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This chapter argues that clitic left dislocation and clitic right dislocation are the outcome of a movement rule while hanging topics are initially merged outside the clause proper. The trigger of movement cannot be a feature in the probe but a feature in the moving item, as shown by sub-extraction. Recent analyses of clitic right dislocation are critiqued and the claim that it is located in the mid-field maintained. Finally, it is argued that Romance pronominal clitics are verbal affixes and evidence is presented against the BigDP hypothesis.

This chapter argues that the antecedent-pronoun relation must involve a movement relation, in a way partially similar to that stated in a recent work by John O'Neil and Norbert Hornstein. Taking this position to the extreme leads to the conclusion that accidental coreference in the sense explained by Howard Lasnik has a much narrower part to play in universal grammar (UG) than has been thought. The movement approach pursued here eliminates Condition C as a primitive component of UG and has Condition B being more fundamental than is often assumed. By adopting the derivational perspective of Chomsky's work, the idea that binding should be rethought in movement terms even more generally, including what is regarded as Condition C effects, is discussed.

This chapter argues that there are three positions relevant for the interpretation of objects. Objects in Spec,v are interpreted as [+a]. Objects in Spec,V (or the higher spec position within the phase) can be interpreted as specific/referential or generic. Finally, objects in situ can only be interpreted as non-specific/non-referential. The optionality of specific readings contrasts with the obligatoriness of the [+a] feature and reinforces the hypothesis that only the edge of a phase is a locus for interpretation rules.

This chapter presents a derivational account of agreement in the Kichean Agent-Focus (AF) construction, and of absolutive agreement in Kichean more generally. The account is based on the notion of relativized probing (see also Bejar & Rezac 2003, 2009, Nevins 2007), and builds on Bejar & Rezac's (2003) account of the Person Case Constraint (PCC), also known as the *Me-Lui Constraint. The chapter begins with an exposition of the PCC and Bejar & Rezac's account of it. It proceeds to discuss the mechanism of relativized probing, and to show how it can account for omnivorous agreement in the Kichean AF construction. The author argues furthermore that the differences between phi-feature agreement in Kichean and in other languages favor a geometric view of phi-features (Harley & Ritter 2002, McGinnis 2005). Next, the author shows how the proposed account derives the AF person restriction, as well as the morphophonological properties of absolutive agreement markers in Kichean. He also explores several alternative analyses and compares them with the proposed account. The chapter concludes with a discussion of absolutive agreement in run-of-the-mill transitive and intransitive clauses in Kichean.

This chapter places Clitic Doubling in Argentinean Spanish into the broad perspective of pronominal doubling phenomena. A series of diagnostics is presented based on the interaction of Clitic Doubling with its PF/pragmatic effects, on the one hand, and its syntactic/LF effects, on the other. An important conclusion is that Clitic Doubling must be kept apart from Clitic Right Dislocation and Clitic Left Dislocation. Clitic Doubling is thus conceived of the morphological reflex of the abstract composition of object DPs; concretely, it is an A-dependency triggered whenever the object possesses a [person]-feature, an observation called the Person Feature Condition. So, under the minimal assumption that [3P] features can be optionally encoded on lexical DPs in Argentinean Spanish, but that it is only specified for pronouns in other Spanish dialects, variation facts associated with this phenomenon are explained. By the same token, the different behavior of doubled and nondoubled objects in several syntactic/LF configurations also follows.

Obligatory resumption in Greek poses important questions for the derivation of resumption, its nature, its links to case theory, and ultimately to the interface of syntax with PF and LF. This chapter looks into obligatory resumption of IOs in free and pu-restricted relatives in Greek. Starting from the basic question whether resumption is a purely PF or partially syntactic-PF phenomenon, it shows that as far as Greek is concerned resumption involves a syntactic clitic-doubling input. It proposes that the obligatory nature of the phenomenon is the result of the syntax-LF interface, with PF only playing the role of a realization component. In particular, the chapter reduces the recoverability principle governing resumption to the requirement that LF-interpretable material present in the syntax must survive by LF. This theoretical proposal has important consequences for case theory as well as for the interaction of syntax and LF. Moreover, this analysis can account for a number of properties of obligatory resumption.

This chapter deals with those Spanish dialects where dative clitics have a feminine form for the third person: this clitic has the same shape as the third-person feminine object clitic. First I show that this option is available only in those context where accusative case can be assigned. It is therefore incompatible with passives, unaccusative, or copulative sentences. I propose that in this dialect clitics have a different source when they double an NP (where they act as agreement markers) than when they do not. In this case they may come from determiner incorporation, in the same way than object clitics, as proposed, for instance by Uriagereka (1995) or Roca (1996). Finally, it is shown that this proposal can independently account for the behavior of Differential Object Marking in these contexts, where the theme cannot appear a-marked when the dative is clitic doubled, but it must appear a-marked when it is only represented by the clitic.

The aim of this chapter is to explain the emergence and distribution of clitic doubling (CLD) in Romance. On the basis of newly assembled diachronic and synchronic data, the chapter argues that the development can be analysed as a cycle of five different stages. The emergence of the CLD parameter (Fischer and Rinke 2013) is connected to the grammaticalization path of the clitic itself and the verb’s ability to move to the front of the sentence, which in turn affects the A’-positions in front of the verb that are available for the object. CLD in Spanish and Catalan is argued to have taken over partially the information-structural meaning expressed by word order in the Old Romance languages.

Chapter 3 provides evidence for a subject clitic doubling mechanism in Spanish by bringing together two different empirical observations. The first observation comes from new research on agreement with Spanish imposters that singular imposters like un servidor — “a servant” — allow only third-person verbal agreement and that plural imposters like unos servidores — “some servants” — optionally allow both first- and third-person agreement. The second observation comes from a fresh look at analyses of Spanish verbal morphology, which indicates that apparent inflectional morphemes on plural verb forms might actually be incorporated subject clitics. The argument is that observed singular/plural asymmetries in both domains (agreement with imposters and verbal paradigms) can be derived from the same underlying asymmetry in clitic doubling.

This chapter provides an overview of the morphosyntactic and semantic properties of imposter DPs in Albanian. Notable properties of this class of nominal expressions in this language bear on agreement patterns (such as the fact that both singular and plural imposters exhibit both first/second and third person verbal agreement), on the need for more granular distinctions within this class of expressions, as well as on the fact that information structure interferes with antecedence and/or binding relations, as seen through the interaction of clitic doubling and epithets in constructions with imposters.

LFG hypothesizes that constituent structure (c-structure) and functional structure (f-structure) are mutually constraining structures and that the relation between these structures is governed by constraints associated with words and phrasal configurations. This chapter explores universally valid generalizations regarding the correlation between phrasal positions and grammatical functions. Section 4.1 discusses the formal representation of the relation between c-structure and f-structure. Section 4.2 explores the relation between c-structure and f-structure: how c-structure phrases and their heads relate to f-structure, and the c-structure/f-structure realization of arguments and modifiers. Next, the chapter examines apparent mismatches between units at c-structure and those at f-structure; Section 4.3 shows that these cases have a natural explanation within LFG. Section 4.4 discusses the Lexical Integrity Principle, the concept of wordhood and the possibly complex contribution of words to functional structure, and Section 4.5 discusses the principle of Economy of Expression.