Geoffrey Evans (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198296348
- eISBN:
- 9780191599194
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198296347.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
For many years, there has been an intense debate over the importance of social class as a basis of political partisanship and ideological divisions in advanced industrial societies. The arguments of ...
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For many years, there has been an intense debate over the importance of social class as a basis of political partisanship and ideological divisions in advanced industrial societies. The arguments of postmodernists and disillusioned socialists have been combined with those of numerous empirical researchers on both sides of the Atlantic—and in both sociology and political science—who have claimed that class inequality has lost its political importance. Yet at the same time, the class politics proselytizers—whether Marxist or otherwise—have remained unpersuaded. This book presents a state‐of‐the‐art analysis of the changing nature of class voting and the salience of class politics in advanced industrial societies. It combines broad ranging cross‐national comparison with detailed country studies and empirical tests of key theoretical and methodological explanations of changing levels of class voting. The final section includes commentaries from distinguished scholars from the fields of social stratification, political science, and political sociology, followed by a general discussion.The strengths of the book are the following: (1)a combination of breadth and depth, which uses both comparative analysis of up to 16 countries and detailed analyses of several of the more critical cases; (2) methodological sophistication: a particularly high quality is attained in the measurement of class and voting, and in the statistical analysis of their relations through time; (3) an interchange of skills and knowledge from political science, social stratification research, and the sociology of politics; and (4) an international collection of established and in some cases extremely eminent contributors.On the basis of the evidence presented, it is argued that in many cases class divisions in voting have not declined. Much of current orthodoxy among both political scientists and sociologists with regard to the declining class basis of politics is brought into question by the ’The End of Class Politics?’. This should enable it to serve as a major reference point for future work and discussion on the social bases of political divisions.The readership includes both sociologists, primarily in the areas of political sociology and stratification and political scientists. As an authoritative research statement it would appeal to practitioners, graduate classes, and advanced undergraduate courses. It would also be useful for advanced research methods teaching, as it would provide a more effective demonstration of the relation between methods and substance than do texts that teach methods per se. The inclusion of three chapters looking at the US, both as a case study and in cross‐national context, make it relevant to an American as well as European audience.Less
For many years, there has been an intense debate over the importance of social class as a basis of political partisanship and ideological divisions in advanced industrial societies. The arguments of postmodernists and disillusioned socialists have been combined with those of numerous empirical researchers on both sides of the Atlantic—and in both sociology and political science—who have claimed that class inequality has lost its political importance. Yet at the same time, the class politics proselytizers—whether Marxist or otherwise—have remained unpersuaded. This book presents a state‐of‐the‐art analysis of the changing nature of class voting and the salience of class politics in advanced industrial societies. It combines broad ranging cross‐national comparison with detailed country studies and empirical tests of key theoretical and methodological explanations of changing levels of class voting. The final section includes commentaries from distinguished scholars from the fields of social stratification, political science, and political sociology, followed by a general discussion.
The strengths of the book are the following: (1)a combination of breadth and depth, which uses both comparative analysis of up to 16 countries and detailed analyses of several of the more critical cases; (2) methodological sophistication: a particularly high quality is attained in the measurement of class and voting, and in the statistical analysis of their relations through time; (3) an interchange of skills and knowledge from political science, social stratification research, and the sociology of politics; and (4) an international collection of established and in some cases extremely eminent contributors.
On the basis of the evidence presented, it is argued that in many cases class divisions in voting have not declined. Much of current orthodoxy among both political scientists and sociologists with regard to the declining class basis of politics is brought into question by the ’The End of Class Politics?’. This should enable it to serve as a major reference point for future work and discussion on the social bases of political divisions.
The readership includes both sociologists, primarily in the areas of political sociology and stratification and political scientists. As an authoritative research statement it would appeal to practitioners, graduate classes, and advanced undergraduate courses. It would also be useful for advanced research methods teaching, as it would provide a more effective demonstration of the relation between methods and substance than do texts that teach methods per se. The inclusion of three chapters looking at the US, both as a case study and in cross‐national context, make it relevant to an American as well as European audience.
Karen W. Tice
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199842780
- eISBN:
- 9780199933440
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199842780.003.0006
- Subject:
- Sociology, Gender and Sexuality
In this chapter, three case studies explore the micro-politics of class in campus beauty pageants and training of campus queens. It analyzes how class is reduced to a matter of self-production, not ...
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In this chapter, three case studies explore the micro-politics of class in campus beauty pageants and training of campus queens. It analyzes how class is reduced to a matter of self-production, not social location, and inequality is seen as a result of improper subjectivities. It dissects the class-coded meanings and performances of poise, image, etiquette, social savvy, and body regulation within pageants. It also considers the diffusion of neo-liberal makeover technologies. Discourses of self-improvement, makeover, and class mobility in popular culture, especially the diffusion of reality TV to campuses, are emphasized. One case study analyzes the instruction in etiquette, style, and personal packaging designed to erase stigmatizing markers of class disadvantage that is championed at an annual national training conference for black college queens. Two other case studies analyze the performance of class proficiencies at two state-wide, predominantly white collegiate pageants, the Kentucky Derby Princess Festival and the Kentucky Mountain Laurel Festival.Less
In this chapter, three case studies explore the micro-politics of class in campus beauty pageants and training of campus queens. It analyzes how class is reduced to a matter of self-production, not social location, and inequality is seen as a result of improper subjectivities. It dissects the class-coded meanings and performances of poise, image, etiquette, social savvy, and body regulation within pageants. It also considers the diffusion of neo-liberal makeover technologies. Discourses of self-improvement, makeover, and class mobility in popular culture, especially the diffusion of reality TV to campuses, are emphasized. One case study analyzes the instruction in etiquette, style, and personal packaging designed to erase stigmatizing markers of class disadvantage that is championed at an annual national training conference for black college queens. Two other case studies analyze the performance of class proficiencies at two state-wide, predominantly white collegiate pageants, the Kentucky Derby Princess Festival and the Kentucky Mountain Laurel Festival.
Karen W. Tice
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199842780
- eISBN:
- 9780199933440
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199842780.003.0002
- Subject:
- Sociology, Gender and Sexuality
This chapter traces the historical roots and class politics of campus pageantry from working-class nineteenth-century public exhibitions of women’s bodies to the subsequent legitimacy and popularity ...
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This chapter traces the historical roots and class politics of campus pageantry from working-class nineteenth-century public exhibitions of women’s bodies to the subsequent legitimacy and popularity of national beauty pageants for middle-class black and white women, such as the Miss America pageant and the Miss Golden Brown pageant. Cultural anxieties surrounding suffrage and women’s education, migration and immigration, consumerism, and the increased visibility of women in public spaces and new opportunities for self-expression and identities paradoxically helped to popularize beauty pageantry. The genealogy of campus pageants in the 1920s includes fierce debates over women’s education and fears that college attendance would result in the loss of women’s “natural” virtues, especially for white women. African American college women, in contrast, faced the burden of rewriting powerful texts about their presumed inferiority. The chapter examines how both groups used campus pageantry to respond to tensions around self-display, respectability, and gendered bodies.Less
This chapter traces the historical roots and class politics of campus pageantry from working-class nineteenth-century public exhibitions of women’s bodies to the subsequent legitimacy and popularity of national beauty pageants for middle-class black and white women, such as the Miss America pageant and the Miss Golden Brown pageant. Cultural anxieties surrounding suffrage and women’s education, migration and immigration, consumerism, and the increased visibility of women in public spaces and new opportunities for self-expression and identities paradoxically helped to popularize beauty pageantry. The genealogy of campus pageants in the 1920s includes fierce debates over women’s education and fears that college attendance would result in the loss of women’s “natural” virtues, especially for white women. African American college women, in contrast, faced the burden of rewriting powerful texts about their presumed inferiority. The chapter examines how both groups used campus pageantry to respond to tensions around self-display, respectability, and gendered bodies.
Marc Baer
- Published in print:
- 1992
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198112501
- eISBN:
- 9780191670787
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198112501.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, Drama, 19th-century and Victorian Literature
In September 1809, during the opening night of Macbeth at the newly rebuilt Covent Garden theatre, the audience rioted over the rise in ticket prices. Disturbances took place on a further sixty-six ...
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In September 1809, during the opening night of Macbeth at the newly rebuilt Covent Garden theatre, the audience rioted over the rise in ticket prices. Disturbances took place on a further sixty-six nights that autumn, and the Old Price riots became the longest running theatre riots in English history. This book describes the events in detail, sets them in their wider context, and uses them to examine the interpenetration of theatre and disorder. Previous understandings of the riots are substantially revised by stressing populist rather than class politics, and the book concentrates on the theatricality of audiences, the role of the stage in shaping English self-image, and the relationship between contention and consensus.Less
In September 1809, during the opening night of Macbeth at the newly rebuilt Covent Garden theatre, the audience rioted over the rise in ticket prices. Disturbances took place on a further sixty-six nights that autumn, and the Old Price riots became the longest running theatre riots in English history. This book describes the events in detail, sets them in their wider context, and uses them to examine the interpenetration of theatre and disorder. Previous understandings of the riots are substantially revised by stressing populist rather than class politics, and the book concentrates on the theatricality of audiences, the role of the stage in shaping English self-image, and the relationship between contention and consensus.
G. R. Searle
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198203575
- eISBN:
- 9780191675874
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203575.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Entrepreneurial Radicalism ultimately failed in its mission, and Richard Cobden and John Bright lived long enough to discern this melancholy truth. Meanwhile, some historians claim, nothing had come ...
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Entrepreneurial Radicalism ultimately failed in its mission, and Richard Cobden and John Bright lived long enough to discern this melancholy truth. Meanwhile, some historians claim, nothing had come from the attempts of the old Anti-Corn Law League leaders to find the ‘big idea’ that would sustain their campaign against the aristocracy. Financial reform, parliamentary reform, and the freehold purchase movement were all broached — without much success. As for the involvement of Cobden and Bright in the peace movement, this not only lacked popular support but was also repudiated by most of their one-time middle-class followers. Since no other middle-class politicians were prepared to take their place, entrepreneurial politics quickly ran into the sands.Less
Entrepreneurial Radicalism ultimately failed in its mission, and Richard Cobden and John Bright lived long enough to discern this melancholy truth. Meanwhile, some historians claim, nothing had come from the attempts of the old Anti-Corn Law League leaders to find the ‘big idea’ that would sustain their campaign against the aristocracy. Financial reform, parliamentary reform, and the freehold purchase movement were all broached — without much success. As for the involvement of Cobden and Bright in the peace movement, this not only lacked popular support but was also repudiated by most of their one-time middle-class followers. Since no other middle-class politicians were prepared to take their place, entrepreneurial politics quickly ran into the sands.
G. R. Searle
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198203575
- eISBN:
- 9780191675874
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203575.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
The Anti-Corn Law League, at least in its inception, was very much a ‘business organization’, the only major political movement in Britain to have been launched from within a Chamber of Commerce. Its ...
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The Anti-Corn Law League, at least in its inception, was very much a ‘business organization’, the only major political movement in Britain to have been launched from within a Chamber of Commerce. Its spokesman Richard Cobden was a calico printer, and the comrades-in-arms with whom he was associated in this venture were nearly all of them successful Lancastrian businessmen. Cobden argued that a repeal of the Corn Laws would benefit both manufacturing and agriculture. To the manufacturers who supported the Anti-Corn Law League, the landowners constituted ‘the enemy’. Many sections of landed society felt contempt for the northern mill-owners, a sentiment that found expression in the ‘factory movement’. While the class politics of the 1840s were more complicated than has been admitted so far, it shaped the politics of the next few decades. For what had happened was the triumph of free trade, but the defeat of the free traders.Less
The Anti-Corn Law League, at least in its inception, was very much a ‘business organization’, the only major political movement in Britain to have been launched from within a Chamber of Commerce. Its spokesman Richard Cobden was a calico printer, and the comrades-in-arms with whom he was associated in this venture were nearly all of them successful Lancastrian businessmen. Cobden argued that a repeal of the Corn Laws would benefit both manufacturing and agriculture. To the manufacturers who supported the Anti-Corn Law League, the landowners constituted ‘the enemy’. Many sections of landed society felt contempt for the northern mill-owners, a sentiment that found expression in the ‘factory movement’. While the class politics of the 1840s were more complicated than has been admitted so far, it shaped the politics of the next few decades. For what had happened was the triumph of free trade, but the defeat of the free traders.
Karen W. Tice
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199842780
- eISBN:
- 9780199933440
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199842780.003.0008
- Subject:
- Sociology, Gender and Sexuality
This chapter examines the diverse effects of campus beauty pageants for affirming and disrupting restrictive gender/race/class dynamics on campus. It discusses the effects of neo-liberalism, ...
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This chapter examines the diverse effects of campus beauty pageants for affirming and disrupting restrictive gender/race/class dynamics on campus. It discusses the effects of neo-liberalism, post-feminism, and new media technologies not only on student cultures but on universities themselves. It examines the recent escalation of marketing discourses, corporatization, and branding of higher education in governance and quotidian practices. The chapter also examines recent patterns of consumption, “buzz” marketing, self-maximization, image enhancement, body regulation, class politics, and student life. It explores the growing popularity of using students as “brand ambassadors” in partnerships with businesses as well as student generated fashion webzines and blogs that groom, package, and manage student bodies. It also suggests strategies for enhancing critical awareness of how gender, class, race, beauty, and bodies are continually braided in student culture and higher education.Less
This chapter examines the diverse effects of campus beauty pageants for affirming and disrupting restrictive gender/race/class dynamics on campus. It discusses the effects of neo-liberalism, post-feminism, and new media technologies not only on student cultures but on universities themselves. It examines the recent escalation of marketing discourses, corporatization, and branding of higher education in governance and quotidian practices. The chapter also examines recent patterns of consumption, “buzz” marketing, self-maximization, image enhancement, body regulation, class politics, and student life. It explores the growing popularity of using students as “brand ambassadors” in partnerships with businesses as well as student generated fashion webzines and blogs that groom, package, and manage student bodies. It also suggests strategies for enhancing critical awareness of how gender, class, race, beauty, and bodies are continually braided in student culture and higher education.
Sudhir Hazareesingh
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198278702
- eISBN:
- 9780191684241
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198278702.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Examining the emergence and subsequent demise of intellectual identification with the French Communist Party between 1945 and 1989, this book argues that, after 1978, political conflicts between the ...
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Examining the emergence and subsequent demise of intellectual identification with the French Communist Party between 1945 and 1989, this book argues that, after 1978, political conflicts between the Communist leadership and party intellectuals led to an erosion of support. These conflicts were sharpened by the party's institutional decline during the 1980s. The author links these internal factors with wider ideological changes during the 1970s and 1980s: the decreasing relevance of class-based politics, the explosion of the myth of radical change, the reconsideration of the goals of political commitment, and, finally, the rejection of the Soviet model. All these factors contributed significantly to an altered political climate. Based on a critical examination of the available literature, in both French and English, this systematic exploration of the role of intellectuals in French politics also explains why this social group has been so prominent in public life throughout the modern era.Less
Examining the emergence and subsequent demise of intellectual identification with the French Communist Party between 1945 and 1989, this book argues that, after 1978, political conflicts between the Communist leadership and party intellectuals led to an erosion of support. These conflicts were sharpened by the party's institutional decline during the 1980s. The author links these internal factors with wider ideological changes during the 1970s and 1980s: the decreasing relevance of class-based politics, the explosion of the myth of radical change, the reconsideration of the goals of political commitment, and, finally, the rejection of the Soviet model. All these factors contributed significantly to an altered political climate. Based on a critical examination of the available literature, in both French and English, this systematic exploration of the role of intellectuals in French politics also explains why this social group has been so prominent in public life throughout the modern era.
PHILIP J. ETHINGTON
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520230019
- eISBN:
- 9780520927469
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520230019.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
This chapter presents a reinterpretation of the rise and fall of the Workingmen's Party of California (WPC). The WPC has often been interpreted as the eruption of class conflict into mainstream party ...
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This chapter presents a reinterpretation of the rise and fall of the Workingmen's Party of California (WPC). The WPC has often been interpreted as the eruption of class conflict into mainstream party politics. However, a close narrative analysis of political campaigns in the 1870s suggests that a politics of class was the creation of mainstream party politicians and journalists who introduced a language of class in the effort to mobilize voters. It clarifies that the electorate began voting by class long before the creation of the WPC.Less
This chapter presents a reinterpretation of the rise and fall of the Workingmen's Party of California (WPC). The WPC has often been interpreted as the eruption of class conflict into mainstream party politics. However, a close narrative analysis of political campaigns in the 1870s suggests that a politics of class was the creation of mainstream party politicians and journalists who introduced a language of class in the effort to mobilize voters. It clarifies that the electorate began voting by class long before the creation of the WPC.
Narayan Lakshman
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198069980
- eISBN:
- 9780199081288
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198069980.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Indian Politics
Poverty in India has proven to be inflexible ever since the country gained its independence more than fifty years ago, prompting the question of what the role of the state or public policy is in ...
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Poverty in India has proven to be inflexible ever since the country gained its independence more than fifty years ago, prompting the question of what the role of the state or public policy is in reducing poverty in India. This introductory chapter examines the central role of politics in helping to reduce poverty levels in India, as well as the theoretical background of an analysis on poverty. This includes the regime type, which is considered as the ultimate unit of analysis. The chapter discusses class politics, public policy, and caste dominance, and provides a working definition of ‘poverty’. In the latter portion of the chapter, there is a discussion on the state politics and empirical evidence of the poverty levels in two Indian states, Karnataka and Tamil Nadu. The chapter ends with a discussion of the research questions, theoretical implications, and original contribution of the book.Less
Poverty in India has proven to be inflexible ever since the country gained its independence more than fifty years ago, prompting the question of what the role of the state or public policy is in reducing poverty in India. This introductory chapter examines the central role of politics in helping to reduce poverty levels in India, as well as the theoretical background of an analysis on poverty. This includes the regime type, which is considered as the ultimate unit of analysis. The chapter discusses class politics, public policy, and caste dominance, and provides a working definition of ‘poverty’. In the latter portion of the chapter, there is a discussion on the state politics and empirical evidence of the poverty levels in two Indian states, Karnataka and Tamil Nadu. The chapter ends with a discussion of the research questions, theoretical implications, and original contribution of the book.
Dawn Langan Teele
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780691180267
- eISBN:
- 9780691184272
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691180267.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This concluding chapter offers an account of the absence of women from theories of democratization, suggesting that three prominent features of this discourse exclude women almost by definition—the ...
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This concluding chapter offers an account of the absence of women from theories of democratization, suggesting that three prominent features of this discourse exclude women almost by definition—the search for a “unified” theory of democratization, the primacy placed on “revolutionary” forms of mobilization for effecting political change, and the prominence of class politics in models of enfranchisement. Reliance on these concepts has meant not only that there are few competing ideas about how half of the world's population, in the majority of the world's countries, became voters, but also that one misses out on how democratization for men is fundamentally intertwined with democratization for women.Less
This concluding chapter offers an account of the absence of women from theories of democratization, suggesting that three prominent features of this discourse exclude women almost by definition—the search for a “unified” theory of democratization, the primacy placed on “revolutionary” forms of mobilization for effecting political change, and the prominence of class politics in models of enfranchisement. Reliance on these concepts has meant not only that there are few competing ideas about how half of the world's population, in the majority of the world's countries, became voters, but also that one misses out on how democratization for men is fundamentally intertwined with democratization for women.
Harry Hendrick
- Published in print:
- 1990
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198217824
- eISBN:
- 9780191678295
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198217824.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, Social History
This chapter examines the efficiency and political issues relevant to male adolescent workers in Great Britain during the 1800s. The behaviour of young workers had long been a cause of friction and ...
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This chapter examines the efficiency and political issues relevant to male adolescent workers in Great Britain during the 1800s. The behaviour of young workers had long been a cause of friction and anxiety to public commentators and moralists and philanthropists continued their criticism throughout the 19th century. During the mid-Victorian years, various efforts were launched to reclaim and reform children and adolescents. Many observers suggested that there was a noticeable link between Chartism and delinquency and this may be responsible for the public interest in crime. Of all the so-called boy labour reformists, it was the educationalists and philosophical idealists who were most aware of the situation of adolescents in relation to class politics.Less
This chapter examines the efficiency and political issues relevant to male adolescent workers in Great Britain during the 1800s. The behaviour of young workers had long been a cause of friction and anxiety to public commentators and moralists and philanthropists continued their criticism throughout the 19th century. During the mid-Victorian years, various efforts were launched to reclaim and reform children and adolescents. Many observers suggested that there was a noticeable link between Chartism and delinquency and this may be responsible for the public interest in crime. Of all the so-called boy labour reformists, it was the educationalists and philosophical idealists who were most aware of the situation of adolescents in relation to class politics.
Helen McCarthy
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780719086168
- eISBN:
- 9781781702659
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719086168.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, Political History
This chapter discusses how the League of Nations Union (LNU) was led at a national level by aristocrats, professionals and businessmen and at a local level by the provincial middle classes, with ...
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This chapter discusses how the League of Nations Union (LNU) was led at a national level by aristocrats, professionals and businessmen and at a local level by the provincial middle classes, with working-class people more likely to support the League through their own organisations. It is argued that this reproduced broader inter-class dynamics and also proved that the League did not reinforce class politics. As Cecil insisted, the plausibility of the movement's claim to represent the national community rested upon its skill in appealing to ‘all classes of citizenhood’. It then addresses how far the LNU remained hampered by inter-class differences and animosities. The LNU experienced some success in engaging different working-class audiences through the labour movement and workplace and through localised interventions into working-class leisure forms. The LNU would remain on the periphery of debates about social and economic reconstruction at home, where class politics were never far from the surface.Less
This chapter discusses how the League of Nations Union (LNU) was led at a national level by aristocrats, professionals and businessmen and at a local level by the provincial middle classes, with working-class people more likely to support the League through their own organisations. It is argued that this reproduced broader inter-class dynamics and also proved that the League did not reinforce class politics. As Cecil insisted, the plausibility of the movement's claim to represent the national community rested upon its skill in appealing to ‘all classes of citizenhood’. It then addresses how far the LNU remained hampered by inter-class differences and animosities. The LNU experienced some success in engaging different working-class audiences through the labour movement and workplace and through localised interventions into working-class leisure forms. The LNU would remain on the periphery of debates about social and economic reconstruction at home, where class politics were never far from the surface.
David R. Roediger
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520233416
- eISBN:
- 9780520930803
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520233416.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter addresses the “white worker” in President William Jefferson Clinton's attempts to distance himself from affirmative action and argues that taking a longer historical view is ...
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This chapter addresses the “white worker” in President William Jefferson Clinton's attempts to distance himself from affirmative action and argues that taking a longer historical view is indispensable to understanding the recent past. It also hopes to make a modest contribution to efforts to look at the neoliberal views of race and of white working class historically. Neoliberalism's appeals to the white working class under Clinton largely focused on issues that were ostensibly race-neutral but are in fact highly charged in racial terms. The three broad generalizations presented suggest that even in its Rustin-inspired, social democratic variant race-neutrality is itself a problematic strategy and also leads away from meaningful mobilizations against class inequality. To capitulate to race-neutrality, and thus to white supremacy, is to abandon white workers to their own worst impulses and to their society's. It is to close, rather than to open, space for class politics.Less
This chapter addresses the “white worker” in President William Jefferson Clinton's attempts to distance himself from affirmative action and argues that taking a longer historical view is indispensable to understanding the recent past. It also hopes to make a modest contribution to efforts to look at the neoliberal views of race and of white working class historically. Neoliberalism's appeals to the white working class under Clinton largely focused on issues that were ostensibly race-neutral but are in fact highly charged in racial terms. The three broad generalizations presented suggest that even in its Rustin-inspired, social democratic variant race-neutrality is itself a problematic strategy and also leads away from meaningful mobilizations against class inequality. To capitulate to race-neutrality, and thus to white supremacy, is to abandon white workers to their own worst impulses and to their society's. It is to close, rather than to open, space for class politics.
Stuart Eagles
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199602414
- eISBN:
- 9780191725050
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199602414.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History, History of Ideas
Many of the pioneers of the emerging Labour movement cited the crucial role of Ruskin's writings in the development of their own political and class consciousness. Recognising in Ruskin's ...
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Many of the pioneers of the emerging Labour movement cited the crucial role of Ruskin's writings in the development of their own political and class consciousness. Recognising in Ruskin's descriptions of the ugly industrial landscape the reflection of their own lives, many were inspired into political action by reading him. On a local and national level, particularly among the ethical socialists of the Independent Labour Party, Ruskin served as a uniting influence who provided his politically active working-class disciples with a new language and grammar with which to articulate the emerging politics of the period.Less
Many of the pioneers of the emerging Labour movement cited the crucial role of Ruskin's writings in the development of their own political and class consciousness. Recognising in Ruskin's descriptions of the ugly industrial landscape the reflection of their own lives, many were inspired into political action by reading him. On a local and national level, particularly among the ethical socialists of the Independent Labour Party, Ruskin served as a uniting influence who provided his politically active working-class disciples with a new language and grammar with which to articulate the emerging politics of the period.
Jennie Bristow
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780300236835
- eISBN:
- 9780300249422
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300236835.003.0007
- Subject:
- Sociology, Urban and Rural Studies
This chapter discusses the politicisation of generational identity. It shows that the script of Boomer-blaming has formed the basis for a new political narrative, which has come to view generational ...
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This chapter discusses the politicisation of generational identity. It shows that the script of Boomer-blaming has formed the basis for a new political narrative, which has come to view generational conflict as an alternative frame to the class-based politics that dominated the twentieth century. This latest phase of generationalism overstates the importance of generational characteristics and difference, and threatens to turn them into a brittle form of generational identity, deliberately setting old and young against each other. A set of ideas about the ‘younger generation’ — the kind of people they are, the politics they support, the vision they hold of the future — has been marshalled to narrate political events and promote particular outcomes. Older generations, meanwhile, are positioned as standing in the way of the interests of the present — voting too much, voting the wrong way, daring to have a say on the future of a society in which they will soon be dead.Less
This chapter discusses the politicisation of generational identity. It shows that the script of Boomer-blaming has formed the basis for a new political narrative, which has come to view generational conflict as an alternative frame to the class-based politics that dominated the twentieth century. This latest phase of generationalism overstates the importance of generational characteristics and difference, and threatens to turn them into a brittle form of generational identity, deliberately setting old and young against each other. A set of ideas about the ‘younger generation’ — the kind of people they are, the politics they support, the vision they hold of the future — has been marshalled to narrate political events and promote particular outcomes. Older generations, meanwhile, are positioned as standing in the way of the interests of the present — voting too much, voting the wrong way, daring to have a say on the future of a society in which they will soon be dead.
William J. Mello
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813034898
- eISBN:
- 9780813038681
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813034898.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter examines the role of class in the process of political change and the limits to working-class action. Neither the pluralist nor the elite domination models of power entirely explain ...
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This chapter examines the role of class in the process of political change and the limits to working-class action. Neither the pluralist nor the elite domination models of power entirely explain political change; they are partial accounts at best. In a historical perspective, the distinct ways in which power and politics shaped each other in the East Coast unions illustrates the deeper conflict of how power relations reshaped working-class political participation, introducing historical evidence and the debate of class and power in American political development. The struggles of New York's dockworkers appear as the harbinger for a process whereby labor's political power in the United States became radically limited.Less
This chapter examines the role of class in the process of political change and the limits to working-class action. Neither the pluralist nor the elite domination models of power entirely explain political change; they are partial accounts at best. In a historical perspective, the distinct ways in which power and politics shaped each other in the East Coast unions illustrates the deeper conflict of how power relations reshaped working-class political participation, introducing historical evidence and the debate of class and power in American political development. The struggles of New York's dockworkers appear as the harbinger for a process whereby labor's political power in the United States became radically limited.
Greg Patmore and Shelton Stromquist (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780252041839
- eISBN:
- 9780252050503
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5622/illinois/9780252041839.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Economic History
Australia and the United States have long been recognized as fertile fields for comparative history. Both the United States and the Australian colonies were “frontier societies” with considerable ...
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Australia and the United States have long been recognized as fertile fields for comparative history. Both the United States and the Australian colonies were “frontier societies” with considerable natural resources and without a feudal heritage. Despite their similarities, the histories of Australia and the United States are also marked by striking divergences, notably in the composition of their working classes, their labor relations, and their politics. The essays in this volume break new ground in comparative and transnational history. Together they offer considerable evidence to support the general proposition that despite similarities in the development of their economies and in fabric of their democratic institutions, the labor histories of Australia and the United States manifest notable differences. The essays in this volume make significant contributions to understanding the comparative aspects of Australian and US labor history in five areas specifically. They examine the divergent impact of the Great War on the fortunes of labor and socialist movements, the history of coerced labor, patterns of ethnic and class identification, the forms of working-class collective action and institution building, and struggles over trade union democracy and the viability of independent working-class politics. Additionally, several essays explore the ways in which radical labor and political activists from both countries developed transnational ties that cross-fertilized their respective trade union and political cultures.Less
Australia and the United States have long been recognized as fertile fields for comparative history. Both the United States and the Australian colonies were “frontier societies” with considerable natural resources and without a feudal heritage. Despite their similarities, the histories of Australia and the United States are also marked by striking divergences, notably in the composition of their working classes, their labor relations, and their politics. The essays in this volume break new ground in comparative and transnational history. Together they offer considerable evidence to support the general proposition that despite similarities in the development of their economies and in fabric of their democratic institutions, the labor histories of Australia and the United States manifest notable differences. The essays in this volume make significant contributions to understanding the comparative aspects of Australian and US labor history in five areas specifically. They examine the divergent impact of the Great War on the fortunes of labor and socialist movements, the history of coerced labor, patterns of ethnic and class identification, the forms of working-class collective action and institution building, and struggles over trade union democracy and the viability of independent working-class politics. Additionally, several essays explore the ways in which radical labor and political activists from both countries developed transnational ties that cross-fertilized their respective trade union and political cultures.
Susan C. Stokes
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520086173
- eISBN:
- 9780520916234
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520086173.003.0004
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Latin American Cultural Anthropology
This chapter analyzes how these movements of the urban poor persisted under renewed civilian rule in the 1980s and early 1990s, without fully displacing a “clientelist” pattern of accommodation. In ...
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This chapter analyzes how these movements of the urban poor persisted under renewed civilian rule in the 1980s and early 1990s, without fully displacing a “clientelist” pattern of accommodation. In March 1980, presidential and parliamentary elections were held for the first time in twelve years, bringing an end to Peru's longest period of military rule in this century. But the heritage of military rule under Velasco shaped lower-class politics after the state returned to civilian control. This heritage was nowhere clearer than in the persistence of a rights-oriented and confrontational politics among segments of the urban poor.Less
This chapter analyzes how these movements of the urban poor persisted under renewed civilian rule in the 1980s and early 1990s, without fully displacing a “clientelist” pattern of accommodation. In March 1980, presidential and parliamentary elections were held for the first time in twelve years, bringing an end to Peru's longest period of military rule in this century. But the heritage of military rule under Velasco shaped lower-class politics after the state returned to civilian control. This heritage was nowhere clearer than in the persistence of a rights-oriented and confrontational politics among segments of the urban poor.
John Mulqueen
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781789620641
- eISBN:
- 9781789629453
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3828/liverpool/9781789620641.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
The Irish minister for justice, Patrick Cooney, in 1976 identified two threats to the state: the ‘Sino-Hibernian’ Official republican movement and the Provisional IRA. ‘Harsh laws’ to counter ...
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The Irish minister for justice, Patrick Cooney, in 1976 identified two threats to the state: the ‘Sino-Hibernian’ Official republican movement and the Provisional IRA. ‘Harsh laws’ to counter subversion would be widely welcomed, he claimed. The Official movement’s leadership now openly endorsed the Soviets’ agenda. This chapter focuses on the Official IRA’s determination to build a political party that stayed close to the Soviet Union but opposed its support for the Provisionals’ ‘prison war’ – the campaign to restore ‘political status’ for newly-convicted paramilitary prisoners. Now advocating ‘peace, work and class politics’ as the solution to the northern crisis, the Official movement’s political creation, Sinn Féin The Workers’ Party (SFWP), abandoned the traditional left-wing republican ‘anti-imperialist’ position. Ironically, this involved the party analysing the situation in the north along the same lines as the British prime minister, Margaret Thatcher.Less
The Irish minister for justice, Patrick Cooney, in 1976 identified two threats to the state: the ‘Sino-Hibernian’ Official republican movement and the Provisional IRA. ‘Harsh laws’ to counter subversion would be widely welcomed, he claimed. The Official movement’s leadership now openly endorsed the Soviets’ agenda. This chapter focuses on the Official IRA’s determination to build a political party that stayed close to the Soviet Union but opposed its support for the Provisionals’ ‘prison war’ – the campaign to restore ‘political status’ for newly-convicted paramilitary prisoners. Now advocating ‘peace, work and class politics’ as the solution to the northern crisis, the Official movement’s political creation, Sinn Féin The Workers’ Party (SFWP), abandoned the traditional left-wing republican ‘anti-imperialist’ position. Ironically, this involved the party analysing the situation in the north along the same lines as the British prime minister, Margaret Thatcher.
