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Those who study implicit motives and those who study clinical psychology are often ignorant of one another’s work. Yet, they have much to offer one another. Satisfying dominant implicit motives results in a sense of well-being. Frustrating them results in unhappiness and even psychopathology. The interaction of explicit motives and implicit motives is also clinically relevant. When they are in harmony, the outcome is usually positive; when they conflict, negative outcomes ensue. Models by Kuhl and by Freud are reviewed to explain these findings. Kuhl’s is shown to have empirical support. Freud’s has not yet been adequately tested. The next focus is on psychotherapeutic treatment. The most clearly established variable underlying successful psychotherapy is the therapeutic relationship. The therapeutic relationship may be partly understood through implicit motivation. It is argued that the oneness motive, an implicit motive revolving around a need to belong to or be part of something larger than the self, partly underlies the therapeutic relationship and its ameliorative effects. The oneness motive is defined and supporting data are reviewed. Special attention is paid to data relating to clinical populations. These results are then applied to the therapeutic relationship.

This chapter discusses clinical psychology, a relative ‘latecomer’ to the field of specialist palliative care. It places clinical psychology in the context of the world of the users and potential users, beginning with a brief explanation of how a person becomes a clinical psychologist. This gives a sense of how their professional background may influence the way they work. The chapter also discusses the meaning of the term ‘user’ as understood by the profession.

This chapter discusses an “attribute” of the experimenter which, like those considered just before, is also defined in terms of the particular experiment being conducted. That attribute is the performance of the experimenter himself of the same task he sets his subjects. For some experiments, this experimenter attribute will be a more enduring characteristic, such as intelligence or authoritarianism. For other experiments, this attribute will be a less enduring one, such as an opinion on a timely public issue, though such less enduring attributes may often be related to more enduring ones. When there is a significant relationship between the experimenter's own performance of the particular task he requires of his subjects and the performance he obtains from his subjects, we may speak of an experimenter's “modeling” effect. The evidence for this effect comes from the literature of survey research, clinical psychology, and laboratory experiments.

This chapter discusses another “attribute” highly dependent on the specific experiment being conducted—the expectancy the experimenter has of how his subjects will respond. The particular expectation a scientist has of how his experiment will turn out is variable, depending on the experiment being conducted, but the presence of some expectation is virtually a constant in science. The independent and dependent variables selected for study by the scientist are not chosen by means of a table of random numbers. They are selected because the scientist expects a certain relationship to appear between them. Even in those less carefully planned examinations of relationships called “fishing expeditions” or, more formally, “exploratory analyses” the expectation of the scientist is reflected in the selection of the entire set of variables chosen for examination. Exploratory analyses of data, like real fishing ventures, do not take place in randomly selected pools.

Empathic accuracy has the potential to link the major areas of psychology that focus on the study of empathy—clinical psychology, cognitive psychology, developmental psychology, social psychology, and physiological psychology. Clinical psychology researchers have investigated how empathic accuracy might be enhanced in psychotherapy and its role in a number of psychological disorders such as autism and borderline personality disorder. This chapter examines the construct of empathic accuracy, how it is measured, and its application in three alternative research paradigms: the unstructured dyadic interaction paradigm, the standard stimulus paradigm, and the standard interview paradigm. It also summarizes some representative findings from this tradition that are relevant to the areas of clinical, developmental, social, and physiological psychology. It also discusses empathic inference in relation to emphatic accuracy as well as the empathic inaccuracy of men who are maritally abusive. The chapter concludes by looking at a number of reasons that may explain the cross-area appeal and integrative potential of empathic accuracy research.

As the preceding chapters show, Münsterberg was incredibly prescient in his view of what psychology could offer the law. Nonetheless, he neglected to include a number of topics that are currently of great concern to forensic psychologists, the criminal justice system, and policymakers. For example, at the time Münsterberg wrote On the Witness Stand, clinical psychology did not exist as a fully formed field; such matters were left largely to medical practitioners. This chapter summarizes what Münsterberg got right and what he missed, and it attempts to foretell where the field of psychology and law is heading by discussing what we are missing now.

This book links a number of people under one intellectual setting: namely, the attempt to understand the origins, developmental course, and outcomes of extreme fear and shyness. In particular, this chapter provides a discussion on historical precedent and contemporary relevance. The three major parts of this book, with each part followed by a commentary on the chapters contained within that section, are summarized. New discoveries in developmental psychology and the neurosciences make this an exciting time in the study of extreme fear and shyness. It is hoped that this book will suffice as a resource for researchers and students working in the areas of behavioral neuroscience, developmental and clinical psychology, psychiatry, and pediatric medicine.

This chapter explores the history of military psychology and its influence on war. Beginning with World War I and continuing to today’s military operations, psychology has provided the military with better ways to select, train, develop, and lead soldiers in combat. Notable contributions of military psychology include aptitude testing, human factors engineering, clinical psychology, cyber technology, and positive psychology. Military psychologists may be civilians or uniformed members of all branches of service. They are employed in universities, government laboratories, hospitals, and nongovernment organizations including corporations and private consulting firms. The Society for Military Psychology is a founding division of the American Psychological Association. Given that the human element is the most important factor in warfare, military psychology is an essential science for winning the wars of today and tomorrow.

Kawamoto Kihachiro (1925–2010) is arguably the most famous artistic animation director in Japan. Known for his puppets, he changed his career in midlife, first by quitting as a successful animator at Shiba Productions to study puppet animation in Czechoslovakia. Kihachiro became an independent director and returned to Japan to direct Breaking of Branches Is Forbidden. His latest animation is The Book of the Dead, produced in 2005. This chapter examines Kawamoto’s creativity by focusing on his animations as well as the materials that he prepared for creating those animations. Before describing Kawamoto and his animated films, it outlines a basic frame of reference used in clinical psychology studies—the human life cycle—and then shows that Kawamoto’s films increasingly reflected on the theme of the human life cycle as he aged. The chapter then looks at Kawamoto’s first and last puppet animation films as well as his unpublished and unfinished projects. It also considers a group of animation directors in Japan, including Takahata Isao, Miyazaki Hayao, and Oshii Mamoru, whose animated works are reflective of their age advancement.

This chapter reviews beliefs regarding recovered and false memories, hypnosis, satanic abuse, and dissociative identity disorder among clinicians, therapists, legal professionals, and jurors (that is, the general public). The range of beliefs within these groups has been assessed via surveys. In many instances, it is shown that the beliefs held by a large proportion of those engaged in providing psychotherapy and those engaged in legal cases involving ostensibly recovered memories are at odds with the views of recognized experts in memory research. In contrast to the views of many clinicians, therapists, and legal professionals, the views of experts in memory research are supported by a vast amount of sound empirical data.

This section of the book presents the biography of Ashis Nandy, beginning with his childhood memories, moral education, and early influences. It then describes the factors that brought Nandy to the study of sociology and clinical psychology. He recounts his activities after receiving his Ph.D., specifically his work at the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies. Nandy also explains why he often describes himself as an ‘intellectual streetfighter’.

This chapter is a brief story highlighting a 40-year community psychology experience in one community setting—Tacoma, Washington. The author identifies principles that may apply to early practitioners and provides the readers with tips to help practitioners in their career path, such as focusing on building one’s skill set and participating in collaborative training.

This chapter opens Part VI of the book, entitled “Kindred thinking across disciples,” which looks at the work of scholars from a range of disciplines who have either explicitly or implicitly acknowledged the danger of Anglocentrism in contemporary social sciences. All the chapters in the Part show a great deal of convergent thinking across disciplines. Chapter 15 presents the ideas of the cultural anthropologists Robin Horton, Richard Shweder, Roy D’Andrade, and Ganatha Obeyesekere, all of whom have discussed, in different ways, the dangers of Anglocentrism in presenting the thinking embedded in languages and cultures of the world. As the chapter shows, two of them, Shweder and D’Andrade, offer explicit support for the NSM program. Rom Harré presents a view from psychology and philosophy of science, also endorsing the NSM approach, which, as he puts it, “opens up the fundamental question of how the current lingua franca [English] shades the psychology of most of humanity” and so does psychiatrist and medical anthropologist Horacio Fabrega.

Military research routinely yields spin-offs that are useful in the civilian domain. In the hard sciences, World War I spun off advances in chemistry, and World War II produced advances in physics that changed the world. Military psychological science is no different. Aptitude testing sprung from the efforts of psychologists during World War I to help the military better select and classify incoming personnel. Clinical psychology and human factors engineering were boosted as a result of World War II. The Vietnam conflict led to a better understanding of combat stress and contributed to the including of posttraumatic stress disorder as a diagnostic label. All had direct application to the civilian sector. This chapter considers spin-offs from contemporary military psychological research that will benefit general society including better ways to treat stress and promote resilience, select and train employees, and enhance leadership strategies and cultural skills.

This chapter discusses how psychophysiological models offer the possibility of bringing together in productive interaction quantitative and qualitative findings of experimental and even clinical psychology, substantive facts of neurophysiology and neuroanatomy, abstract theorems and principles of mathematics and logic, and insights and formulations achieved in the course of developing the technology of information processing and communication. It is argued here how little effort is required in achieving this amalgamation, as compared to the efforts in purely psychological and physiological research or in psychophysiological research that does not involve mathematical models or ideas from communication theory, information theory, or the field of “artificial intelligence.” It is fortunate that several works contribute strongly toward the development of, and an ascendency for, psychophysiological models.

This chapter defines disorientations as temporally extended, major life experiences that make it difficult for individuals to know how to go on, often involving feeling out of place, unfamiliar, or not at home. It canvasses how disorientations have been of interest in sub-disciplines of philosophy (especially epistemology, philosophy of emotion, existentialism, phenomenology, and personal identity theory) as well as present in philosophers’ own first-person accounts (including John Stuart Mill, W. E. B. Du Bois, and Susan Brison), and relevant for researchers in clinical psychology. The chapter then defends disorientations as a family resemblance concept, highlighting how different instances of disorientation are related by overlapping similarities. It concludes by outlining the book’s feminist methodological approach to claims about: (1) what disorientations are; (2) the effects some disorientations have; (3) the moral and political status of those effects; and (4) disorientations’ position in contexts of oppression.