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Proto-Yeniseic possessed a type of semantic alignment whereby subject and object NPs were zero marked and most undergoer subjects generated verb-internal agreement. Modern Ket exhibits a more complex system of verb-internal subject-object marking involving several different patterns which defy simple semantic classification. This chapter traces this phenomenon diachronically.

This chapter studies health inequalities from a generational perspective but also aims to adopt a life course perspective. It explains that the life course approach emphasises the dimension of time from the individual's perspective by, for example, focusing on the long-term consequences of specific historical conditions encountered earlier in life. It discusses some important topics related to generations and the life course approach. It presents data and the construction of key variables and provides some background data on class differences in mortality by birth cohort. It analyses childhood class inequalities for different birth cohorts across various parts of the life course and how these differentials relate to adult class position. It also presents results that focus on how ill health is differentiated depending on a person's total class experience in life so far. It also discusses how to interpret the findings.

This chapter establishes the context within which the schools and families at the center of this book enact their “class work” vis-à-vis the college applications process. Highlighting recent economic instability and stratification of higher education wherein college credentials matter more than ever, it becomes clear that the college process becomes a site where affluent families seek to “lock in” class advantage through the mobilization of all available capital—economic, cultural, and social. Through conscious efforts to exploit any and all opportunities to position advantageously in the college admissions process, students and parents in this particular strata of secondary schools effectively constrict access to highly and most selective colleges and universities for the rest of the middle class, and, by obvious and clear extension, the working class and poor. Class Warfare takes up this theoretically located “class” project via multi-year ethnographic research with three distinct groups of students in three upper-middle class secondary schools.

Chapter 4 picks up the same set of questions as chapter 3 among students and parents in a NAIS co-educational day school, tracing how students and parents enact and conceptualize their work in secondary school, and the ways in which they approach the process of preparing for college applications and admissions. We follow the students through the college application process in a highly detailed manner, with specific attention paid to all college related activities, including the work of the school counselors with regard to the top 20 percent of students in the class. In this chapter, we argue that the differences in class work that exist between parents and students in chapters 3 and 4 are tied to distinct differences in the discursive and material practices that become normative in a particular school sector. In the case at hand, differentially located parents and students (those in elite/affluent private versus elite/affluent public secondary schools) conceptualize and enact noticeably different “class work” at the point of college admissions, even though parent SES is largely comparable. Parents in the NAIS school more heavily monitor the college application process and students and parents constantly self-assess in order to select the “right” postsecondary destination.

This chapter is a brief summary of the model developed by Stump (2001). This model is based on the notion of a paradigm function, a pairing of a lexeme’s root and a set of features with the word form that realizes those features. The paradigm function defines the inflectional paradigm for a class of lexemes. It is cashed out in terms of sets of realization rules, which specify how individual sets of features are realized, for example, by specific affixes. In languages with more than one affix per word form, the order of affixation is determined by the device of putting the rules into ordered blocks, with each realization rule competing with the others in the same block and application being determined by the principle that the most specific applicable rule pre-empts all others. An important device is the rule of referral, which allows the realization of one part of a paradigm to be defined as the realization of some other (possibly arbitrary) part. Word forms are typically defined over a ‘morphomic stem’ (Aronoff 1994), and the chapter summarizes Stump’s typology of stems. The chapter also introduces Stump’s later notions of ‘content paradigm’ and ‘paradigm linkage’, a way of relating the morphologically defined word forms to their realization in syntactic structure (Stump 2002, 2006). It closes with discussion of derivational morphology in PFM, the notion of paradigmatic word formation generally, and a summary of Stump’s Head Application Principle.

Gender norms were another source of tension. First- and second-generation Mar Thoma Americans had divergent ideas about the obligations and behavior of Christian men and women in church, and the gender norms and behavior of professionally educated immigrants also differed from those of less well-educated members. Changes in gender roles and class position as a result of the migration and settlement often roused gender insecurities that were manifested within the arena of the church. Chapter 4 focuses on how three groups within the Mar Thoma church: immigrant nurses, who were often the primary income earners in their families, and their husbands; professionally educated immigrant men, who were generally the primary income earners, and their wives; and well-employed second-generation women and men influenced by American evangelicalism, performed gender and normative Christian identities in very different ways in church, leading to some tension between the groups.

The terms intellectual and intelligentsia describe those who possess credentials that entitle them to perform types of work that entail the use of academically derived knowledge. Much of the debate regarding the class position of intellectuals has centered on whether intellectuals are inevitably linked to the core classes of any social formation. This chapter argues that although intellectuals remain subordinated to the moneyed class, they are more capable than other subordinated classes to mount resistance and thereby assert their own demands due to their unique position in the technologically advanced labor process. It is not only their control over productive forces that marks intellectuals as an emerging class, but also the fact that they have developed an independent culture of critical discourse.

This chapter investigates how affixes are organized and specifically how negation morphology operates in Kurmanji Kurdish. In Kurmanji, the verb stem encodes tense information and has two different shapes: the present and past verb stem. Person agreement and tense/aspect/mood (henceforth TAM) information are carried out by the verb stem and certain affixes. It is argued that affix ordering in Kurmanji is templatic because some affixes occupy the same slot, but they cannot co-occur simultaneously, which implies the presence of blocking effects within the affix positions. Negation functions in a similar way; that is, it appears on verb stems as a prefix which has basically three morphological markers, n(a)-, n(e)-, and ni-, and the appearance of the negation prefix precludes the appearance of certain prefixes, such as progressive aspect prefix di- and subjunctive mood prefix bi -.