Linda A. Newson and John King (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197264461
- eISBN:
- 9780191734625
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197264461.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Latin American Studies
These chapters celebrate Mexico City as a centre of cultural creativity, diversity and dynamism; trace its history from the founding of the Aztec city of Tenochtitlan to the present day; and explore ...
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These chapters celebrate Mexico City as a centre of cultural creativity, diversity and dynamism; trace its history from the founding of the Aztec city of Tenochtitlan to the present day; and explore how the varied experiences of its inhabitants have been represented in poetry, film and photography. Looking at the pre-Columbian city, colonial city and modern city, chapters show how Mexico City has grown organically, largely developed by waves of immigrants with new ideas and aspirations. While they have often envisioned the city in new ways, they have been unable to escape totally its historical past, and indeed at times have positively embraced it to serve contemporary political ends. As the city has grown, what it symbolises to its inhabitants and how they experience the city has become fragmented by social class and ethnicity. There is not one Mexico City, but many. The volume explores how these varied experiences have been represented in poetry, film and photography. Drawing from the fields of archaeology, history, political sociology, literature, cinema and photography, this volume provides an insight into the history and culture of Mexico City.Less
These chapters celebrate Mexico City as a centre of cultural creativity, diversity and dynamism; trace its history from the founding of the Aztec city of Tenochtitlan to the present day; and explore how the varied experiences of its inhabitants have been represented in poetry, film and photography. Looking at the pre-Columbian city, colonial city and modern city, chapters show how Mexico City has grown organically, largely developed by waves of immigrants with new ideas and aspirations. While they have often envisioned the city in new ways, they have been unable to escape totally its historical past, and indeed at times have positively embraced it to serve contemporary political ends. As the city has grown, what it symbolises to its inhabitants and how they experience the city has become fragmented by social class and ethnicity. There is not one Mexico City, but many. The volume explores how these varied experiences have been represented in poetry, film and photography. Drawing from the fields of archaeology, history, political sociology, literature, cinema and photography, this volume provides an insight into the history and culture of Mexico City.
Victoria Harris
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199578573
- eISBN:
- 9780191722936
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199578573.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This book examines the German sex trade from the lowest level upwards, focusing on the voices and experiences of the prostitutes. The book moves telescopically through four chapters. It begins with ...
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This book examines the German sex trade from the lowest level upwards, focusing on the voices and experiences of the prostitutes. The book moves telescopically through four chapters. It begins with the the prostitute herself, then turns to the wider community in which she operated, before discussing her interactions with German society more widely, and finishing with a discussion of the prostitute's relationship to the larger, bureaucratic workings of the nation‐state. In doing this, the book uses prostitution to help recast our understanding of sexuality and ethics in twentieth‐century Germany. It demonstrates the difficult relationship between criminality, marginality, and deviance, teaching us much about how German society defined itself by determining who did not belong within it. Finally, the book challenges our conception of the relationship between the type of government in power and official attitudes towards sexuality, arguing that the prevalent desire to control citizens' sexuality transcended traditional left–right divides and intensified with economic and political modernization. Throughout, the study notes the important continuities and breaks across this difficult thirty‐year period of Germany's history. Despite the inherent problems in doing so, in studying prostitution it is first necessary to try to understand prostitutes, as well as the other individuals who ensured the continued operation of the sex trade. The title of this book, Prostitutes in German Society, is more than simply a semantic choice. It encapsulates its focus on the individual human actors at the centre of the sex trade.Less
This book examines the German sex trade from the lowest level upwards, focusing on the voices and experiences of the prostitutes. The book moves telescopically through four chapters. It begins with the the prostitute herself, then turns to the wider community in which she operated, before discussing her interactions with German society more widely, and finishing with a discussion of the prostitute's relationship to the larger, bureaucratic workings of the nation‐state. In doing this, the book uses prostitution to help recast our understanding of sexuality and ethics in twentieth‐century Germany. It demonstrates the difficult relationship between criminality, marginality, and deviance, teaching us much about how German society defined itself by determining who did not belong within it. Finally, the book challenges our conception of the relationship between the type of government in power and official attitudes towards sexuality, arguing that the prevalent desire to control citizens' sexuality transcended traditional left–right divides and intensified with economic and political modernization. Throughout, the study notes the important continuities and breaks across this difficult thirty‐year period of Germany's history. Despite the inherent problems in doing so, in studying prostitution it is first necessary to try to understand prostitutes, as well as the other individuals who ensured the continued operation of the sex trade. The title of this book, Prostitutes in German Society, is more than simply a semantic choice. It encapsulates its focus on the individual human actors at the centre of the sex trade.
Joshua A. Berman
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195374704
- eISBN:
- 9780199871438
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195374704.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Judaism, Biblical Studies
This book reveals the Hebrew Bible to be a sophisticated work of political philosophy, and the birthplace of egalitarian thought. Focusing on the Pentateuch, this book lays bare the manner in which ...
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This book reveals the Hebrew Bible to be a sophisticated work of political philosophy, and the birthplace of egalitarian thought. Focusing on the Pentateuch, this book lays bare the manner in which the Bible appropriated and reconstituted ancient norms and institutions to create a new blueprint for society. Theology, politics, and economics were marshaled anew to weaken traditional seats of power, and to create a homogeneous class of empowered common citizens. Much of this anticipates developments in the history of political thought that would recur only during the Enlightenment and in the thought of the American Founding Fathers. Ancient religion granted sacral legitimation to the ruling classes and saw the masses as mere servants. The Pentateuch, by contrast, elevates the common citizenry in the eyes of God by invoking the political institution of the vassal treaty, and casting Israel as a subordinate king to the Almighty through the theology of covenant. Through the prism of the political philosophies of Plato, Aristotle, and Montesquieu, the book demonstrates the Pentateuch to be history's first proposal for the distribution of political power. Utilizing the anthropology of pre‐modern economies, ancient norms are explored concerning land tenure, taxation, and loans are reworked so that the common citizenry remains economically secure. Invoking the transformational role of the printing press in the spread of the Reformation and the birth of the Enlightenment, the book identifies far‐reaching consequences in the Bible's approach to what was then the new technology of communication: the alphabetic text.Less
This book reveals the Hebrew Bible to be a sophisticated work of political philosophy, and the birthplace of egalitarian thought. Focusing on the Pentateuch, this book lays bare the manner in which the Bible appropriated and reconstituted ancient norms and institutions to create a new blueprint for society. Theology, politics, and economics were marshaled anew to weaken traditional seats of power, and to create a homogeneous class of empowered common citizens. Much of this anticipates developments in the history of political thought that would recur only during the Enlightenment and in the thought of the American Founding Fathers. Ancient religion granted sacral legitimation to the ruling classes and saw the masses as mere servants. The Pentateuch, by contrast, elevates the common citizenry in the eyes of God by invoking the political institution of the vassal treaty, and casting Israel as a subordinate king to the Almighty through the theology of covenant. Through the prism of the political philosophies of Plato, Aristotle, and Montesquieu, the book demonstrates the Pentateuch to be history's first proposal for the distribution of political power. Utilizing the anthropology of pre‐modern economies, ancient norms are explored concerning land tenure, taxation, and loans are reworked so that the common citizenry remains economically secure. Invoking the transformational role of the printing press in the spread of the Reformation and the birth of the Enlightenment, the book identifies far‐reaching consequences in the Bible's approach to what was then the new technology of communication: the alphabetic text.
Andrew N. Weintraub
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195395662
- eISBN:
- 9780199863549
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195395662.001.0001
- Subject:
- Music, Ethnomusicology, World Music, Popular
Dangdut Stories is a social and musical history of dangdut, Indonesia's most popular music, within a range of broader narratives about social class, gender, ethnicity and nation in post-independence ...
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Dangdut Stories is a social and musical history of dangdut, Indonesia's most popular music, within a range of broader narratives about social class, gender, ethnicity and nation in post-independence Indonesia (1945-present). The book shows how dangdut evolved from a debased form of urban popular music to a prominent role in Indonesian cultural politics and the commercial music industry. Throughout the book the voices and experiences of musicians take center stage in shaping the book's narrative. Quoted material from interviews, detailed analysis of music and song texts, and ethnography of performance illuminate the stylistic nature of the music and its centrality in public debates about Islam, social class relations, and the role of women in post-colonial Indonesia. Dangdut Stories is the first musicological study to examine the stylistic development of dangdut music itself, using vocal style, melody, rhythm, harmony, form, and song texts to articulate symbolic struggles over meaning in the realm of culture. The book illuminates historical changes in musical style, performance practice, and social meanings from the genre's origins to the present day. Developed during the early 1970s, an historical treatment of the genre's musical style, performance practice, and social meanings is long overdue.Less
Dangdut Stories is a social and musical history of dangdut, Indonesia's most popular music, within a range of broader narratives about social class, gender, ethnicity and nation in post-independence Indonesia (1945-present). The book shows how dangdut evolved from a debased form of urban popular music to a prominent role in Indonesian cultural politics and the commercial music industry. Throughout the book the voices and experiences of musicians take center stage in shaping the book's narrative. Quoted material from interviews, detailed analysis of music and song texts, and ethnography of performance illuminate the stylistic nature of the music and its centrality in public debates about Islam, social class relations, and the role of women in post-colonial Indonesia. Dangdut Stories is the first musicological study to examine the stylistic development of dangdut music itself, using vocal style, melody, rhythm, harmony, form, and song texts to articulate symbolic struggles over meaning in the realm of culture. The book illuminates historical changes in musical style, performance practice, and social meanings from the genre's origins to the present day. Developed during the early 1970s, an historical treatment of the genre's musical style, performance practice, and social meanings is long overdue.
Carl-Ulrik Schierup, Peo Hansen, and Stephen Castles
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780198280521
- eISBN:
- 9780191603730
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198280521.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This book examines the current dilemmas of liberal anti-racist policies in European societies, linking two discourses that are normally quite separate in social science: immigration and ethnic ...
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This book examines the current dilemmas of liberal anti-racist policies in European societies, linking two discourses that are normally quite separate in social science: immigration and ethnic relations research on the one hand, and the political economy of the welfare state on the other. Gunnar Myrdal’s questions in An American Dilemma are rephrased with reference to Europe’s current dual crisis — that of the established welfare state facing a declining capacity to maintain equity, and that of the nation state unable to accommodate incremental ethnic diversity. The book compares developments across the European Union with the contemporary US experience of poverty, race, and class, highlighting the major moral-political dilemma emerging across the EU out of the discord between declared ideals of citizenship and actual exclusion from civil, political, and social rights. Drawing on case-study analysis of migration, the changing welfare state, and labour markets in the UK, Germany, Italy, and Sweden, the book charts the immense variety of Europe’s social and political landscape.Less
This book examines the current dilemmas of liberal anti-racist policies in European societies, linking two discourses that are normally quite separate in social science: immigration and ethnic relations research on the one hand, and the political economy of the welfare state on the other. Gunnar Myrdal’s questions in An American Dilemma are rephrased with reference to Europe’s current dual crisis — that of the established welfare state facing a declining capacity to maintain equity, and that of the nation state unable to accommodate incremental ethnic diversity. The book compares developments across the European Union with the contemporary US experience of poverty, race, and class, highlighting the major moral-political dilemma emerging across the EU out of the discord between declared ideals of citizenship and actual exclusion from civil, political, and social rights. Drawing on case-study analysis of migration, the changing welfare state, and labour markets in the UK, Germany, Italy, and Sweden, the book charts the immense variety of Europe’s social and political landscape.
Carl-Ulrik Schierup
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780198280521
- eISBN:
- 9780191603730
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198280521.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter elaborates a theoretical framework for the comparative analysis of social exclusion, with particular reference to migrants and ethnic minorities. It attempts to forge a synthesis of ...
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This chapter elaborates a theoretical framework for the comparative analysis of social exclusion, with particular reference to migrants and ethnic minorities. It attempts to forge a synthesis of theoretical propositions within US research on ethnicity, race, gender, and class with insights from European comparative sociological studies on welfare regimes. It compares ‘racialized exclusion’ in the United States with the segregated urban spaces in which immigrants and new ethnic minorities tend to be concentrated in European societies. It also discusses the highly different development in different parts of the European Union (concentrating on the 15 states which made up the EU until 2004). The discussion reveals a complex interplay between path-dependent institutional strategies and multiple tendencies of convergence in the direction of a neo-American strategy of globalization and its characteristic forms of ‘advanced marginality’. Yet individual societies continue to cope with forces of globalization as well as processes of racialized exclusion in different ways and with different results. These differences are linked to their particular welfare regimes, institutionalized economic and political frameworks, and particular modes of organization of civil society.Less
This chapter elaborates a theoretical framework for the comparative analysis of social exclusion, with particular reference to migrants and ethnic minorities. It attempts to forge a synthesis of theoretical propositions within US research on ethnicity, race, gender, and class with insights from European comparative sociological studies on welfare regimes. It compares ‘racialized exclusion’ in the United States with the segregated urban spaces in which immigrants and new ethnic minorities tend to be concentrated in European societies. It also discusses the highly different development in different parts of the European Union (concentrating on the 15 states which made up the EU until 2004). The discussion reveals a complex interplay between path-dependent institutional strategies and multiple tendencies of convergence in the direction of a neo-American strategy of globalization and its characteristic forms of ‘advanced marginality’. Yet individual societies continue to cope with forces of globalization as well as processes of racialized exclusion in different ways and with different results. These differences are linked to their particular welfare regimes, institutionalized economic and political frameworks, and particular modes of organization of civil society.
Carl-Ulrik Schierup
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780198280521
- eISBN:
- 9780191603730
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198280521.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
The ‘Thatcher revolution’ and its continuation by New Labour make Britain a kind of master model for the neo-liberalization or Americanization of European welfare states. This chapter examines ...
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The ‘Thatcher revolution’ and its continuation by New Labour make Britain a kind of master model for the neo-liberalization or Americanization of European welfare states. This chapter examines Britain’s new political economy and its links with immigration and ethnic diversity. The development of the specific model of state managed race relations and multiculturalism went parallel to the growth of inequality and the restructuring of the labour force according to the criteria of race, gender, human capital, and legal status. Current debates on the alleged threat from disaffected Muslim youth and the need for social cohesion arise from this failure of British multiculturalism to overcome barriers of race and class, and indicate a search for new forms of social control: less state in economic and social issues is matched by a stronger state in matters of identity and order.Less
The ‘Thatcher revolution’ and its continuation by New Labour make Britain a kind of master model for the neo-liberalization or Americanization of European welfare states. This chapter examines Britain’s new political economy and its links with immigration and ethnic diversity. The development of the specific model of state managed race relations and multiculturalism went parallel to the growth of inequality and the restructuring of the labour force according to the criteria of race, gender, human capital, and legal status. Current debates on the alleged threat from disaffected Muslim youth and the need for social cohesion arise from this failure of British multiculturalism to overcome barriers of race and class, and indicate a search for new forms of social control: less state in economic and social issues is matched by a stronger state in matters of identity and order.
Carl-Ulrik Schierup
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780198280521
- eISBN:
- 9780191603730
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198280521.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
The ‘Swedish Model’ has been taken to represent the quintessential social democratic welfare regime. Sweden enjoys a reputation for having one of the world’s most far-sighted immigration policies and ...
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The ‘Swedish Model’ has been taken to represent the quintessential social democratic welfare regime. Sweden enjoys a reputation for having one of the world’s most far-sighted immigration policies and is still referred to as an international model with respect to its policies for the incorporation of immigrants and new ethnic minorities. However, these policies experienced deep-seated changes and serious setbacks from the 1990s. This chapter focuses on a truly puzzling disjuncture between a strong commitment to sustainable welfare and diversity on the one hand, and deepening structurally and institutionally grounded ethnic-class divisions on the other. General trends in migration are described, and the historical specifics of the so-called ‘Swedish model’ and its subsequent transformation are presented. This is the basis for an analysis of the changing forms of racialized marginality. The chapter concludes by setting out Swedish policies on migration and incorporation, and discusses migrants’ ambivalent position in a changing social democratic welfare state.Less
The ‘Swedish Model’ has been taken to represent the quintessential social democratic welfare regime. Sweden enjoys a reputation for having one of the world’s most far-sighted immigration policies and is still referred to as an international model with respect to its policies for the incorporation of immigrants and new ethnic minorities. However, these policies experienced deep-seated changes and serious setbacks from the 1990s. This chapter focuses on a truly puzzling disjuncture between a strong commitment to sustainable welfare and diversity on the one hand, and deepening structurally and institutionally grounded ethnic-class divisions on the other. General trends in migration are described, and the historical specifics of the so-called ‘Swedish model’ and its subsequent transformation are presented. This is the basis for an analysis of the changing forms of racialized marginality. The chapter concludes by setting out Swedish policies on migration and incorporation, and discusses migrants’ ambivalent position in a changing social democratic welfare state.
James Hinton
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199243297
- eISBN:
- 9780191714054
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199243297.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
The associational life of middle-class women in 20th-century England has been largely ignored by historians. During the Second World War women's clubs, guilds, and institutes provided a basis for the ...
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The associational life of middle-class women in 20th-century England has been largely ignored by historians. During the Second World War women's clubs, guilds, and institutes provided a basis for the mobilization of up to a million women, mainly housewives, into unpaid part-time work. Women's Voluntary Services (WVS) — which was set up by the government in 1938 to organize this work — generated a rich archive of reports and correspondence which provide the social historian with a unique window into the female public sphere. Questioning the view that world war two served to democratize English society, the book shows how the mobilization enabled middle-class social leaders to reinforce their claims to authority. Displaying ‘character’ through their voluntary work, the leisured women at the centre of this study made themselves indispensable to the war effort. The book delineates these ‘continuities of class’, reconstructing intimate portraits of local female social leadership in contrasting settings across provincial England, tracing complex and often acerbic rivalries within the voluntary sector, and uncovering gulfs of mutual distrust and incomprehension dividing publicly active women along gendered frontiers of class and party. Britain's wartime mobilization relied on an uneasy balance between voluntarism and the expanding power of the state, calling on a Victorian ethos of public service to cope with the profoundly un-Victorian problems of total war. It was not until the 1950s and 1960s that these female social leaders finally found themselves marginalized by bureaucracy and professionalization.Less
The associational life of middle-class women in 20th-century England has been largely ignored by historians. During the Second World War women's clubs, guilds, and institutes provided a basis for the mobilization of up to a million women, mainly housewives, into unpaid part-time work. Women's Voluntary Services (WVS) — which was set up by the government in 1938 to organize this work — generated a rich archive of reports and correspondence which provide the social historian with a unique window into the female public sphere. Questioning the view that world war two served to democratize English society, the book shows how the mobilization enabled middle-class social leaders to reinforce their claims to authority. Displaying ‘character’ through their voluntary work, the leisured women at the centre of this study made themselves indispensable to the war effort. The book delineates these ‘continuities of class’, reconstructing intimate portraits of local female social leadership in contrasting settings across provincial England, tracing complex and often acerbic rivalries within the voluntary sector, and uncovering gulfs of mutual distrust and incomprehension dividing publicly active women along gendered frontiers of class and party. Britain's wartime mobilization relied on an uneasy balance between voluntarism and the expanding power of the state, calling on a Victorian ethos of public service to cope with the profoundly un-Victorian problems of total war. It was not until the 1950s and 1960s that these female social leaders finally found themselves marginalized by bureaucracy and professionalization.
Jack Hayward
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199216314
- eISBN:
- 9780191712265
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199216314.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
The slow motion retreat from peasant and artisan ruralism underpinned an institutional immobilism mastered by a new professional political class of meritocratic barristers and businessmen. ...
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The slow motion retreat from peasant and artisan ruralism underpinned an institutional immobilism mastered by a new professional political class of meritocratic barristers and businessmen. Politicized industrial relations and prominence of anarcho-syndicalist militancy in the weak trade unions led to general strikes becoming a mobilizing myth. Anticlericalism pursued the separation of Church and State, while anti-Semitism exploded in the Dreyfus Affair.Less
The slow motion retreat from peasant and artisan ruralism underpinned an institutional immobilism mastered by a new professional political class of meritocratic barristers and businessmen. Politicized industrial relations and prominence of anarcho-syndicalist militancy in the weak trade unions led to general strikes becoming a mobilizing myth. Anticlericalism pursued the separation of Church and State, while anti-Semitism exploded in the Dreyfus Affair.
Ronald K. S. Macaulay
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195173819
- eISBN:
- 9780199788361
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195173819.003.0013
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Sociolinguistics / Anthropological Linguistics
This chapter summarizes the statistically significant results obtained through the use of the Mann-Whitney nonparametric test. Of the forty-six statistically significant differences, ten refer to ...
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This chapter summarizes the statistically significant results obtained through the use of the Mann-Whitney nonparametric test. Of the forty-six statistically significant differences, ten refer to social class differences, sixteen to gender differences, and twenty to age differences. This gives a ranking of age > gender > social class for the findings. The social class, gender, and age differences are presented in summary form.Less
This chapter summarizes the statistically significant results obtained through the use of the Mann-Whitney nonparametric test. Of the forty-six statistically significant differences, ten refer to social class differences, sixteen to gender differences, and twenty to age differences. This gives a ranking of age > gender > social class for the findings. The social class, gender, and age differences are presented in summary form.
Rosanna Hertz
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195179903
- eISBN:
- 9780199944118
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195179903.003.0026
- Subject:
- Sociology, Marriage and the Family
Middle-class single mothers are here to stay, this chapter states. However, the future is less about women who chanced pregnancy or chose adoption and more about donor-assisted families. These women ...
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Middle-class single mothers are here to stay, this chapter states. However, the future is less about women who chanced pregnancy or chose adoption and more about donor-assisted families. These women are challenging norms of both family and reproduction. Women who choose single motherhood are most often at odds with their biological clocks, bumping up against the constraints of their fertility. More likely, women will turn to science in order to give birth to their own children rather than pursuing other routes to motherhood that involve large adoption fees and having to prove to social workers that they are qualified to be mothers. However, women still prefer to parent with one other parent, and the wish among heterosexual women for a dad for their children remains strong.Less
Middle-class single mothers are here to stay, this chapter states. However, the future is less about women who chanced pregnancy or chose adoption and more about donor-assisted families. These women are challenging norms of both family and reproduction. Women who choose single motherhood are most often at odds with their biological clocks, bumping up against the constraints of their fertility. More likely, women will turn to science in order to give birth to their own children rather than pursuing other routes to motherhood that involve large adoption fees and having to prove to social workers that they are qualified to be mothers. However, women still prefer to parent with one other parent, and the wish among heterosexual women for a dad for their children remains strong.
Rosanna Hertz
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195179903
- eISBN:
- 9780199944118
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195179903.003.0103
- Subject:
- Sociology, Marriage and the Family
This chapter concludes Part III of the book. Unable to leave the workforce, the women in the interviews settle for resting the measure of motherhood not on being there every moment but on being ...
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This chapter concludes Part III of the book. Unable to leave the workforce, the women in the interviews settle for resting the measure of motherhood not on being there every moment but on being visible at key moments and logging what many call “family time.” Streamlining employment is the compromise for these women, and their success in this attempt depends on their skill sets. Women are giving up their personal time, social life, and outside hobbies so that they can be home on time for day care pickups or in time for dinner, things that are essential to them. Crucial to these women's survival on this fault line is help with child care. Besides surrounding their child with people who care, the final test of good mothering for these women is providing the social capital for middle-class citizenship.Less
This chapter concludes Part III of the book. Unable to leave the workforce, the women in the interviews settle for resting the measure of motherhood not on being there every moment but on being visible at key moments and logging what many call “family time.” Streamlining employment is the compromise for these women, and their success in this attempt depends on their skill sets. Women are giving up their personal time, social life, and outside hobbies so that they can be home on time for day care pickups or in time for dinner, things that are essential to them. Crucial to these women's survival on this fault line is help with child care. Besides surrounding their child with people who care, the final test of good mothering for these women is providing the social capital for middle-class citizenship.
Deborah Posel
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198273349
- eISBN:
- 9780191684036
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198273349.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This book examines some of the crucial political processes and struggles which shaped the reciprocal development of Apartheid and capitalism in South Africa. The book's analysis debunks the orthodoxy ...
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This book examines some of the crucial political processes and struggles which shaped the reciprocal development of Apartheid and capitalism in South Africa. The book's analysis debunks the orthodoxy view, which presents apartheid as the product of a single ‘grand plan’, created by the State in response to the pressures of capital accumulation. Using as a case study influx control during the first phase of apartheid (1948–61), the book shows that apartheid arose from complex patterns of conflict and compromise within the State, in which white capitalists, the black working class, and popular movements exercised varying and uneven degrees of influence. This book integrates a detailed empirical analysis of the capitalist State and its relationship to class interests.Less
This book examines some of the crucial political processes and struggles which shaped the reciprocal development of Apartheid and capitalism in South Africa. The book's analysis debunks the orthodoxy view, which presents apartheid as the product of a single ‘grand plan’, created by the State in response to the pressures of capital accumulation. Using as a case study influx control during the first phase of apartheid (1948–61), the book shows that apartheid arose from complex patterns of conflict and compromise within the State, in which white capitalists, the black working class, and popular movements exercised varying and uneven degrees of influence. This book integrates a detailed empirical analysis of the capitalist State and its relationship to class interests.
Ira Katznelson
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780198279242
- eISBN:
- 9780191601910
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198279248.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Section I of this chapter discusses how, by not embarking on the journey linking city space, capitalist development, and class formation, Marxism denied itself a critical dimension in the material ...
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Section I of this chapter discusses how, by not embarking on the journey linking city space, capitalist development, and class formation, Marxism denied itself a critical dimension in the material analysis both of the target it wished to confront and of the class it expected to be the agent of this successful engagement. Section II looks at how the separation between the social classes within the new social geography of the capitalist city in the nineteenth century helped assure the residential propinquity of members of the working class, as well as their isolation from other classes. However, with the elaboration of new networks made possible by the nationalization of labour markets, there was a growing sense that working classes shared a fate that transcended given localities, while advances in communications and transportation made the ties between class and space more complicated and tentative. Analyses are included of this break in working‐class history given in the work of Krishan Kumar and Craig Calhoun, and by Olivier Zunz and Richard Oestreicher in their studies of Detroit at the turn of the nineteenth century. Sections III–V show that the relationship of Marxism and the city and urban space now stands on unsure ground, since it is the politics and viability of class itself as the dominant form of collective identity that is currently under challenge; the discussion given here draws on the work of Mark Gottendiener and Eric Hobsbaum within the new urban Marxism.Less
Section I of this chapter discusses how, by not embarking on the journey linking city space, capitalist development, and class formation, Marxism denied itself a critical dimension in the material analysis both of the target it wished to confront and of the class it expected to be the agent of this successful engagement. Section II looks at how the separation between the social classes within the new social geography of the capitalist city in the nineteenth century helped assure the residential propinquity of members of the working class, as well as their isolation from other classes. However, with the elaboration of new networks made possible by the nationalization of labour markets, there was a growing sense that working classes shared a fate that transcended given localities, while advances in communications and transportation made the ties between class and space more complicated and tentative. Analyses are included of this break in working‐class history given in the work of Krishan Kumar and Craig Calhoun, and by Olivier Zunz and Richard Oestreicher in their studies of Detroit at the turn of the nineteenth century. Sections III–V show that the relationship of Marxism and the city and urban space now stands on unsure ground, since it is the politics and viability of class itself as the dominant form of collective identity that is currently under challenge; the discussion given here draws on the work of Mark Gottendiener and Eric Hobsbaum within the new urban Marxism.
Peter Robb
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198075110
- eISBN:
- 9780199080885
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198075110.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Social History
This volume examines the diaries of Richard Blechynden, a surveyor, architect, and builder in Calcutta. Sifting through anecdotes, extracts, and stories from over eighty volumes of diaries and ...
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This volume examines the diaries of Richard Blechynden, a surveyor, architect, and builder in Calcutta. Sifting through anecdotes, extracts, and stories from over eighty volumes of diaries and papers, this book and its companion give a unique perspective into colonial households, daily life, corruption in law and private conduct, and emerging norms of identity. Through Blechynden’s diaries, this book reveals the politics of power within households and the position of women, especially Blechynden’s concubines or bibis. This study on class, culture, gender, and race in colonial Calcutta explores the tensions and assimilations arising out of cross-cultural contact between the sexual and social mores of the English and the Indians. Demarcating the concepts of domestic, public, and private spaces, it allows us to eavesdrop on the lives of ordinary people, both European and Indian, richly detailing their day-to-day exchanges, their hopes, and their fears.Less
This volume examines the diaries of Richard Blechynden, a surveyor, architect, and builder in Calcutta. Sifting through anecdotes, extracts, and stories from over eighty volumes of diaries and papers, this book and its companion give a unique perspective into colonial households, daily life, corruption in law and private conduct, and emerging norms of identity. Through Blechynden’s diaries, this book reveals the politics of power within households and the position of women, especially Blechynden’s concubines or bibis. This study on class, culture, gender, and race in colonial Calcutta explores the tensions and assimilations arising out of cross-cultural contact between the sexual and social mores of the English and the Indians. Demarcating the concepts of domestic, public, and private spaces, it allows us to eavesdrop on the lives of ordinary people, both European and Indian, richly detailing their day-to-day exchanges, their hopes, and their fears.
Geoffrey Evans (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198296348
- eISBN:
- 9780191599194
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198296347.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
For many years, there has been an intense debate over the importance of social class as a basis of political partisanship and ideological divisions in advanced industrial societies. The arguments of ...
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For many years, there has been an intense debate over the importance of social class as a basis of political partisanship and ideological divisions in advanced industrial societies. The arguments of postmodernists and disillusioned socialists have been combined with those of numerous empirical researchers on both sides of the Atlantic—and in both sociology and political science—who have claimed that class inequality has lost its political importance. Yet at the same time, the class politics proselytizers—whether Marxist or otherwise—have remained unpersuaded. This book presents a state‐of‐the‐art analysis of the changing nature of class voting and the salience of class politics in advanced industrial societies. It combines broad ranging cross‐national comparison with detailed country studies and empirical tests of key theoretical and methodological explanations of changing levels of class voting. The final section includes commentaries from distinguished scholars from the fields of social stratification, political science, and political sociology, followed by a general discussion.The strengths of the book are the following: (1)a combination of breadth and depth, which uses both comparative analysis of up to 16 countries and detailed analyses of several of the more critical cases; (2) methodological sophistication: a particularly high quality is attained in the measurement of class and voting, and in the statistical analysis of their relations through time; (3) an interchange of skills and knowledge from political science, social stratification research, and the sociology of politics; and (4) an international collection of established and in some cases extremely eminent contributors.On the basis of the evidence presented, it is argued that in many cases class divisions in voting have not declined. Much of current orthodoxy among both political scientists and sociologists with regard to the declining class basis of politics is brought into question by the ’The End of Class Politics?’. This should enable it to serve as a major reference point for future work and discussion on the social bases of political divisions.The readership includes both sociologists, primarily in the areas of political sociology and stratification and political scientists. As an authoritative research statement it would appeal to practitioners, graduate classes, and advanced undergraduate courses. It would also be useful for advanced research methods teaching, as it would provide a more effective demonstration of the relation between methods and substance than do texts that teach methods per se. The inclusion of three chapters looking at the US, both as a case study and in cross‐national context, make it relevant to an American as well as European audience.Less
For many years, there has been an intense debate over the importance of social class as a basis of political partisanship and ideological divisions in advanced industrial societies. The arguments of postmodernists and disillusioned socialists have been combined with those of numerous empirical researchers on both sides of the Atlantic—and in both sociology and political science—who have claimed that class inequality has lost its political importance. Yet at the same time, the class politics proselytizers—whether Marxist or otherwise—have remained unpersuaded. This book presents a state‐of‐the‐art analysis of the changing nature of class voting and the salience of class politics in advanced industrial societies. It combines broad ranging cross‐national comparison with detailed country studies and empirical tests of key theoretical and methodological explanations of changing levels of class voting. The final section includes commentaries from distinguished scholars from the fields of social stratification, political science, and political sociology, followed by a general discussion.
The strengths of the book are the following: (1)a combination of breadth and depth, which uses both comparative analysis of up to 16 countries and detailed analyses of several of the more critical cases; (2) methodological sophistication: a particularly high quality is attained in the measurement of class and voting, and in the statistical analysis of their relations through time; (3) an interchange of skills and knowledge from political science, social stratification research, and the sociology of politics; and (4) an international collection of established and in some cases extremely eminent contributors.
On the basis of the evidence presented, it is argued that in many cases class divisions in voting have not declined. Much of current orthodoxy among both political scientists and sociologists with regard to the declining class basis of politics is brought into question by the ’The End of Class Politics?’. This should enable it to serve as a major reference point for future work and discussion on the social bases of political divisions.
The readership includes both sociologists, primarily in the areas of political sociology and stratification and political scientists. As an authoritative research statement it would appeal to practitioners, graduate classes, and advanced undergraduate courses. It would also be useful for advanced research methods teaching, as it would provide a more effective demonstration of the relation between methods and substance than do texts that teach methods per se. The inclusion of three chapters looking at the US, both as a case study and in cross‐national context, make it relevant to an American as well as European audience.
David M. Armstrong
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199590612
- eISBN:
- 9780191723391
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199590612.003.0014
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Philosophy of Mind, Metaphysics/Epistemology
David Lewis' major contribution to the ontology of classes is to perceive that many‐membered classes are mereological sums of the singletons (unit‐classes of their members: {a, b, c, d, . . .} is ...
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David Lewis' major contribution to the ontology of classes is to perceive that many‐membered classes are mereological sums of the singletons (unit‐classes of their members: {a, b, c, d, . . .} is identical with {a + {b} + }c} + {d} . . . This raises the question of what singletons are ontologically. My proposal that they are all states of affairs was refuted by Gideon Rosen. But a more limited claim is tenable. Only some singletons are states of affairs. Because set theory is a mathematical system it will produce structures that may not be instantiated, and therefore are no more than possibilities. Nelson Goodman's protest at using set theory to do metaphysics is endorsed. The null class is rejected as an existent.Less
David Lewis' major contribution to the ontology of classes is to perceive that many‐membered classes are mereological sums of the singletons (unit‐classes of their members: {a, b, c, d, . . .} is identical with {a + {b} + }c} + {d} . . . This raises the question of what singletons are ontologically. My proposal that they are all states of affairs was refuted by Gideon Rosen. But a more limited claim is tenable. Only some singletons are states of affairs. Because set theory is a mathematical system it will produce structures that may not be instantiated, and therefore are no more than possibilities. Nelson Goodman's protest at using set theory to do metaphysics is endorsed. The null class is rejected as an existent.
Anthony F. Heath, Roger M. Jowell, and John K. Curtice
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199245116
- eISBN:
- 9780191599453
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199245118.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
The key questions in the seventh chapter of the book are related to the changes in the social basis of support for the parties in the British political spectrum in the period 1979–1997 and whether ...
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The key questions in the seventh chapter of the book are related to the changes in the social basis of support for the parties in the British political spectrum in the period 1979–1997 and whether these changes can be described as processes of class dealignment or class realignment. The authors conclude that, from 1979–1997 there has been continuity in the Conservatives’ social basis of support and that almost all variations in Conservative support (apart from the regional one) took the form of swings that affected all social groups alike. There was also continuity in the image of the Conservative party in terms of the groups it represented—in 1997, the Conservatives continued to be seen as a highly sectional party concerned with the interests of the social groups that constituted its traditional core. This was not the case with the Labour party—in 1997, New Labour had very substantially reduced its sectional character, was no longer distinctively associated with any particular social group, and it had successfully become a catchall party. There was a change not only in the image of New Labour but also in the character of Labour's voters—under Tony Blair New Labour's moves towards the centre, involved larger than expected electoral gains in the salariat than among Labour's traditional sources of support in the working class. However, despite these changes Heath, Jowell, and Curtice conclude that even under New Labour the usual pattern of party support continued—it was simply muted. This gives support to the thesis of class realignment according to which the changes in the social bases of party support are due to particular groups shifting their support from one party towards a different one and not due to a blurring of class boundaries and a weakening of the social cleavages (class dealignment).Less
The key questions in the seventh chapter of the book are related to the changes in the social basis of support for the parties in the British political spectrum in the period 1979–1997 and whether these changes can be described as processes of class dealignment or class realignment. The authors conclude that, from 1979–1997 there has been continuity in the Conservatives’ social basis of support and that almost all variations in Conservative support (apart from the regional one) took the form of swings that affected all social groups alike. There was also continuity in the image of the Conservative party in terms of the groups it represented—in 1997, the Conservatives continued to be seen as a highly sectional party concerned with the interests of the social groups that constituted its traditional core. This was not the case with the Labour party—in 1997, New Labour had very substantially reduced its sectional character, was no longer distinctively associated with any particular social group, and it had successfully become a catchall party. There was a change not only in the image of New Labour but also in the character of Labour's voters—under Tony Blair New Labour's moves towards the centre, involved larger than expected electoral gains in the salariat than among Labour's traditional sources of support in the working class. However, despite these changes Heath, Jowell, and Curtice conclude that even under New Labour the usual pattern of party support continued—it was simply muted. This gives support to the thesis of class realignment according to which the changes in the social bases of party support are due to particular groups shifting their support from one party towards a different one and not due to a blurring of class boundaries and a weakening of the social cleavages (class dealignment).
Anthony F. Heath, Roger M. Jowell, and John K. Curtice
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199245116
- eISBN:
- 9780191599453
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199245118.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
The central hypothesis tested in this chapter is that Labour's traditional constituency in the working class did not respond with enthusiasm to New Labour's apparent lack of concern with their ...
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The central hypothesis tested in this chapter is that Labour's traditional constituency in the working class did not respond with enthusiasm to New Labour's apparent lack of concern with their interests and may have shown some reluctance to turn out and vote for the party. The authors emphasize the smallness of the changes that occurred in the patterns of abstention and strength of partisanship in 1997, but nevertheless, they find some strong hints from the data presented in the chapter that New Labour's move to the centre was, albeit in a rather modest way, responsible for muted enthusiasm among the party's traditional supporters. The analysis also suggests that the changes were specific to Labour and were not part of a general trend towards civic disengagement or political cynicism. The authors discuss the short‐term and the long‐term electoral consequences of these changes—the loss of Labour votes that this muted enthusiasm entailed would have been more than compensated by the extra votes won from the new recruits to Labour in the middle classes. In the longer term, however, this could lead to increased apathy and disengagement among the disadvantaged sectors of society and to a gradual rise in class non‐voting.Less
The central hypothesis tested in this chapter is that Labour's traditional constituency in the working class did not respond with enthusiasm to New Labour's apparent lack of concern with their interests and may have shown some reluctance to turn out and vote for the party. The authors emphasize the smallness of the changes that occurred in the patterns of abstention and strength of partisanship in 1997, but nevertheless, they find some strong hints from the data presented in the chapter that New Labour's move to the centre was, albeit in a rather modest way, responsible for muted enthusiasm among the party's traditional supporters. The analysis also suggests that the changes were specific to Labour and were not part of a general trend towards civic disengagement or political cynicism. The authors discuss the short‐term and the long‐term electoral consequences of these changes—the loss of Labour votes that this muted enthusiasm entailed would have been more than compensated by the extra votes won from the new recruits to Labour in the middle classes. In the longer term, however, this could lead to increased apathy and disengagement among the disadvantaged sectors of society and to a gradual rise in class non‐voting.
