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This chapter describes how, in the wake of the Leningrad Affair, Stalin kept up pressures on individual members of the group by engaging in periodic attacks. It also describes the further rationalization of the Council of Ministers with the establishment of a new military-industrial bureau. It describes the emergence of the rough outlines of “collective leadership” within the council's Presidium Bureau.

Leadership in health care networks is discussed in this chapter. Particular patterns in effective network leadership, involving leaders, and context are identified. Effective network leadership involved small mixed leadership teams, containing clinical-managerial ‘hybrids’ able to engage with the diverse constituencies within their networks. Effective network leaders identified with evidence-based guidance and were passionate about using it to improve services as a form of ‘evidence-based identity work’. They had personal and professional credibility and the social/emotional intelligence to both persuade and coerce others to change. Finally, effective network leaders played active roles in framing and socially constructing their local contexts in terms of wider evidence-based government health policy and targets. This pattern of network leadership as the (re) framing of context in terms of governmentality is also conceptualized.

This chapter argues that, in the first ten years after Stalin's death, the temptation to address the Soviet Union's challenges through personalistic rather than institutional means represented the single greatest impediment to the restoration of the party's authority. Under the populist leadership of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union's (CPSU) first secretary, Nikita Khrushchev, the party's centrality to the USSR's future was rhetorically returned to the forefront of the regime's proclamations. Yet it was all too frequently trumped in deed by the “great man” principle. The same dictatorial proclivity was present throughout the communist world, especially in the People's Democracies of Eastern Europe. In the wake of their mentor's passing, “little Stalins,” like Walter Ulbricht in East Germany, Bolesław Bierut in Poland, and Mátyás Rákosi in Hungary, were acutely aware of their vulnerability. Accordingly, although they paid tribute to the concept of collective leadership, they simultaneously subverted it.

This chapter introduces Saddam Husayn. The chapter looks specifically at the regime and reign of the Iraqi leader. Husayn was dubbed as a “form of government” in himself. In other words he was the regime. His methods, ideas, ways, rules, and protocol are tackled in this chapter. Also described are the qualities that a leader must have and the steps Husayn took to project an ideal image of a single leader as opposed to a collective leadership.

Chapter 5 analyzes the MST’s attempt to transform public schools in the state of Pernambuco, beginning in the late 1990s after the movement already developed a national pedagogical proposal. This chapter argues that regime type is not as important in the context of states with low levels of capacity for implementing policy goals. In the first case of Santa Maria da Boa Vista, the MST’s increasing capacity for educational governance convinced multiple clientelistic regimes that it was worthwhile to collaborate with the movement. In addition, activists’ ability to garner the consent of municipal public school teachers pushed forward the movement’s educational program. The second case of Água Preta shows that the MST’s own movement infrastructure is a major factor that determines social movement outcomes. In this case, while the same political opportunities are open in Água Preta as in Santa Maria da Boa Vista, the internal divides within the settlements in Água Preta prevent local leadership development and thus hamstring activists’ ability to participate in the public schools.

This chapter addresses the ‘wicked problems’ in health and social care, against historical policy failures in the care of older people. The cases contrast Regional, a large network, spanning public, voluntary, and private sector organizations with Metropolitan, a smaller network, across the public and private sectors. Despite efforts towards inclusivity, Regional network makes slow progress in the formulation of strategy and precise targets. It fails to develop a collective leadership and local authority leaders struggle to influence health care professionals and cross-sectoral partners. Metropolitan makes better progress, working within a tighter group of mainly health care professionals, to achieve specific targets. But it fails to develop external links and secure resources for its work. The cases illustrate that a high degree of inter-sectoral complexity creates specific demands to manage both organizational and knowledge boundaries through collaborative practice.

Khrushchev was overthrown by his associates in the Politburo in October 1964. The new collective leadership proceeded to institutionalize a regime I call “Bureaucratic Leninism.” This is a top-down vision of the centralized communist party “scientifically managing” society, and doing so through the cadres of the party and the state. “Trust in cadres” became the phrase that signaled a willingness to govern through the party, not over it.