Jochen Prantl
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199287680
- eISBN:
- 9780191603723
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199287686.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter analyzes the institutional setting of the United Nations. The underlying assumption is that the Security Council can best be described as a Janus-faced structure of both an open system ...
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This chapter analyzes the institutional setting of the United Nations. The underlying assumption is that the Security Council can best be described as a Janus-faced structure of both an open system and a closed shop. This notion reflects the Council’s sensitivity towards external change, while the restrictive provisions of the Charter constrain the possibilities of formal adaptation. The chapter examines: (1) the role of great powers in international organizations, (2) the role and function of the Security Council according to the Charter of the United Nations, and (3) the ‘constitutional practice’ of the Council, elaborating on certain variants of the collective security scheme as envisioned in the Charter.Less
This chapter analyzes the institutional setting of the United Nations. The underlying assumption is that the Security Council can best be described as a Janus-faced structure of both an open system and a closed shop. This notion reflects the Council’s sensitivity towards external change, while the restrictive provisions of the Charter constrain the possibilities of formal adaptation. The chapter examines: (1) the role of great powers in international organizations, (2) the role and function of the Security Council according to the Charter of the United Nations, and (3) the ‘constitutional practice’ of the Council, elaborating on certain variants of the collective security scheme as envisioned in the Charter.
Derek Drinkwater
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- April 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199273850
- eISBN:
- 9780191602344
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199273855.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Sir Harold Nicolson’s approach to the questions of inter-war European security represented an evolution from an idealist outlook at the Paris Peace Conference in 1919 to a more measured degree of ...
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Sir Harold Nicolson’s approach to the questions of inter-war European security represented an evolution from an idealist outlook at the Paris Peace Conference in 1919 to a more measured degree of idealism during the late 1920s. As the 1930s advanced, and the League of Nations and action based on the principles of collective security proved unable to quell the Japanese, Italian, and German aggression, Nicolson sought to devise new methods of resolving the major questions of peace and war. His solution was liberal realism, a fusion of idealism and realism. It was an amalgam of Aristotelian and Thucydidean principles of statecraft and diplomacy. By the late 1930s, with Germany rejecting reasonable revisions of the Treaty of Versailles, he began to believe that war could only be avoided if the democracies and the USSR initiated a cohesive strategy of alliance diplomacy while pursuing dialogue with the dictators. The Munich Agreement of 1938 and the steady unravelling of Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain’s policy of appeasement finally convinced Nicolson that war was inevitable.Less
Sir Harold Nicolson’s approach to the questions of inter-war European security represented an evolution from an idealist outlook at the Paris Peace Conference in 1919 to a more measured degree of idealism during the late 1920s. As the 1930s advanced, and the League of Nations and action based on the principles of collective security proved unable to quell the Japanese, Italian, and German aggression, Nicolson sought to devise new methods of resolving the major questions of peace and war. His solution was liberal realism, a fusion of idealism and realism. It was an amalgam of Aristotelian and Thucydidean principles of statecraft and diplomacy. By the late 1930s, with Germany rejecting reasonable revisions of the Treaty of Versailles, he began to believe that war could only be avoided if the democracies and the USSR initiated a cohesive strategy of alliance diplomacy while pursuing dialogue with the dictators. The Munich Agreement of 1938 and the steady unravelling of Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain’s policy of appeasement finally convinced Nicolson that war was inevitable.
Martin Ceadel
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199571161
- eISBN:
- 9780191721762
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199571161.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory, International Relations and Politics
This chapter traces Angell's development into a largely orthodox liberal internationalist, as he belatedly realized that his ‘illusion’ thesis had assumed that aggressors could be reasoned into ...
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This chapter traces Angell's development into a largely orthodox liberal internationalist, as he belatedly realized that his ‘illusion’ thesis had assumed that aggressors could be reasoned into self-restraint, whereas he now understood that at least in the short term they had either to be appeased or to be deterred. Rejecting the former option, he opted decisively for the latter, campaigning vigorously for collective security and becoming both a leader alongside Viscount Cecil and Gilbert Murray of the League of Nations Union and a member of Winston Churchill's private support group. Admittedly, during 1932–5 Angell somewhat pulled his punches, implying that economic sanctions alone could prevent or punish aggression. After 1936, when Hitler remilitarized the Rhineland, Mussolini conquered Abyssinia, and Franco rebelled in Spain, he accepted that collective security required rearmament and military alliances, though idiosyncratically he claimed to support such measures only because the public would not accept his first-choice policy of pacifism. The strain caused by this unresolved contradiction in his thinking caused his health, never good, to deteriorate as war approached.Less
This chapter traces Angell's development into a largely orthodox liberal internationalist, as he belatedly realized that his ‘illusion’ thesis had assumed that aggressors could be reasoned into self-restraint, whereas he now understood that at least in the short term they had either to be appeased or to be deterred. Rejecting the former option, he opted decisively for the latter, campaigning vigorously for collective security and becoming both a leader alongside Viscount Cecil and Gilbert Murray of the League of Nations Union and a member of Winston Churchill's private support group. Admittedly, during 1932–5 Angell somewhat pulled his punches, implying that economic sanctions alone could prevent or punish aggression. After 1936, when Hitler remilitarized the Rhineland, Mussolini conquered Abyssinia, and Franco rebelled in Spain, he accepted that collective security required rearmament and military alliances, though idiosyncratically he claimed to support such measures only because the public would not accept his first-choice policy of pacifism. The strain caused by this unresolved contradiction in his thinking caused his health, never good, to deteriorate as war approached.
Ian Clark
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199297009
- eISBN:
- 9780191711428
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199297009.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This is the exceptional case in that the proposal to include a racial equality clause in the League Covenant was rejected. On the other hand, this is another case where the norm was supported by a ...
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This is the exceptional case in that the proposal to include a racial equality clause in the League Covenant was rejected. On the other hand, this is another case where the norm was supported by a leading state (Japan), in conjunction with a wider world society movement. The drafting history casts doubts on Japanese motives for pressing the proposal, but the failure reflects the relative weakness of Japan as a normative sponsor. While opposition to the clause certainly came from Britain, in response to pressure from parts of the empire, President Wilson's own position was ambiguous, and he certainly was not prepared to risk the Treaty of Versailles (and the League Covenant) to include it. There was a widespread pressure to hold a Pan-African Congress at Paris to coincide with the settlement. However, the Japanese delegate Baron Makino expressed a number of interesting normative arguments in support of the clause, appealing to the blurring of the distinction between international and world society brought about by the principle of collective security.Less
This is the exceptional case in that the proposal to include a racial equality clause in the League Covenant was rejected. On the other hand, this is another case where the norm was supported by a leading state (Japan), in conjunction with a wider world society movement. The drafting history casts doubts on Japanese motives for pressing the proposal, but the failure reflects the relative weakness of Japan as a normative sponsor. While opposition to the clause certainly came from Britain, in response to pressure from parts of the empire, President Wilson's own position was ambiguous, and he certainly was not prepared to risk the Treaty of Versailles (and the League Covenant) to include it. There was a widespread pressure to hold a Pan-African Congress at Paris to coincide with the settlement. However, the Japanese delegate Baron Makino expressed a number of interesting normative arguments in support of the clause, appealing to the blurring of the distinction between international and world society brought about by the principle of collective security.
Derek Drinkwater
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- April 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199273850
- eISBN:
- 9780191602344
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199273855.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Sir Harold Nicolson’s conception of international order, with its roots in ancient Greek and Roman political theory, was central to his ideas about international society. It encompassed the principal ...
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Sir Harold Nicolson’s conception of international order, with its roots in ancient Greek and Roman political theory, was central to his ideas about international society. It encompassed the principal elements of foreign policy, the operation of the balance of power, and the role of international law in world affairs. More particularly, he focused on the effectiveness of collective security and the League of Nations during the inter-war period when Great Britain was moving from a period of imperium over her former colonies to one of dominion over emergent Commonwealth nation-states. He was by turns optimistic and pessimistic about the UN as an instrument for securing and maintaining international order. Nicolson’s experience as a diplomat also led him to attach great importance to national character and prestige as factors in foreign relations and diplomatic negotiation; they are rarely absent from his analyses of international affairs.Less
Sir Harold Nicolson’s conception of international order, with its roots in ancient Greek and Roman political theory, was central to his ideas about international society. It encompassed the principal elements of foreign policy, the operation of the balance of power, and the role of international law in world affairs. More particularly, he focused on the effectiveness of collective security and the League of Nations during the inter-war period when Great Britain was moving from a period of imperium over her former colonies to one of dominion over emergent Commonwealth nation-states. He was by turns optimistic and pessimistic about the UN as an instrument for securing and maintaining international order. Nicolson’s experience as a diplomat also led him to attach great importance to national character and prestige as factors in foreign relations and diplomatic negotiation; they are rarely absent from his analyses of international affairs.
Andrew Hurrell
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199233106
- eISBN:
- 9780191716287
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199233106.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This book provides an introduction to the analysis of global political order — how patterns of governance and institutionalization in world politics have already changed; what the most important ...
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This book provides an introduction to the analysis of global political order — how patterns of governance and institutionalization in world politics have already changed; what the most important challenges are; and what the way forward might look like. The first section develops three analytical frameworks: a world of sovereign states capable of only limited cooperation; a world of ever-denser international institutions embodying the idea of an international community; and a world in which global governance moves beyond the state and into the realms of markets, civil society, and networks. Part II examines five of the most important issues facing contemporary international society: nationalism and the politics of identity; human rights and democracy; war, violence, and collective security; the ecological challenge; and the management of economic globalization in a highly unequal world. Part III considers the idea of an emerging multi-regional system; and the picture of global order built around US empire. The conclusion looks at the normative implications. If international society has indeed been changing in the ways discussed in this book, what ought we to do? And, still more crucially, who is the ‘we’ that is to be at the centre of this drive to create a morally better world? This book is concerned with the fate of international society in an era of globalization and the ability of the inherited society of sovereign states to provide a practically viable and normatively acceptable framework for global political order. It lays particular emphasis on the different forms of global inequality and the problems of legitimacy that these create, and on the challenges posed by cultural diversity and value conflict.Less
This book provides an introduction to the analysis of global political order — how patterns of governance and institutionalization in world politics have already changed; what the most important challenges are; and what the way forward might look like. The first section develops three analytical frameworks: a world of sovereign states capable of only limited cooperation; a world of ever-denser international institutions embodying the idea of an international community; and a world in which global governance moves beyond the state and into the realms of markets, civil society, and networks. Part II examines five of the most important issues facing contemporary international society: nationalism and the politics of identity; human rights and democracy; war, violence, and collective security; the ecological challenge; and the management of economic globalization in a highly unequal world. Part III considers the idea of an emerging multi-regional system; and the picture of global order built around US empire. The conclusion looks at the normative implications. If international society has indeed been changing in the ways discussed in this book, what ought we to do? And, still more crucially, who is the ‘we’ that is to be at the centre of this drive to create a morally better world? This book is concerned with the fate of international society in an era of globalization and the ability of the inherited society of sovereign states to provide a practically viable and normatively acceptable framework for global political order. It lays particular emphasis on the different forms of global inequality and the problems of legitimacy that these create, and on the challenges posed by cultural diversity and value conflict.
Alexander Orakhelashvili
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199579846
- eISBN:
- 9780191725302
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199579846.003.0002
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law, Human Rights and Immigration
The validity and feasibility of the concept of collective security has for a long time been subjected to a debate and challenges on various grounds. The principal objections related to the alleged ...
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The validity and feasibility of the concept of collective security has for a long time been subjected to a debate and challenges on various grounds. The principal objections related to the alleged incompatibility of collective security with selfish national interests of states, and to the lack of its feasibility in an international society that has no central government. After examining and evaluating these objections, Chapter 1 locates collective security as a superstructure to the existing international legal and political system, not as an alternative thereto. After this, the relationship of the concept of collective security with related notions such as conflict prevention, crisis management, early warning, and conflict resolution is examined. Last but not least, this chapter focuses on the relationship between legal and political factors as to how the notion of ‘international peace and security’ under the UN Charter should be understood.Less
The validity and feasibility of the concept of collective security has for a long time been subjected to a debate and challenges on various grounds. The principal objections related to the alleged incompatibility of collective security with selfish national interests of states, and to the lack of its feasibility in an international society that has no central government. After examining and evaluating these objections, Chapter 1 locates collective security as a superstructure to the existing international legal and political system, not as an alternative thereto. After this, the relationship of the concept of collective security with related notions such as conflict prevention, crisis management, early warning, and conflict resolution is examined. Last but not least, this chapter focuses on the relationship between legal and political factors as to how the notion of ‘international peace and security’ under the UN Charter should be understood.
Matthias Maass
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780719082733
- eISBN:
- 9781526132406
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719082733.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
How did the small state fare in the 20th century? As it turns out, small states did remarkably well. Surprisingly enough, during the height of the Cold War small state proliferation doubled their ...
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How did the small state fare in the 20th century? As it turns out, small states did remarkably well. Surprisingly enough, during the height of the Cold War small state proliferation doubled their total number.
The 20th century’s international-political environment became highly permissive of small state survival and in fact strongly supportive of small state proliferation. As a result, the 20th century witnessed the reversal of the centuries-old downward trend in small state numbers.
The early 20th century saw the introduction of collective action and security and the beginnings of global governance. After the Second World War, the system evolved further towards global governance but was challenged by the end of the Cold War and rise of global terrorism. The chapter demonstrates how these changes were critical factors in shaping a corresponding story of small state survival. The highly permissive environment of the Cold War and its era of decolonization are given particular attention.Less
How did the small state fare in the 20th century? As it turns out, small states did remarkably well. Surprisingly enough, during the height of the Cold War small state proliferation doubled their total number.
The 20th century’s international-political environment became highly permissive of small state survival and in fact strongly supportive of small state proliferation. As a result, the 20th century witnessed the reversal of the centuries-old downward trend in small state numbers.
The early 20th century saw the introduction of collective action and security and the beginnings of global governance. After the Second World War, the system evolved further towards global governance but was challenged by the end of the Cold War and rise of global terrorism. The chapter demonstrates how these changes were critical factors in shaping a corresponding story of small state survival. The highly permissive environment of the Cold War and its era of decolonization are given particular attention.
Martin Ceadel
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199571161
- eISBN:
- 9780191721762
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199571161.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory, International Relations and Politics
Sir Norman Angell, pioneer both of international relations as a distinct discipline and of the theory of globalization, winner of the Nobel Peace Prize, and one of the 20th century's leading ...
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Sir Norman Angell, pioneer both of international relations as a distinct discipline and of the theory of globalization, winner of the Nobel Peace Prize, and one of the 20th century's leading internationalist campaigners on both sides of the Atlantic, lived the great illusion in three senses. First, his ‘life job’, as he came to call it, was founded upon and defined by The Great Illusion, a best-seller whose original version appeared in 1909: it perceptively showed how economic interdependence would prevent great powers profiting from war; yet it made other, less felicitous, claims from whose implications he spent decades trying to extricate himself. Second, his magnum opus and all his best work derived, to an extent unusual for a public intellectual, not from abstract thinking but from an eventful and varied life as a jobbing journalist in four countries, a cowboy, land-speculator, and gold-prospector in California, production manager of the continental edition of the Daily Mail, author, lecturer, pig farmer, Labour MP, entrepreneur, and campaigner for collective security. Third, he fostered many an enduring illusion about himself by at various times giving wrongly his age, name, nationality, marital status, key career dates, and core beliefs. By dint of careful detective work, this first biography of Angell reveals the truth about a remarkable life that has hitherto been much misrepresented and misinterpreted.Less
Sir Norman Angell, pioneer both of international relations as a distinct discipline and of the theory of globalization, winner of the Nobel Peace Prize, and one of the 20th century's leading internationalist campaigners on both sides of the Atlantic, lived the great illusion in three senses. First, his ‘life job’, as he came to call it, was founded upon and defined by The Great Illusion, a best-seller whose original version appeared in 1909: it perceptively showed how economic interdependence would prevent great powers profiting from war; yet it made other, less felicitous, claims from whose implications he spent decades trying to extricate himself. Second, his magnum opus and all his best work derived, to an extent unusual for a public intellectual, not from abstract thinking but from an eventful and varied life as a jobbing journalist in four countries, a cowboy, land-speculator, and gold-prospector in California, production manager of the continental edition of the Daily Mail, author, lecturer, pig farmer, Labour MP, entrepreneur, and campaigner for collective security. Third, he fostered many an enduring illusion about himself by at various times giving wrongly his age, name, nationality, marital status, key career dates, and core beliefs. By dint of careful detective work, this first biography of Angell reveals the truth about a remarkable life that has hitherto been much misrepresented and misinterpreted.
Alexander Orakhelashvili
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199579846
- eISBN:
- 9780191725302
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199579846.003.0007
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law, Human Rights and Immigration
This chapter examines the inherent right of states to self-defence under Article 51 of the UN Charter as part of the collective security process and one of its valid causes of action. After examining ...
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This chapter examines the inherent right of states to self-defence under Article 51 of the UN Charter as part of the collective security process and one of its valid causes of action. After examining the parameters of individual state self-defence, such as the ‘armed attack’ requirement under Article 51, Chapter 6 proceeds to examine the parameters of the Security Council's interference with a defensive action and limits thereon. After this the parameters of collective self-defence are examined, both under the UN Charter and as part of regional security systems, focusing on constituent instruments and practice of the Arab League, OAS, ECOWAS, SADC, EU, and NATO.Less
This chapter examines the inherent right of states to self-defence under Article 51 of the UN Charter as part of the collective security process and one of its valid causes of action. After examining the parameters of individual state self-defence, such as the ‘armed attack’ requirement under Article 51, Chapter 6 proceeds to examine the parameters of the Security Council's interference with a defensive action and limits thereon. After this the parameters of collective self-defence are examined, both under the UN Charter and as part of regional security systems, focusing on constituent instruments and practice of the Arab League, OAS, ECOWAS, SADC, EU, and NATO.
Norrie Macqueen
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748636969
- eISBN:
- 9780748672035
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748636969.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The origins of collective humanitarian intervention long pre-date the end of the Cold War. There are continuing arguments about not just what constitutes humanitarianism, but also the nature of ...
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The origins of collective humanitarian intervention long pre-date the end of the Cold War. There are continuing arguments about not just what constitutes humanitarianism, but also the nature of ‘intervention’. The United Nations is empowered by its charter to apply economic and diplomatic pressures as a form of humanitarian intervention. The diplomatic isolation of errant states and the application of economic sanctions against them have long been weapons in the UN's non-military armoury. This chapter examines the beginnings of human intervention in Europe, from Westphalia to the new imperialism. It discusses the rise of the League of Nations, the beginnings of the UN, the role of the UN in the development of humanitarian law and practice as well as human rights, the failure of collective security and the rise of peacekeeping, and UN military intervention from the 1950s to the 1980s. It also explores the beginnings of humanitarian intervention in the Congo as well as the UN's alleged ‘anti-humanitarian intervention’ in West New Guinea.Less
The origins of collective humanitarian intervention long pre-date the end of the Cold War. There are continuing arguments about not just what constitutes humanitarianism, but also the nature of ‘intervention’. The United Nations is empowered by its charter to apply economic and diplomatic pressures as a form of humanitarian intervention. The diplomatic isolation of errant states and the application of economic sanctions against them have long been weapons in the UN's non-military armoury. This chapter examines the beginnings of human intervention in Europe, from Westphalia to the new imperialism. It discusses the rise of the League of Nations, the beginnings of the UN, the role of the UN in the development of humanitarian law and practice as well as human rights, the failure of collective security and the rise of peacekeeping, and UN military intervention from the 1950s to the 1980s. It also explores the beginnings of humanitarian intervention in the Congo as well as the UN's alleged ‘anti-humanitarian intervention’ in West New Guinea.
Danesh Sarooshi
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199246601
- eISBN:
- 9780191697616
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199246601.003.0027
- Subject:
- Law, Philosophy of Law
The attainment of peace between nations is a long-cherished ideal. The Baha'i Scriptures contain much guidance on the principles that humanity must implement to reach and maintain a lasting peace. ...
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The attainment of peace between nations is a long-cherished ideal. The Baha'i Scriptures contain much guidance on the principles that humanity must implement to reach and maintain a lasting peace. Important among these is the concept of collective security. Today, this concept of collective security is an important part of international law's approach to imposing legal limitations on the use of force by sovereign states against one another. This chapter focuses on the concept of collective security. It examines what it means, provides a brief description of how it currently operates under the auspices of the United Nations, and discusses some of the proposals for reform that may be suggested by Baha'i Scripture.Less
The attainment of peace between nations is a long-cherished ideal. The Baha'i Scriptures contain much guidance on the principles that humanity must implement to reach and maintain a lasting peace. Important among these is the concept of collective security. Today, this concept of collective security is an important part of international law's approach to imposing legal limitations on the use of force by sovereign states against one another. This chapter focuses on the concept of collective security. It examines what it means, provides a brief description of how it currently operates under the auspices of the United Nations, and discusses some of the proposals for reform that may be suggested by Baha'i Scripture.
Alexander Cooley
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199929825
- eISBN:
- 9780199950485
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199929825.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Chapter 4 examines the strategic evolution and dilemmas of Russia, the region's former imperial power and continued privileged partner. The chapter analyzes Moscow's broad range of levers of ...
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Chapter 4 examines the strategic evolution and dilemmas of Russia, the region's former imperial power and continued privileged partner. The chapter analyzes Moscow's broad range of levers of influence, and traces its efforts to lock in its dominance by creating new regional organizations such as the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) and the Eurasian Economic Community (EurAsEC). At the same time, Moscow's regional policies and tactics have remained unstable and reactive, subject to Russia's self-image as a great power and its prevailing relations with the United States and China. An initial period of close U.S.-Russian cooperation immediately following 9/11 soon after deteriorated into a more competitive dynamic, fueled by the Western-backed Color Revolutions and Russian perceptions that U.S. military bases were becoming permanent. Despite its numerous instruments of influence, Moscow still must confront the political challenges of the region's intraregional tensions, the desire of states to pursue multidirectional foreign policies, and a rising China.Less
Chapter 4 examines the strategic evolution and dilemmas of Russia, the region's former imperial power and continued privileged partner. The chapter analyzes Moscow's broad range of levers of influence, and traces its efforts to lock in its dominance by creating new regional organizations such as the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) and the Eurasian Economic Community (EurAsEC). At the same time, Moscow's regional policies and tactics have remained unstable and reactive, subject to Russia's self-image as a great power and its prevailing relations with the United States and China. An initial period of close U.S.-Russian cooperation immediately following 9/11 soon after deteriorated into a more competitive dynamic, fueled by the Western-backed Color Revolutions and Russian perceptions that U.S. military bases were becoming permanent. Despite its numerous instruments of influence, Moscow still must confront the political challenges of the region's intraregional tensions, the desire of states to pursue multidirectional foreign policies, and a rising China.
Robert G. Kaufman
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813124346
- eISBN:
- 9780813134987
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813124346.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Multilateral liberalists are another group critical of President Bush's foreign policy. They contend that liberal democratic institutions play a primary role in mitigating rivalry and fostering ...
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Multilateral liberalists are another group critical of President Bush's foreign policy. They contend that liberal democratic institutions play a primary role in mitigating rivalry and fostering legitimacy, and that the unilateral use of force abroad, even for humanitarian concerns, must be kept to a minimum. Like realists, multilateral liberalists differ in their views on a number of issues but, unlike realists, they tend to overestimate the influence of soft power, the effectiveness of international institutions and the likelihood of stable, liberal democracies generating a consensus on the need to undertake strong, effective action against major threats. While the US should never ignore the views of other nations, alliances, and international organizations such as the UN and NATO, it is not in the country's interest to make unanimity among them a categorical imperative in its decision to use force and in crafting foreign policy.Less
Multilateral liberalists are another group critical of President Bush's foreign policy. They contend that liberal democratic institutions play a primary role in mitigating rivalry and fostering legitimacy, and that the unilateral use of force abroad, even for humanitarian concerns, must be kept to a minimum. Like realists, multilateral liberalists differ in their views on a number of issues but, unlike realists, they tend to overestimate the influence of soft power, the effectiveness of international institutions and the likelihood of stable, liberal democracies generating a consensus on the need to undertake strong, effective action against major threats. While the US should never ignore the views of other nations, alliances, and international organizations such as the UN and NATO, it is not in the country's interest to make unanimity among them a categorical imperative in its decision to use force and in crafting foreign policy.
Allison Roy
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199590636
- eISBN:
- 9780191756214
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199590636.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter investigates the regional dimension of the normative interplay between Russia, other CIS states, and major Western states. It assesses how far and with what success Russia has promoted ...
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This chapter investigates the regional dimension of the normative interplay between Russia, other CIS states, and major Western states. It assesses how far and with what success Russia has promoted norms for the CIS regional order related to the use of force and interventions. Initially it shows how Russia sought to assert primacy in the CIS region in the 1990s, to confirm a hierarchical structure of power and act as the regional security manager. This was reflected in Russian-style peacekeeping in regional conflicts, which struggled to establish its legitimacy through principles of CIS multilateralism. The chapter proceeds to show how Moscow regarded the 2003–5 ‘coloured revolutions’ as Western-inspired and as representing both normative and strategic challenges. Finally, the chapter analyses the Collective Security Treaty Organization since 2003. Russia has used this as a political instrument to bolster the regime security of CIS states. However, the CSTO might also be used to intervene in future intra-state crises in this region.Less
This chapter investigates the regional dimension of the normative interplay between Russia, other CIS states, and major Western states. It assesses how far and with what success Russia has promoted norms for the CIS regional order related to the use of force and interventions. Initially it shows how Russia sought to assert primacy in the CIS region in the 1990s, to confirm a hierarchical structure of power and act as the regional security manager. This was reflected in Russian-style peacekeeping in regional conflicts, which struggled to establish its legitimacy through principles of CIS multilateralism. The chapter proceeds to show how Moscow regarded the 2003–5 ‘coloured revolutions’ as Western-inspired and as representing both normative and strategic challenges. Finally, the chapter analyses the Collective Security Treaty Organization since 2003. Russia has used this as a political instrument to bolster the regime security of CIS states. However, the CSTO might also be used to intervene in future intra-state crises in this region.
Jeremi Suri
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199666430
- eISBN:
- 9780191745607
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199666430.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Despite the many misguided programs promoted by the United States, American foreign policy during the Cold War contributed to the spread of four basic ideas that, on the whole, enhanced global peace ...
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Despite the many misguided programs promoted by the United States, American foreign policy during the Cold War contributed to the spread of four basic ideas that, on the whole, enhanced global peace and prosperity. These ideas were collective security, free trade, solvency, and democracy. These ideas were not unique to the United States or the post-1945 years. They were empowered internationally, however, by an American government with global capabilities and commitments that knew few previous historical parallels. Presidents as diverse as Richard Nixon, Jimmy Carter, and George H.W. Bush returned repeatedly to these ideas. Policy planners relied on them, and the “lessons” from their applications in the early Cold War. The ideas that shaped the years after 1945 acquired a staying power that they still have not lost. The Cold War was an ideological struggle with strong ideological legacies that are both positive and negative.Less
Despite the many misguided programs promoted by the United States, American foreign policy during the Cold War contributed to the spread of four basic ideas that, on the whole, enhanced global peace and prosperity. These ideas were collective security, free trade, solvency, and democracy. These ideas were not unique to the United States or the post-1945 years. They were empowered internationally, however, by an American government with global capabilities and commitments that knew few previous historical parallels. Presidents as diverse as Richard Nixon, Jimmy Carter, and George H.W. Bush returned repeatedly to these ideas. Policy planners relied on them, and the “lessons” from their applications in the early Cold War. The ideas that shaped the years after 1945 acquired a staying power that they still have not lost. The Cold War was an ideological struggle with strong ideological legacies that are both positive and negative.
Thomas M. Franck
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198267850
- eISBN:
- 9780191683398
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198267850.003.0007
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law
The United Nations Security Council has potentially far-reaching enforcement powers. These were largely underused in the stasis of the Cold War. Now, however, the Council meets almost continuously in ...
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The United Nations Security Council has potentially far-reaching enforcement powers. These were largely underused in the stasis of the Cold War. Now, however, the Council meets almost continuously in formal or informal session. To assert the legitimacy of its actions and to pull members towards compliance with its decisions, the Council must be seen to be acting in accordance with established procedures and limitations. The ‘Greenwich foot’ by which the actions taken by the Security Council in the name of ‘collective security’ are judged is Article 2(7) of the UN Charter. Collective security is a potent new instrument of international conflict resolution, added in the twentieth century to augment the more traditional tools of war, diplomacy, and litigation. Its textual authorisation is found in Chapter VII of the UN Charter, which envisages an institutional response by the UN Security Council to a threat to or a breach of the peace.Less
The United Nations Security Council has potentially far-reaching enforcement powers. These were largely underused in the stasis of the Cold War. Now, however, the Council meets almost continuously in formal or informal session. To assert the legitimacy of its actions and to pull members towards compliance with its decisions, the Council must be seen to be acting in accordance with established procedures and limitations. The ‘Greenwich foot’ by which the actions taken by the Security Council in the name of ‘collective security’ are judged is Article 2(7) of the UN Charter. Collective security is a potent new instrument of international conflict resolution, added in the twentieth century to augment the more traditional tools of war, diplomacy, and litigation. Its textual authorisation is found in Chapter VII of the UN Charter, which envisages an institutional response by the UN Security Council to a threat to or a breach of the peace.
Pål Wrange
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- April 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780198722731
- eISBN:
- 9780191789496
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198722731.003.0005
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law, Human Rights and Immigration
The collective security system of the UN Charter has, since its inception, been fraught with political and practical problems. Such problems can all be associated with conceptual contradictions and ...
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The collective security system of the UN Charter has, since its inception, been fraught with political and practical problems. Such problems can all be associated with conceptual contradictions and it is very difficult to imagine a truly effective collective security system. These conceptual difficulties do not necessarily mean that collective security to maintain international peace and security is not possible, but they do mean that both the architecture of the system and its application in concrete cases will suffer from tragic dilemmas, in which any solution will entail costs. This chapter contains a critical analysis of conceptual problems related to collective security, with the focus on three basic issues: 1. Protection against which acts—war, physical violence, structural violence or something else? 2. Protection against which sources—threats from states, from groups, from individuals, etc.? 3. What is the object of protection—the state, societies, groups, or individuals?Less
The collective security system of the UN Charter has, since its inception, been fraught with political and practical problems. Such problems can all be associated with conceptual contradictions and it is very difficult to imagine a truly effective collective security system. These conceptual difficulties do not necessarily mean that collective security to maintain international peace and security is not possible, but they do mean that both the architecture of the system and its application in concrete cases will suffer from tragic dilemmas, in which any solution will entail costs. This chapter contains a critical analysis of conceptual problems related to collective security, with the focus on three basic issues: 1. Protection against which acts—war, physical violence, structural violence or something else? 2. Protection against which sources—threats from states, from groups, from individuals, etc.? 3. What is the object of protection—the state, societies, groups, or individuals?
Haidi Willmot
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- June 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780198729266
- eISBN:
- 9780191796180
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198729266.003.0006
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law, Human Rights and Immigration
The chapter examines changes in three key aspects of the collective security system: (a) the mechanism for determining aggression and deciding response measures; (b) the determination of threats to ...
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The chapter examines changes in three key aspects of the collective security system: (a) the mechanism for determining aggression and deciding response measures; (b) the determination of threats to the peace; and (c) the measures used to address such threats. It finds that the system recognizes the legitimacy of civilians as a group to be protected irrespective of their polity, but at the same time remains committed to States as the primary security actors, and therefore seeks to execute protection within that paradigm. In doing so, the system creates two distinct but closely linked communities—a society of individuals and a society of States—both of which civilians are simultaneously members, and that, it is argued, represents a trajectory toward a cosmopolitan idea of the ordering of global society.Less
The chapter examines changes in three key aspects of the collective security system: (a) the mechanism for determining aggression and deciding response measures; (b) the determination of threats to the peace; and (c) the measures used to address such threats. It finds that the system recognizes the legitimacy of civilians as a group to be protected irrespective of their polity, but at the same time remains committed to States as the primary security actors, and therefore seeks to execute protection within that paradigm. In doing so, the system creates two distinct but closely linked communities—a society of individuals and a society of States—both of which civilians are simultaneously members, and that, it is argued, represents a trajectory toward a cosmopolitan idea of the ordering of global society.
Azar Gat
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198207153
- eISBN:
- 9780191677519
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207153.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, Military History, History of Ideas
The First World War was a landmark in Western consciousness, yet its significance in the several nations involved differed greatly. In the mid-1920s a formal and vague consensus in favour of ...
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The First World War was a landmark in Western consciousness, yet its significance in the several nations involved differed greatly. In the mid-1920s a formal and vague consensus in favour of international reconciliation was formed however it proved to be too fragile and short-lived. With the downfall of the international economic system, the international reconciliation was faced with the difficulties brought about by the differences of interests within countries and the differing stand and acceptance of the Locarno Treaty. Rather than generating new fundamentals, the war accentuated the long-standing differences between national attitudes causing them to move in different directions, mentally and geographically. This chapter is primarily concerned with the westernmost parts of the Western World. This chapter discusses the emergence of new and liberal attitudes against war. While pacifism became stronger and vocal compared to earlier times, it remained a marginal phenomenon which was later sought to be replaced by cooperation and collective security. This chapter also discusses Liddell Hart's biography and his growing distance and change of attitude to the precepts of war.Less
The First World War was a landmark in Western consciousness, yet its significance in the several nations involved differed greatly. In the mid-1920s a formal and vague consensus in favour of international reconciliation was formed however it proved to be too fragile and short-lived. With the downfall of the international economic system, the international reconciliation was faced with the difficulties brought about by the differences of interests within countries and the differing stand and acceptance of the Locarno Treaty. Rather than generating new fundamentals, the war accentuated the long-standing differences between national attitudes causing them to move in different directions, mentally and geographically. This chapter is primarily concerned with the westernmost parts of the Western World. This chapter discusses the emergence of new and liberal attitudes against war. While pacifism became stronger and vocal compared to earlier times, it remained a marginal phenomenon which was later sought to be replaced by cooperation and collective security. This chapter also discusses Liddell Hart's biography and his growing distance and change of attitude to the precepts of war.
