Nations, and (3) the ‘constitutional practice’ of the Council, elaborating on certain variants of the collective security scheme as envisioned in the Charter.
Brandon Hamber
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199291922
- eISBN:
- 9780191603716
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199291926.003.0017
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This paper focuses on the relationship between the individual (micro) and the collective (macro) dimensions of reparations, highlighting the gaps and confluences between the two by focusing on ...
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This paper focuses on the relationship between the individual (micro) and the collective (macro) dimensions of reparations, highlighting the gaps and confluences between the two by focusing on symbolic reparations. It argues that massive reparations programs leave a disparity between the individual and the collective dimensions of reparations, i.e., between the needs of victims dealing with extreme trauma, and the social and political needs of a transitional society. Through reparations, the victim seeks some sort of reparation, i.e., a psychological state in which they feel adequate amends have been made. However, whether reparation at an individual level has taken place is difficult, if not impossible, to ascertain. The individual (psychological) and the collective (political) always stand in tension with one another when granting reparations. This dilemma is central to the reparations debate. It is argued that the gap between the micro and macro can be narrowed through a better understanding of the impact of extreme political trauma. Steps can be taken at the social and political level to potentially increase the impact of reparations on individuals as well as the context, process, and discourses surrounding their delivery.Less
This paper focuses on the relationship between the individual (micro) and the collective (macro) dimensions of reparations, highlighting the gaps and confluences between the two by focusing on symbolic reparations. It argues that massive reparations programs leave a disparity between the individual and the collective dimensions of reparations, i.e., between the needs of victims dealing with extreme trauma, and the social and political needs of a transitional society. Through reparations, the victim seeks some sort of reparation, i.e., a psychological state in which they feel adequate amends have been made. However, whether reparation at an individual level has taken place is difficult, if not impossible, to ascertain. The individual (psychological) and the collective (political) always stand in tension with one another when granting reparations. This dilemma is central to the reparations debate. It is argued that the gap between the micro and macro can be narrowed through a better understanding of the impact of extreme political trauma. Steps can be taken at the social and political level to potentially increase the impact of reparations on individuals as well as the context, process, and discourses surrounding their delivery.
Mark Curthoys
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199268894
- eISBN:
- 9780191708466
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199268894.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This is a study of how mid-Victorian Britain and its specialist advisers, in an age of free trade and the minimal state, attempted to create a viable legal framework for trade unions and strikes. It ...
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This is a study of how mid-Victorian Britain and its specialist advisers, in an age of free trade and the minimal state, attempted to create a viable legal framework for trade unions and strikes. It traces the collapse, in the face of judicial interventions, of the regime for collective labour devised by the Liberal Tories in the 1820s, following the repeal of the Combination Acts. The new arrangements enacted in the 1870s allowed collective labour unparalleled freedoms, contended by the newly-founded Trades Union Congress. This book seeks to reinstate the view from government into an account of how the settlement was brought about, tracing the emergence of an official view — largely independent of external pressure — which favoured withdrawing the criminal law from peaceful industrial relations and allowing a virtually unrestricted freedom to combine. It reviews the impact upon the Home Office's specialist advisers of contemporary intellectual trends, such as the assaults upon classical and political economy and the historicised critiques of labour law developed by Liberal writers. The book offers an historical context for the major court decisions affecting the security of trade union funds, and the freedom to strike, while the views of the judges are integrated within the terms of a wider debate between proponents of contending views of ‘free trade’ and ‘free labour’. New evidence sheds light on the considerations which impelled governments to grant trade unions a distinctive form of legal existence, and to protect strikers from the criminal law.Less
This is a study of how mid-Victorian Britain and its specialist advisers, in an age of free trade and the minimal state, attempted to create a viable legal framework for trade unions and strikes. It traces the collapse, in the face of judicial interventions, of the regime for collective labour devised by the Liberal Tories in the 1820s, following the repeal of the Combination Acts. The new arrangements enacted in the 1870s allowed collective labour unparalleled freedoms, contended by the newly-founded Trades Union Congress. This book seeks to reinstate the view from government into an account of how the settlement was brought about, tracing the emergence of an official view — largely independent of external pressure — which favoured withdrawing the criminal law from peaceful industrial relations and allowing a virtually unrestricted freedom to combine. It reviews the impact upon the Home Office's specialist advisers of contemporary intellectual trends, such as the assaults upon classical and political economy and the historicised critiques of labour law developed by Liberal writers. The book offers an historical context for the major court decisions affecting the security of trade union funds, and the freedom to strike, while the views of the judges are integrated within the terms of a wider debate between proponents of contending views of ‘free trade’ and ‘free labour’. New evidence sheds light on the considerations which impelled governments to grant trade unions a distinctive form of legal existence, and to protect strikers from the criminal law.
Ian Clark
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199297009
- eISBN:
- 9780191711428
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199297009.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This is the exceptional case in that the proposal to include a racial equality clause in the League Covenant was rejected. On the other hand, this is another case where the norm was supported by a ...
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This is the exceptional case in that the proposal to include a racial equality clause in the League Covenant was rejected. On the other hand, this is another case where the norm was supported by a leading state (Japan), in conjunction with a wider world society movement. The drafting history casts doubts on Japanese motives for pressing the proposal, but the failure reflects the relative weakness of Japan as a normative sponsor. While opposition to the clause certainly came from Britain, in response to pressure from parts of the empire, President Wilson's own position was ambiguous, and he certainly was not prepared to risk the Treaty of Versailles (and the League Covenant) to include it. There was a widespread pressure to hold a Pan-African Congress at Paris to coincide with the settlement. However, the Japanese delegate Baron Makino expressed a number of interesting normative arguments in support of the clause, appealing to the blurring of the distinction between international and world society brought about by the principle of collective security.Less
This is the exceptional case in that the proposal to include a racial equality clause in the League Covenant was rejected. On the other hand, this is another case where the norm was supported by a leading state (Japan), in conjunction with a wider world society movement. The drafting history casts doubts on Japanese motives for pressing the proposal, but the failure reflects the relative weakness of Japan as a normative sponsor. While opposition to the clause certainly came from Britain, in response to pressure from parts of the empire, President Wilson's own position was ambiguous, and he certainly was not prepared to risk the Treaty of Versailles (and the League Covenant) to include it. There was a widespread pressure to hold a Pan-African Congress at Paris to coincide with the settlement. However, the Japanese delegate Baron Makino expressed a number of interesting normative arguments in support of the clause, appealing to the blurring of the distinction between international and world society brought about by the principle of collective security.
Ulrich Sedelmeier
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198297574
- eISBN:
- 9780191598982
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198297572.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter examines the EU’s policy towards Central and Eastern European countries (CEECs). It argues that the EU’s collective identity includes the notion of a ‘special responsibility’ towards ...
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This chapter examines the EU’s policy towards Central and Eastern European countries (CEECs). It argues that the EU’s collective identity includes the notion of a ‘special responsibility’ towards CEECs. It involves purely self-interested behaviour by policymakers acting on behalf of the EU, and prescribes a degree of accommodation for CEECs’ preferences in EU policy. This component of collective identity limits the range of available policy options by precluding certain options as inappropriate, and reinforcing the legitimacy of others.Less
This chapter examines the EU’s policy towards Central and Eastern European countries (CEECs). It argues that the EU’s collective identity includes the notion of a ‘special responsibility’ towards CEECs. It involves purely self-interested behaviour by policymakers acting on behalf of the EU, and prescribes a degree of accommodation for CEECs’ preferences in EU policy. This component of collective identity limits the range of available policy options by precluding certain options as inappropriate, and reinforcing the legitimacy of others.
Price V. Fishback
- Published in print:
- 1992
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195067255
- eISBN:
- 9780199855025
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195067255.003.0012
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Economic History
Coal mining offered the opportunity to earn money quickly during booms, but it was a dirty, dangerous job often located in isolated little towns. To protect themselves against exploitation by ...
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Coal mining offered the opportunity to earn money quickly during booms, but it was a dirty, dangerous job often located in isolated little towns. To protect themselves against exploitation by employers, coal miners exercised both voice and exit. The voice came in the form of collective action either through the formation of labor unions or labor strikes. The United Mine Workers of America (UMWA) enhanced the welfare of their members in several ways. Within the coal industry, miners obtained higher wages by joining the union and striking. The union did not necessarily lead to a better situation in all phases of the job, however. Accident rates were no lower in union than in non-union mines, nor was the quality of sanitation better, holding other factors constant. Blacks were welcomed into the union in the mining areas where they had long been located, but a number of union locals in the North treated blacks as pariahs. The UMWA was crushed along with the coal operators by the deterioration of the industry in the late 1920s and early 1930s.Less
Coal mining offered the opportunity to earn money quickly during booms, but it was a dirty, dangerous job often located in isolated little towns. To protect themselves against exploitation by employers, coal miners exercised both voice and exit. The voice came in the form of collective action either through the formation of labor unions or labor strikes. The United Mine Workers of America (UMWA) enhanced the welfare of their members in several ways. Within the coal industry, miners obtained higher wages by joining the union and striking. The union did not necessarily lead to a better situation in all phases of the job, however. Accident rates were no lower in union than in non-union mines, nor was the quality of sanitation better, holding other factors constant. Blacks were welcomed into the union in the mining areas where they had long been located, but a number of union locals in the North treated blacks as pariahs. The UMWA was crushed along with the coal operators by the deterioration of the industry in the late 1920s and early 1930s.
Helmut Hofmann
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780198504016
- eISBN:
- 9780191708480
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198504016.001.0001
- Subject:
- Physics, Nuclear and Plasma Physics
This book offers a survey of nuclear physics at low energies and discusses similarities to mesoscopic systems. It addresses systems at finite excitations of the internal degrees of freedom where ...
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This book offers a survey of nuclear physics at low energies and discusses similarities to mesoscopic systems. It addresses systems at finite excitations of the internal degrees of freedom where collective motion exhibits features typical of transport processes for small and isolated systems. The importance of quantum aspects is investigated both with respect to the microscopic damping mechanism and to the nature of the transport equations. It is vital to account for nuclear collective motion being self-sustained, which in the end implies a highly nonlinear coupling between internal and collective degrees of freedom, a feature which in the literature all too often is ignored. The book is to be considered self-contained. The first part introduces basic elements of nuclear physics and guides to a modern understanding of collective motion as a transport process. This overview is supplemented in the second part with more advanced approaches to nuclear dynamics. The third part deals with special aspects of mesoscopic systems for which close analogies with nuclear physics are given. In the fourth part, the theoretical tools are discussed in greater detail. These include nuclear reaction theory, thermostatics and statistical mechanics, linear response theory, functional integrals, and various aspects of transport theory.Less
This book offers a survey of nuclear physics at low energies and discusses similarities to mesoscopic systems. It addresses systems at finite excitations of the internal degrees of freedom where collective motion exhibits features typical of transport processes for small and isolated systems. The importance of quantum aspects is investigated both with respect to the microscopic damping mechanism and to the nature of the transport equations. It is vital to account for nuclear collective motion being self-sustained, which in the end implies a highly nonlinear coupling between internal and collective degrees of freedom, a feature which in the literature all too often is ignored. The book is to be considered self-contained. The first part introduces basic elements of nuclear physics and guides to a modern understanding of collective motion as a transport process. This overview is supplemented in the second part with more advanced approaches to nuclear dynamics. The third part deals with special aspects of mesoscopic systems for which close analogies with nuclear physics are given. In the fourth part, the theoretical tools are discussed in greater detail. These include nuclear reaction theory, thermostatics and statistical mechanics, linear response theory, functional integrals, and various aspects of transport theory.
Paul Weirich
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195388381
- eISBN:
- 9780199866700
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195388381.003.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Logic/Philosophy of Mathematics
A committee's passing a resolution may be rational or irrational. Groups of people perform acts that are evaluable for rationality. This observation raises two philosophical questions: What makes a ...
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A committee's passing a resolution may be rational or irrational. Groups of people perform acts that are evaluable for rationality. This observation raises two philosophical questions: What makes a collective act evaluable for rationality? What principles of rationality govern collective acts? Collective rationality extends principles of evaluation from individuals to groups. However, because groups of people lack minds, their acts' evaluability does not require collective preferences, beliefs, or intentions. The evaluability of a group's act originates in the freedom of the group's members and their control over acts constituting the group's act. Common principles of collective rationality, such as efficiency, require grounding in general principles of rationality. Game theory demonstrates the origin of principles of collective rationality from principles governing all agents.Less
A committee's passing a resolution may be rational or irrational. Groups of people perform acts that are evaluable for rationality. This observation raises two philosophical questions: What makes a collective act evaluable for rationality? What principles of rationality govern collective acts? Collective rationality extends principles of evaluation from individuals to groups. However, because groups of people lack minds, their acts' evaluability does not require collective preferences, beliefs, or intentions. The evaluability of a group's act originates in the freedom of the group's members and their control over acts constituting the group's act. Common principles of collective rationality, such as efficiency, require grounding in general principles of rationality. Game theory demonstrates the origin of principles of collective rationality from principles governing all agents.
I. M. D. Little
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- August 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199257041
- eISBN:
- 9780191601293
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199257043.001.0001
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Public and Welfare
Studies the three interfaces of ethics, economics, and politics. Any well‐considered view of the most desirable role for the state in various aspects of our lives implies some serious thinking about ...
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Studies the three interfaces of ethics, economics, and politics. Any well‐considered view of the most desirable role for the state in various aspects of our lives implies some serious thinking about these subjects, and the way in which they interact. This can be done without formal academic training in any of them.A central issue is the extent to which the state is entitled to, and should, control individual behaviour, and to what end. To a greater or lesser extent, and for differing reasons, states are concerned with the welfare of the people. However, the measurement of welfare, both individual and collective, involves ethical judgements; and various theories of social justice are therefore discussed. Utilitarianism is defended as a guiding principle for government behaviour, albeit with some constraining respect for rights. But welfare considerations do not require that the state be deeply involved in the production of goods and services. Excessive government can be a threat to democracy. The book ends with a sketch of the advocated boundaries of state responsibility and control.Less
Studies the three interfaces of ethics, economics, and politics. Any well‐considered view of the most desirable role for the state in various aspects of our lives implies some serious thinking about these subjects, and the way in which they interact. This can be done without formal academic training in any of them.
A central issue is the extent to which the state is entitled to, and should, control individual behaviour, and to what end. To a greater or lesser extent, and for differing reasons, states are concerned with the welfare of the people. However, the measurement of welfare, both individual and collective, involves ethical judgements; and various theories of social justice are therefore discussed. Utilitarianism is defended as a guiding principle for government behaviour, albeit with some constraining respect for rights. But welfare considerations do not require that the state be deeply involved in the production of goods and services. Excessive government can be a threat to democracy. The book ends with a sketch of the advocated boundaries of state responsibility and control.
Michael Biggs
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- January 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199276998
- eISBN:
- 9780191707735
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199276998.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter provides an overview of self-immolation in the last four decades, from an original database of over 500 individual acts. It is divided into five main sections. The first sketches the ...
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This chapter provides an overview of self-immolation in the last four decades, from an original database of over 500 individual acts. It is divided into five main sections. The first sketches the history of self-immolation. The second examines the prevalence of self-immolation among causes, across countries, and over time. The third section focuses on the orchestration of the individual action. The fourth section tackles the central question — why? — by elucidating the various motivations for self-immolation. The final section considers the effects of the action.Less
This chapter provides an overview of self-immolation in the last four decades, from an original database of over 500 individual acts. It is divided into five main sections. The first sketches the history of self-immolation. The second examines the prevalence of self-immolation among causes, across countries, and over time. The third section focuses on the orchestration of the individual action. The fourth section tackles the central question — why? — by elucidating the various motivations for self-immolation. The final section considers the effects of the action.
You‐tien Hsing
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199568048
- eISBN:
- 9780191721632
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199568048.003.0008
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Political Economy
Chapter 7 looks at peasants who lost their land to urban expansion in the last three decades. It seeks a territorial explanation for the gap between the magnitude of peasants' ...
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Chapter 7 looks at peasants who lost their land to urban expansion in the last three decades. It seeks a territorial explanation for the gap between the magnitude of peasants' grievances and the low frequency of protests on the one hand, and peasant's mobilizational capacity on the other. It argues that the mobilizational capacity of peasants is undermined by the snowballing effect of forced relocation. Forced relocation often leads to the deterioration of villagers' household financial status, disintegration of village organization, and rupture of collective identity, all of which contribute to village deterritorialization. More specifically, relocation produces deterritorialization through nebulous compensation negotiations that undermine mutual trust within villages, phased demolition and relocation that gradually destroy the physical environment and village solidarity, and switching peasants' status from members of village collectives to urban residents, thereby splitting villagers' interests. These moves weaken villagers' potential for successful collective action.Less
Chapter 7 looks at peasants who lost their land to urban expansion in the last three decades. It seeks a territorial explanation for the gap between the magnitude of peasants' grievances and the low frequency of protests on the one hand, and peasant's mobilizational capacity on the other. It argues that the mobilizational capacity of peasants is undermined by the snowballing effect of forced relocation. Forced relocation often leads to the deterioration of villagers' household financial status, disintegration of village organization, and rupture of collective identity, all of which contribute to village deterritorialization. More specifically, relocation produces deterritorialization through nebulous compensation negotiations that undermine mutual trust within villages, phased demolition and relocation that gradually destroy the physical environment and village solidarity, and switching peasants' status from members of village collectives to urban residents, thereby splitting villagers' interests. These moves weaken villagers' potential for successful collective action.
Ann Rigney
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199644018
- eISBN:
- 9780191738784
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199644018.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, 19th-century and Victorian Literature
Using street-names referring to Waverley and Abbotsford as a starting point, this book explains how the work of Walter Scott (1771-1832) became an all-pervasive point of reference for cultural memory ...
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Using street-names referring to Waverley and Abbotsford as a starting point, this book explains how the work of Walter Scott (1771-1832) became an all-pervasive point of reference for cultural memory and collective identity in the nineteenth century, and why he no longer has this role. It breaks new ground in memory studies and the study of literary reception by examining the dynamics of cultural memory and the ‘social life’ of literary texts across several generations and multiple media. Attention is paid to the remediation of the Waverley novels as they travelled into painting, the theatre, and material culture, as well as to the role of ‘Scott’ as a memory site in the public sphere for a century after his death. Using a wide range of examples and supported by many illustrations, this book demonstrates how remembering Scott’s work helped shape national and transnational identities up to World War I, and contributed to the emergence of the idea of an English-speaking world encompassing Scotland, the British Empire, and the United States. It shows how Scott’s work provided an imaginative resource for creating a collective relation to the past that was compatible with widespread mobility and social change; and that he thus forged a potent alliance between memory, literature, and identity that was eminently suited to modernizing. In the process he helped prepare his own obsolescence. But if Scott’s work is now largely forgotten, his legacy continues in the widespread belief that showcasing the past is a condition for transcending it.Less
Using street-names referring to Waverley and Abbotsford as a starting point, this book explains how the work of Walter Scott (1771-1832) became an all-pervasive point of reference for cultural memory and collective identity in the nineteenth century, and why he no longer has this role. It breaks new ground in memory studies and the study of literary reception by examining the dynamics of cultural memory and the ‘social life’ of literary texts across several generations and multiple media. Attention is paid to the remediation of the Waverley novels as they travelled into painting, the theatre, and material culture, as well as to the role of ‘Scott’ as a memory site in the public sphere for a century after his death. Using a wide range of examples and supported by many illustrations, this book demonstrates how remembering Scott’s work helped shape national and transnational identities up to World War I, and contributed to the emergence of the idea of an English-speaking world encompassing Scotland, the British Empire, and the United States. It shows how Scott’s work provided an imaginative resource for creating a collective relation to the past that was compatible with widespread mobility and social change; and that he thus forged a potent alliance between memory, literature, and identity that was eminently suited to modernizing. In the process he helped prepare his own obsolescence. But if Scott’s work is now largely forgotten, his legacy continues in the widespread belief that showcasing the past is a condition for transcending it.
Louis Putterman
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195078725
- eISBN:
- 9780199854950
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195078725.001.0001
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
This book is a detailed study of rural reform in China. After the death of Mao, and with the ascendency of Deng Xiaoping in 1978, China began a programme of agricultural reform intended to increase ...
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This book is a detailed study of rural reform in China. After the death of Mao, and with the ascendency of Deng Xiaoping in 1978, China began a programme of agricultural reform intended to increase productivity. Three major changes moved the agricultural sector from a centrally planned system to a more market-oriented one. First was the replacement of collective teams by farming by households. Second, an increase in free markets for rural products, and an increase in state prices for farm products, and the partial elimination of the two-tier price system. Third were changes in the economic structure that facilitated greater productivity and a 250% increase in average real rural incomes between 1979 and 1986. This book is unique in that it studies a single township (Dahe in Hebei Province) in depth over the two periods, thus providing data about the effects of reform at village level.Less
This book is a detailed study of rural reform in China. After the death of Mao, and with the ascendency of Deng Xiaoping in 1978, China began a programme of agricultural reform intended to increase productivity. Three major changes moved the agricultural sector from a centrally planned system to a more market-oriented one. First was the replacement of collective teams by farming by households. Second, an increase in free markets for rural products, and an increase in state prices for farm products, and the partial elimination of the two-tier price system. Third were changes in the economic structure that facilitated greater productivity and a 250% increase in average real rural incomes between 1979 and 1986. This book is unique in that it studies a single township (Dahe in Hebei Province) in depth over the two periods, thus providing data about the effects of reform at village level.
Raimo Tuomela
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195313390
- eISBN:
- 9780199870929
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195313390.003.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, General
This chapter briefly introduces the central concepts of the theory developed in the book. Thus collective intentionality and the accompanying “we-perspective” both in the full, we-mode sense and in ...
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This chapter briefly introduces the central concepts of the theory developed in the book. Thus collective intentionality and the accompanying “we-perspective” both in the full, we-mode sense and in the “private”, I-mode sense are introduced. A preliminary survey of the contents of the chapters is given and the most central theses, twelve of them, of the theory are presented in this introduction.Less
This chapter briefly introduces the central concepts of the theory developed in the book. Thus collective intentionality and the accompanying “we-perspective” both in the full, we-mode sense and in the “private”, I-mode sense are introduced. A preliminary survey of the contents of the chapters is given and the most central theses, twelve of them, of the theory are presented in this introduction.
Joe Foweraker and Todd Landman
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199240463
- eISBN:
- 9780191696831
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199240463.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Collective action in modern history has come to be defined by people fighting for their rights. This study identifies the main connections made between collective action and individual rights, in ...
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Collective action in modern history has come to be defined by people fighting for their rights. This study identifies the main connections made between collective action and individual rights, in theory and history, and sets out to test them in the comparative context of modernising authoritarian regimes in Brazil, Chile, Mexico, and Spain. The study employs new evidence and innovative methods to illuminate the political relationship between social mobilisation and the language of rights, and shows that the fight for rights is fundamental to the achievement of democracy. In large measure it is this fight that will continue to decide the chances of democratic advance in the new millennium. This affirmation offers a direct challenge to the claims of Robert Putnam in Making Democracy Work, where democracy is seen to be the result of good behaviour in the form of the civic community. To the dismay of those peoples still aspiring to make democracy, Putnam's civicness may take centuries to accumulate. This book, in contrast, defend the political potency of the promise of rights, and argue that the bad behaviour of the fight for rights may achieve democracy in the space of one or two generations. The study demonstrates strong grounds for optimism, and constitutes a robust defence of democracy as the result of the collective struggle for individual rights. But the fight for rights is always conflictual and often dangerous, and the outcome is never certain. Successes are partial and reversible, and democratic advance tends to occur piecemeal, and against the odds.Less
Collective action in modern history has come to be defined by people fighting for their rights. This study identifies the main connections made between collective action and individual rights, in theory and history, and sets out to test them in the comparative context of modernising authoritarian regimes in Brazil, Chile, Mexico, and Spain. The study employs new evidence and innovative methods to illuminate the political relationship between social mobilisation and the language of rights, and shows that the fight for rights is fundamental to the achievement of democracy. In large measure it is this fight that will continue to decide the chances of democratic advance in the new millennium. This affirmation offers a direct challenge to the claims of Robert Putnam in Making Democracy Work, where democracy is seen to be the result of good behaviour in the form of the civic community. To the dismay of those peoples still aspiring to make democracy, Putnam's civicness may take centuries to accumulate. This book, in contrast, defend the political potency of the promise of rights, and argue that the bad behaviour of the fight for rights may achieve democracy in the space of one or two generations. The study demonstrates strong grounds for optimism, and constitutes a robust defence of democracy as the result of the collective struggle for individual rights. But the fight for rights is always conflictual and often dangerous, and the outcome is never certain. Successes are partial and reversible, and democratic advance tends to occur piecemeal, and against the odds.
Morton D. Paley
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199262175
- eISBN:
- 9780191698828
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199262175.003.0008
- Subject:
- Literature, 19th-century Literature and Romanticism
This epilogue discusses the discontinuation of the focus of English Romantic poetry on the topics of apocalypse and millennium. Attempts to explore the succession of apocalypse and millennium were ...
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This epilogue discusses the discontinuation of the focus of English Romantic poetry on the topics of apocalypse and millennium. Attempts to explore the succession of apocalypse and millennium were not repeated in later 19th century English poetry. This may be attributed to the possible abatement of the collective anxieties that had led to a wish for reassurance that millennium would follow apocalypse. The apocalyptic theme was then relegated to utopian and dystopian prose narratives.Less
This epilogue discusses the discontinuation of the focus of English Romantic poetry on the topics of apocalypse and millennium. Attempts to explore the succession of apocalypse and millennium were not repeated in later 19th century English poetry. This may be attributed to the possible abatement of the collective anxieties that had led to a wish for reassurance that millennium would follow apocalypse. The apocalyptic theme was then relegated to utopian and dystopian prose narratives.
Wolfgang Streeck
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199573981
- eISBN:
- 9780191702136
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199573981.003.0002
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Political Economy, International Business
This chapter introduces Part I of the book, which contains a comprehensive summary of the main results of up-to-date research brought about by looking at five accounts of sectoral processes, namely: ...
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This chapter introduces Part I of the book, which contains a comprehensive summary of the main results of up-to-date research brought about by looking at five accounts of sectoral processes, namely: collective bargaining, organizations that serve as intermediaries for both capital and labor, social policy, the evolution of governing institutions of the state, and the state of corporate governance and financial markets in Germany before and after unification. The five accounts focus on the institutional structures that affect the outcomes of public policy and the endeavors of attaining collective and individual interests. Structural properties of the institutional settings for the five accounts are discussed. The discussion points out how sectors are experiencing disorganization through decentralization, individualization, ‘segmentalism’, competitive pluralism, and other such processes where market forces replace political decisions.Less
This chapter introduces Part I of the book, which contains a comprehensive summary of the main results of up-to-date research brought about by looking at five accounts of sectoral processes, namely: collective bargaining, organizations that serve as intermediaries for both capital and labor, social policy, the evolution of governing institutions of the state, and the state of corporate governance and financial markets in Germany before and after unification. The five accounts focus on the institutional structures that affect the outcomes of public policy and the endeavors of attaining collective and individual interests. Structural properties of the institutional settings for the five accounts are discussed. The discussion points out how sectors are experiencing disorganization through decentralization, individualization, ‘segmentalism’, competitive pluralism, and other such processes where market forces replace political decisions.
Tracy Isaacs
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199782963
- eISBN:
- 9780199897117
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199782963.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy
Genocide, global warming, organizational negligence, and oppressive social practices are four examples of moral contexts in which the interplay between individuals and collectives complicate how we ...
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Genocide, global warming, organizational negligence, and oppressive social practices are four examples of moral contexts in which the interplay between individuals and collectives complicate how we are to understand moral responsibility. This book is a philosophical investigation of the complex moral landscape we find in collective situations such as these. The book argues that an accurate understanding of moral responsibility in collective contexts requires attention to responsibility at the individual and collective levels. Part One establishes the normative significance of collective responsibility. The book argues that collective responsibility is indispensible to providing a morally adequate account of collective actions such as genocide, and that without it even individual responsibility in genocide would not make sense. It explains the concepts of collective intention and collective intentional action, provides accounts of collective moral responsibility and collective guilt, and defends collective responsibility against objections, including the objection that collective responsibility holds some responsible for the actions of others. Part Two focuses on individual responsibility in collective contexts. The book claims that individuals are not morally responsible for collective actions as such, but they can be responsible in collective actions for the parts they play. It argues that the concept of collective obligation can help to address large scale global challenges such as global warming, environmental degradation, and widespread poverty and malnutrition. Finally, the book discusses cases of widespread ignorance and participation in wrongful social practice, whether it constitutes an excuse, and how to effect social change in those conditions.Less
Genocide, global warming, organizational negligence, and oppressive social practices are four examples of moral contexts in which the interplay between individuals and collectives complicate how we are to understand moral responsibility. This book is a philosophical investigation of the complex moral landscape we find in collective situations such as these. The book argues that an accurate understanding of moral responsibility in collective contexts requires attention to responsibility at the individual and collective levels. Part One establishes the normative significance of collective responsibility. The book argues that collective responsibility is indispensible to providing a morally adequate account of collective actions such as genocide, and that without it even individual responsibility in genocide would not make sense. It explains the concepts of collective intention and collective intentional action, provides accounts of collective moral responsibility and collective guilt, and defends collective responsibility against objections, including the objection that collective responsibility holds some responsible for the actions of others. Part Two focuses on individual responsibility in collective contexts. The book claims that individuals are not morally responsible for collective actions as such, but they can be responsible in collective actions for the parts they play. It argues that the concept of collective obligation can help to address large scale global challenges such as global warming, environmental degradation, and widespread poverty and malnutrition. Finally, the book discusses cases of widespread ignorance and participation in wrongful social practice, whether it constitutes an excuse, and how to effect social change in those conditions.
