John McCormick
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199556212
- eISBN:
- 9780191721830
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199556212.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union, International Relations and Politics
This book attempts to identify and outline the political, economic, and social norms and values associated with Europe and Europeans. It argues that regardless of the doubts associated with the ...
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This book attempts to identify and outline the political, economic, and social norms and values associated with Europe and Europeans. It argues that regardless of the doubts associated with the exercise of European integration and the work of the European Union, and regardless of residual identities with states and nations, Europeans have much in common. The opening chapters deal with the historical development of European ideas, and are followed by chapters addressing European attitudes towards the state (including a rejection of state‐based nationalism, new ideas about patriotism and citizenship, and the importance of cosmopolitanism), the characteristics of politics and government in Europe (with an emphasis on communitarianism and the effects of the parliamentary system of government), European economic models (including the importance of welfarism and sustainable development), European social models, European attitudes towards values such as multiculturalism and secularism, and Europeanist views in regard to international relations (emphasizing civilian power and multiculturalism).Less
This book attempts to identify and outline the political, economic, and social norms and values associated with Europe and Europeans. It argues that regardless of the doubts associated with the exercise of European integration and the work of the European Union, and regardless of residual identities with states and nations, Europeans have much in common. The opening chapters deal with the historical development of European ideas, and are followed by chapters addressing European attitudes towards the state (including a rejection of state‐based nationalism, new ideas about patriotism and citizenship, and the importance of cosmopolitanism), the characteristics of politics and government in Europe (with an emphasis on communitarianism and the effects of the parliamentary system of government), European economic models (including the importance of welfarism and sustainable development), European social models, European attitudes towards values such as multiculturalism and secularism, and Europeanist views in regard to international relations (emphasizing civilian power and multiculturalism).
Jeff McMahan
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199548668
- eISBN:
- 9780191721045
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199548668.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy, Philosophy of Language
Killing a person is in general among the most seriously wrongful forms of action, yet most of us accept that it can be permissible to kill people on a large scale in war. Does morality become more ...
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Killing a person is in general among the most seriously wrongful forms of action, yet most of us accept that it can be permissible to kill people on a large scale in war. Does morality become more permissive in a state of war? This book argues that conditions in war make no difference to what morality permits and that the justifications for killing people are the same in war as they are in other contexts, such as individual self-defence. This view is radically at odds with the traditional theory of the just war and has implications that challenge common sense views. It implies, for example, that it is wrong to fight in a war that is unjust because it lacks a just cause, that those who fight in a just war are not legitimate targets of attack, and that some civilians may, in principle if not in practice, be morally liable to suffer certain harms in war.Less
Killing a person is in general among the most seriously wrongful forms of action, yet most of us accept that it can be permissible to kill people on a large scale in war. Does morality become more permissive in a state of war? This book argues that conditions in war make no difference to what morality permits and that the justifications for killing people are the same in war as they are in other contexts, such as individual self-defence. This view is radically at odds with the traditional theory of the just war and has implications that challenge common sense views. It implies, for example, that it is wrong to fight in a war that is unjust because it lacks a just cause, that those who fight in a just war are not legitimate targets of attack, and that some civilians may, in principle if not in practice, be morally liable to suffer certain harms in war.
Karma Nabulsi
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294078
- eISBN:
- 9780191599972
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294077.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This is the second of three chapters that set out the differing contexts through which the dilemma in the laws of war over the distinction between lawful and unlawful combatants can be viewed: ...
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This is the second of three chapters that set out the differing contexts through which the dilemma in the laws of war over the distinction between lawful and unlawful combatants can be viewed: political and diplomatic (Chapter 1), social (this chapter) and intellectual (Chapter 3). It explores the social history of army occupation and resistance to it in nineteenth century Europe – from the Napoleonic period to the Franco-Prussian war– and places these diplomatic failures in their broader social and political context. In particular it examines the range of army practices under occupation, and the effect that they had on civilian life. The different sections of the chapter discuss: pillaging, looting, requisitions and billeting; reprisals; hostage-taking; types of civilian behaviour –obedience to the occupier, political and armed acts of resistance, organized acts of resistance –guerrillas and franc-tireurs; levee en masse and other assorted insurrections; ideologies of resistance; religion as a source of resistance; and the influence of nationalism and patriotism.Less
This is the second of three chapters that set out the differing contexts through which the dilemma in the laws of war over the distinction between lawful and unlawful combatants can be viewed: political and diplomatic (Chapter 1), social (this chapter) and intellectual (Chapter 3). It explores the social history of army occupation and resistance to it in nineteenth century Europe – from the Napoleonic period to the Franco-Prussian war– and places these diplomatic failures in their broader social and political context. In particular it examines the range of army practices under occupation, and the effect that they had on civilian life. The different sections of the chapter discuss: pillaging, looting, requisitions and billeting; reprisals; hostage-taking; types of civilian behaviour –obedience to the occupier, political and armed acts of resistance, organized acts of resistance –guerrillas and franc-tireurs; levee en masse and other assorted insurrections; ideologies of resistance; religion as a source of resistance; and the influence of nationalism and patriotism.
Uwe Steinhoff
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199217373
- eISBN:
- 9780191712470
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199217373.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter tackles the question of why soldiers, allegedly, are legitimate targets and civilians not. Four approaches to the explanation of the difference are discussed: the moral guilt theory, the ...
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This chapter tackles the question of why soldiers, allegedly, are legitimate targets and civilians not. Four approaches to the explanation of the difference are discussed: the moral guilt theory, the convention theory, the self-defence theory, and the justifying emergency theory. All these approaches have a valid moral principle at heart, but are nevertheless misleading in that they raise their respective principle to the status of the absolute. The chapter outlines how a comparative weighting of the principles can proceed if applied to concrete cases. The resulting approach does not square the distinction between legitimate and illegitimate targets with the distinction between soldiers and civilians; this has extremely important consequences for the conduct of war.Less
This chapter tackles the question of why soldiers, allegedly, are legitimate targets and civilians not. Four approaches to the explanation of the difference are discussed: the moral guilt theory, the convention theory, the self-defence theory, and the justifying emergency theory. All these approaches have a valid moral principle at heart, but are nevertheless misleading in that they raise their respective principle to the status of the absolute. The chapter outlines how a comparative weighting of the principles can proceed if applied to concrete cases. The resulting approach does not square the distinction between legitimate and illegitimate targets with the distinction between soldiers and civilians; this has extremely important consequences for the conduct of war.
Uwe Steinhoff
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199217373
- eISBN:
- 9780191712470
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199217373.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter criticizes several definitions of ‘terrorism’ and offers the following definition: Terrorism is the strategy of intimidating or impressing others than the immediate victims or targets of ...
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This chapter criticizes several definitions of ‘terrorism’ and offers the following definition: Terrorism is the strategy of intimidating or impressing others than the immediate victims or targets of violence by the repeated threat, made credible by corresponding acts, the repeated killing or severe harming of innocents, or the repeated destruction or severe harming of their property. This implies that not all deliberate attacks on civilians are terrorist in intent. Several attempts to justify terrorism proper are considered, and all but one is rejected. Under certain circumstances terrorism can be justified, but such a justification is more difficult for strong parties, such as states, than for weak ones, such as sub-national actors.Less
This chapter criticizes several definitions of ‘terrorism’ and offers the following definition: Terrorism is the strategy of intimidating or impressing others than the immediate victims or targets of violence by the repeated threat, made credible by corresponding acts, the repeated killing or severe harming of innocents, or the repeated destruction or severe harming of their property. This implies that not all deliberate attacks on civilians are terrorist in intent. Several attempts to justify terrorism proper are considered, and all but one is rejected. Under certain circumstances terrorism can be justified, but such a justification is more difficult for strong parties, such as states, than for weak ones, such as sub-national actors.
Karma Nabulsi
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294078
- eISBN:
- 9780191599972
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294077.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This is the second of three chapters on the three traditions of war, and introduces the Groatian tradition, which is viewed as the most dominant and powerful of the traditions presented, and had as ...
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This is the second of three chapters on the three traditions of war, and introduces the Groatian tradition, which is viewed as the most dominant and powerful of the traditions presented, and had as its primary source the Dutch diplomat, lawyer, poet, mathematician, theologian, and historian, Hugo Grotius (1583-1645). The objective of the chapter is to analyse this ideology, and show how its principles came to underpin the later Grotian rationale for the legal distinction between lawful and unlawful combatants. The chapter begins by evoking the inherently enigmatic qualities of Grotius and the numerous (and often conflicting) traditions that he inspired; next the distinct properties of the Grotian tradition of war are set out and seen to consist of a singular legal discourse, a pluralist method, and a strong attachment to order and power. The core components of this ideology are then examined with reference to Grotian conceptions of human nature, government, and liberty; these elements are shown to provide the necessary foundations of Grotius’ conception of war, and in particular to inform the priority accorded to the rights of states and armies over those of civilian populations. The final section of the chapter examines how this ideology informed the practices and beliefs of the founders of the modern laws of war; these ideological changes highlight the adaptability of this tradition as it developed at the end of the nineteenth century, and defined the dominant paradigm of the laws of war.Less
This is the second of three chapters on the three traditions of war, and introduces the Groatian tradition, which is viewed as the most dominant and powerful of the traditions presented, and had as its primary source the Dutch diplomat, lawyer, poet, mathematician, theologian, and historian, Hugo Grotius (1583-1645). The objective of the chapter is to analyse this ideology, and show how its principles came to underpin the later Grotian rationale for the legal distinction between lawful and unlawful combatants. The chapter begins by evoking the inherently enigmatic qualities of Grotius and the numerous (and often conflicting) traditions that he inspired; next the distinct properties of the Grotian tradition of war are set out and seen to consist of a singular legal discourse, a pluralist method, and a strong attachment to order and power. The core components of this ideology are then examined with reference to Grotian conceptions of human nature, government, and liberty; these elements are shown to provide the necessary foundations of Grotius’ conception of war, and in particular to inform the priority accorded to the rights of states and armies over those of civilian populations. The final section of the chapter examines how this ideology informed the practices and beliefs of the founders of the modern laws of war; these ideological changes highlight the adaptability of this tradition as it developed at the end of the nineteenth century, and defined the dominant paradigm of the laws of war.
Karma Nabulsi
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294078
- eISBN:
- 9780191599972
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294077.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
By the end of the Geneva negotiations in 1949, significant progress had been made in the codification of the laws of war, although the question of the legal distinction between lawful and unlawful ...
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By the end of the Geneva negotiations in 1949, significant progress had been made in the codification of the laws of war, although the question of the legal distinction between lawful and unlawful combatants remained essentially unresolved. The book has outlined both the conceptual and practical historical contexts within which this problem was confronted, and in doing so has offered an explanation of its intractability, its argument being that three fundamentally divergent philosophies of war that cannot be reconciled lie at the heart of the problem. A number of central and important themes have been identified: (1) the book has underlined that in situations of war or military occupation, many of the traditional dichotomies in both international relations theory and political theory are lost; (2) from the perspective of international law, in contrast with the conventional depiction of the legal arena as an exclusive instrument for advancing and reconciling state interests, the analysis has shown that legal systems are also (and perhaps primarily) the expressions of ideological norms and values; and (3) the importance of ideological traditions has been demonstrated. Finally, in its treatment of the themes of war and military occupation, a number of points have been highlighted: (1) the opaque nature of occupation in nineteenth-century Europe; (2) the existence of a powerful custom of civilian resistance to occupation, not even accounted for by the makers of the laws of war; (3) the impossibility of maintaining a distinction between the public and private spheres under occupation; (4) the incoherence of a Groatian formulation in the face of such army practices as reprisal (a martialist policy); and (5) the explicit emergence of patriotism and nationalism in these situations. These points demonstrate that it was hardly surprising that the attempt to introduce a distinction between lawful and unlawful combatants failed, and show that the essential truth oaboutwars of military occupation and conquest is captured in the opposition between martial and republican paradigms.Less
By the end of the Geneva negotiations in 1949, significant progress had been made in the codification of the laws of war, although the question of the legal distinction between lawful and unlawful combatants remained essentially unresolved. The book has outlined both the conceptual and practical historical contexts within which this problem was confronted, and in doing so has offered an explanation of its intractability, its argument being that three fundamentally divergent philosophies of war that cannot be reconciled lie at the heart of the problem. A number of central and important themes have been identified: (1) the book has underlined that in situations of war or military occupation, many of the traditional dichotomies in both international relations theory and political theory are lost; (2) from the perspective of international law, in contrast with the conventional depiction of the legal arena as an exclusive instrument for advancing and reconciling state interests, the analysis has shown that legal systems are also (and perhaps primarily) the expressions of ideological norms and values; and (3) the importance of ideological traditions has been demonstrated. Finally, in its treatment of the themes of war and military occupation, a number of points have been highlighted: (1) the opaque nature of occupation in nineteenth-century Europe; (2) the existence of a powerful custom of civilian resistance to occupation, not even accounted for by the makers of the laws of war; (3) the impossibility of maintaining a distinction between the public and private spheres under occupation; (4) the incoherence of a Groatian formulation in the face of such army practices as reprisal (a martialist policy); and (5) the explicit emergence of patriotism and nationalism in these situations. These points demonstrate that it was hardly surprising that the attempt to introduce a distinction between lawful and unlawful combatants failed, and show that the essential truth oaboutwars of military occupation and conquest is captured in the opposition between martial and republican paradigms.
Omer Bartov
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195079036
- eISBN:
- 9780199854455
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195079036.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This study shows that the Wehrmacht was systematically involved in atrocities against the civilian population on the Eastern Front. Including quotes from letters, diaries, and military reports, this ...
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This study shows that the Wehrmacht was systematically involved in atrocities against the civilian population on the Eastern Front. Including quotes from letters, diaries, and military reports, this book aims to challenge the notion that the German army during World War II was apolitical and to reveal how thoroughly permeated it was by Nazi ideology. Focusing on ordinary German soldiers on the Eastern front, the book shows how government propaganda and indoctrination motivated the troops not only to fight well but to commit unprecedented crimes against humanity. This institutionalized brainwashing revolved around two interrelated elements: the radical demonization of the Soviet enemy and the deification of the führer. Consequently, most of the troops believed the war in the Eastern theater was a struggle to dam the Jewish/Bolshevik/Asiatic flood that threatened Western civilization. This book demonstrates how Germany's soldiers were transformed into brutal instruments of a barbarous policy.Less
This study shows that the Wehrmacht was systematically involved in atrocities against the civilian population on the Eastern Front. Including quotes from letters, diaries, and military reports, this book aims to challenge the notion that the German army during World War II was apolitical and to reveal how thoroughly permeated it was by Nazi ideology. Focusing on ordinary German soldiers on the Eastern front, the book shows how government propaganda and indoctrination motivated the troops not only to fight well but to commit unprecedented crimes against humanity. This institutionalized brainwashing revolved around two interrelated elements: the radical demonization of the Soviet enemy and the deification of the führer. Consequently, most of the troops believed the war in the Eastern theater was a struggle to dam the Jewish/Bolshevik/Asiatic flood that threatened Western civilization. This book demonstrates how Germany's soldiers were transformed into brutal instruments of a barbarous policy.
Ray A. Moore and Donald L. Robinson
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195151169
- eISBN:
- 9780199833917
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019515116X.003.0020
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Recounts the climax in the House of Representatives over constitutional revision. (In Japan's new democratic dispensation, the popularly elected lower house had controlling power.) Ch. 18 tells how ...
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Recounts the climax in the House of Representatives over constitutional revision. (In Japan's new democratic dispensation, the popularly elected lower house had controlling power.) Ch. 18 tells how the two major parties in the conservative governing coalition (Liberals and Progressive Democrats) became actively involved in negotiations over the exact terms of Article 9, renouncing war and armed forces, and the disposition of imperial property. It also recounts how Colonel Kades, somewhat reluctantly, brought forward several amendments demanded by the Allied member‐nations on the Far Eastern Commission, including one providing that only “civilians” could serve in the cabinet. Finally, it summarizes the proceedings of Saturday, August 24, a time for soaring eloquence and the final vote in the House of Representatives.Less
Recounts the climax in the House of Representatives over constitutional revision. (In Japan's new democratic dispensation, the popularly elected lower house had controlling power.) Ch. 18 tells how the two major parties in the conservative governing coalition (Liberals and Progressive Democrats) became actively involved in negotiations over the exact terms of Article 9, renouncing war and armed forces, and the disposition of imperial property. It also recounts how Colonel Kades, somewhat reluctantly, brought forward several amendments demanded by the Allied member‐nations on the Far Eastern Commission, including one providing that only “civilians” could serve in the cabinet. Finally, it summarizes the proceedings of Saturday, August 24, a time for soaring eloquence and the final vote in the House of Representatives.
Tim Kendall
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199562022
- eISBN:
- 9780191707636
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199562022.001.0001
- Subject:
- Literature, 20th-century Literature and Modernism
This book offers the fullest account to date of a tradition of modern English war poetry. Stretching from the Boer War to the present day, it focuses on many of the 20th-century's finest poets — ...
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This book offers the fullest account to date of a tradition of modern English war poetry. Stretching from the Boer War to the present day, it focuses on many of the 20th-century's finest poets — combatants and non-combatants alike — and considers how they address the ethical challenges of making art out of violence. Poetry, we are often told, makes nothing happen. But war makes poetry happen: the war poet must transform even the most appalling experiences. This book not only assesses the problematic relationship between war and its poets, it also encourages an urgent reconsideration of the modern poetry canon and the (too often marginalized) position of war poetry within it. The aesthetic and ethical values on which canonical judgements have been based are carefully scrutinized via a detailed analysis of individual poets, including Thomas Hardy, Rudyard Kipling, Wilfred Owen, Charlotte Mew, Edward Thomas, Ivor Gurney, W. H. Auden, Keith Douglas, Ted Hughes, and Geoffrey Hill.Less
This book offers the fullest account to date of a tradition of modern English war poetry. Stretching from the Boer War to the present day, it focuses on many of the 20th-century's finest poets — combatants and non-combatants alike — and considers how they address the ethical challenges of making art out of violence. Poetry, we are often told, makes nothing happen. But war makes poetry happen: the war poet must transform even the most appalling experiences. This book not only assesses the problematic relationship between war and its poets, it also encourages an urgent reconsideration of the modern poetry canon and the (too often marginalized) position of war poetry within it. The aesthetic and ethical values on which canonical judgements have been based are carefully scrutinized via a detailed analysis of individual poets, including Thomas Hardy, Rudyard Kipling, Wilfred Owen, Charlotte Mew, Edward Thomas, Ivor Gurney, W. H. Auden, Keith Douglas, Ted Hughes, and Geoffrey Hill.
Desmond King
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198296294
- eISBN:
- 9780191599668
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198296290.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Examines the use of work camps in the US, the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC), as a mechanism to address unemployment in the 1930s. Beginning with a brief overview of the origins and establishment ...
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Examines the use of work camps in the US, the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC), as a mechanism to address unemployment in the 1930s. Beginning with a brief overview of the origins and establishment of the CCC, King provides an account of these camps at work: the ways in which the Corps was made compatible with traditional US political values as well as how attempts to make it permanent were thwarted. In addition, King underlines the racial dimension of the Corps’ organization and activities, while exploring the implications of the federal government's segregationist arrangements.Less
Examines the use of work camps in the US, the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC), as a mechanism to address unemployment in the 1930s. Beginning with a brief overview of the origins and establishment of the CCC, King provides an account of these camps at work: the ways in which the Corps was made compatible with traditional US political values as well as how attempts to make it permanent were thwarted. In addition, King underlines the racial dimension of the Corps’ organization and activities, while exploring the implications of the federal government's segregationist arrangements.
The Independent International Commission on Kosovo
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199243099
- eISBN:
- 9780191599538
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199243093.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Discusses the aims and the conduct of the NATO bombing campaign against the Yugoslavia; the refugee crisis and civilian casualties of the campaign; and the diplomatic events leading to the final ...
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Discusses the aims and the conduct of the NATO bombing campaign against the Yugoslavia; the refugee crisis and civilian casualties of the campaign; and the diplomatic events leading to the final peace agreement. The chapter argues that the NATO campaign did not itself provoke Serbian military's attacks on Kosovo civilians, but that the intervention and the removal of ground monitors may have created an internal environment that made Belgrade government's cleansing operation feasible. The chapter concludes that the intervention failed to achieve its avowed aim of preventing massive ethnic cleansing, that the Kosovar Albanian population had to endure tremendous suffering before finally achieving their freedom and that Milosevic remained in power, however, as an indicted war criminal.Less
Discusses the aims and the conduct of the NATO bombing campaign against the Yugoslavia; the refugee crisis and civilian casualties of the campaign; and the diplomatic events leading to the final peace agreement. The chapter argues that the NATO campaign did not itself provoke Serbian military's attacks on Kosovo civilians, but that the intervention and the removal of ground monitors may have created an internal environment that made Belgrade government's cleansing operation feasible. The chapter concludes that the intervention failed to achieve its avowed aim of preventing massive ethnic cleansing, that the Kosovar Albanian population had to endure tremendous suffering before finally achieving their freedom and that Milosevic remained in power, however, as an indicted war criminal.
Sarah Percy
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199214334
- eISBN:
- 9780191706608
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199214334.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter focuses on the three arguments that seek to explain why states stopped using mercenaries in the 19th century. The first argument is largely realist, making the case that material changes ...
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This chapter focuses on the three arguments that seek to explain why states stopped using mercenaries in the 19th century. The first argument is largely realist, making the case that material changes pressured states to adopt citizen armies. The second argument is based more on the role of ideas, arguing that the developing relationship between states and citizens and the increasing role of neutrality in international law combined to render the use of mercenaries obsolete. The third argument suggests that while ideas and material pressures are important antecedent conditions, the change to a citizen army is best explained by domestic politics and path dependency.Less
This chapter focuses on the three arguments that seek to explain why states stopped using mercenaries in the 19th century. The first argument is largely realist, making the case that material changes pressured states to adopt citizen armies. The second argument is based more on the role of ideas, arguing that the developing relationship between states and citizens and the increasing role of neutrality in international law combined to render the use of mercenaries obsolete. The third argument suggests that while ideas and material pressures are important antecedent conditions, the change to a citizen army is best explained by domestic politics and path dependency.
Geoffrey Charles Emerson
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9789622098800
- eISBN:
- 9789882206977
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789622098800.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
This book tells the story of the more than three thousand non-Chinese civilians — British, American, Dutch, and others — who were trapped in the British colony and interned behind barbed wire in ...
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This book tells the story of the more than three thousand non-Chinese civilians — British, American, Dutch, and others — who were trapped in the British colony and interned behind barbed wire in Stanley Internment Camp from 1942 to 1945. From 1970 to 1972, while researching for his MA thesis, the author interviewed twenty-three former Stanley internees. During these meetings, the internees talked about their lives in the Stanley Camp during the Japanese occupation. Long regarded as a reference and frequently consulted as a primary source on Stanley since its completion in 1973, the study is now republished with a new introduction and fresh discussions that recognize later work and information released since the original thesis was written. Additional illustrations, including a new map and photographs, as well as an up-to-date bibliography, have also been included in the book.Less
This book tells the story of the more than three thousand non-Chinese civilians — British, American, Dutch, and others — who were trapped in the British colony and interned behind barbed wire in Stanley Internment Camp from 1942 to 1945. From 1970 to 1972, while researching for his MA thesis, the author interviewed twenty-three former Stanley internees. During these meetings, the internees talked about their lives in the Stanley Camp during the Japanese occupation. Long regarded as a reference and frequently consulted as a primary source on Stanley since its completion in 1973, the study is now republished with a new introduction and fresh discussions that recognize later work and information released since the original thesis was written. Additional illustrations, including a new map and photographs, as well as an up-to-date bibliography, have also been included in the book.
Larissa Fast
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195395914
- eISBN:
- 9780199776801
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195395914.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Inherent in the many conceptualizations of strategic peacebuilding is the concept of coordination among multiple actors and roles. Fast grapples with the complex and wide-ranging idea of ...
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Inherent in the many conceptualizations of strategic peacebuilding is the concept of coordination among multiple actors and roles. Fast grapples with the complex and wide-ranging idea of coordination, exploring the need for third-party coordination in conflict settings and the dilemmas of coordination and integration, which may compromise an organization’s independence, neutrality or security. Engaging both sides of the debate on integrating humanitarian assistance and peacebuilding, Fast argues that it is not the aim or within the scope of humanitarian action to promote social change or build peace; rather, separate space must be preserved for humanitarian action. Humanitarian action should, however, avoid contributing to conflict.Less
Inherent in the many conceptualizations of strategic peacebuilding is the concept of coordination among multiple actors and roles. Fast grapples with the complex and wide-ranging idea of coordination, exploring the need for third-party coordination in conflict settings and the dilemmas of coordination and integration, which may compromise an organization’s independence, neutrality or security. Engaging both sides of the debate on integrating humanitarian assistance and peacebuilding, Fast argues that it is not the aim or within the scope of humanitarian action to promote social change or build peace; rather, separate space must be preserved for humanitarian action. Humanitarian action should, however, avoid contributing to conflict.
F. M. Kamm
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199608782
- eISBN:
- 9780191729577
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199608782.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Moral Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This is a book of three philosophical chapters on aspects of terrorism, torture, and war. It relates issues in ethical theory to practical ethics. The chapter on torture considers views about what ...
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This is a book of three philosophical chapters on aspects of terrorism, torture, and war. It relates issues in ethical theory to practical ethics. The chapter on torture considers views about what torture is and the various occasions on which it could occur in order to determine why it might be wrong to torture a wrongdoer held captive, even if this were necessary to save his victims. The discussion of terrorism examines whether it is the intention to harm civilians rather than harm to them being “collateral damage” that makes terrorism distinctively wrong, what else might make it wrong, and whether it is always wrong. The third chapter first discusses whether having a right reason, in the sense of a right intention, is necessary in order for starting war to be just. It then examines ways in which the harms of war can be proportional to the achievement of the just cause and other goods war can bring about, so as to make starting war permissible.Less
This is a book of three philosophical chapters on aspects of terrorism, torture, and war. It relates issues in ethical theory to practical ethics. The chapter on torture considers views about what torture is and the various occasions on which it could occur in order to determine why it might be wrong to torture a wrongdoer held captive, even if this were necessary to save his victims. The discussion of terrorism examines whether it is the intention to harm civilians rather than harm to them being “collateral damage” that makes terrorism distinctively wrong, what else might make it wrong, and whether it is always wrong. The third chapter first discusses whether having a right reason, in the sense of a right intention, is necessary in order for starting war to be just. It then examines ways in which the harms of war can be proportional to the achievement of the just cause and other goods war can bring about, so as to make starting war permissible.
Nicola Casarini
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199560073
- eISBN:
- 9780191721168
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199560073.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter concentrates on the interplay between European corporate interests (backed by their respective governments) and Chinese leaders. The interplay of business and politics has come to ...
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This chapter concentrates on the interplay between European corporate interests (backed by their respective governments) and Chinese leaders. The interplay of business and politics has come to characterize contemporary EU—China relations, putting on display the various facets of the EU. This chapter shows, on the one hand, how the various European Commission programmes and dialogue aimed at transforming China along liberal—democratic lines would give meaning and substance to the notion of the EU as a civilian (and normative) power while the EU member states (in particular the large ones) would tend to maintain good political relations with the Chinese regime in order to promote their national companies' business interests. Such mercantilist approach would be skilfully exploited by Chinese leaders to obtain political concessions. As this chapter explains, this trade‐off between markets and principles would largely benefit two‐way trade and lay the basis for the subsequent upgrading of political relations.Less
This chapter concentrates on the interplay between European corporate interests (backed by their respective governments) and Chinese leaders. The interplay of business and politics has come to characterize contemporary EU—China relations, putting on display the various facets of the EU. This chapter shows, on the one hand, how the various European Commission programmes and dialogue aimed at transforming China along liberal—democratic lines would give meaning and substance to the notion of the EU as a civilian (and normative) power while the EU member states (in particular the large ones) would tend to maintain good political relations with the Chinese regime in order to promote their national companies' business interests. Such mercantilist approach would be skilfully exploited by Chinese leaders to obtain political concessions. As this chapter explains, this trade‐off between markets and principles would largely benefit two‐way trade and lay the basis for the subsequent upgrading of political relations.
Hagith Sivan
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199284177
- eISBN:
- 9780191712555
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199284177.001.0001
- Subject:
- Classical Studies, Asian and Middle Eastern History: BCE to 500CE
This book offers an unconventional study of one corner of the Roman Empire in late antiquity, weaving around the theme of conflict strands of distinct histories, and of peoples and places, ...
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This book offers an unconventional study of one corner of the Roman Empire in late antiquity, weaving around the theme of conflict strands of distinct histories, and of peoples and places, highlighting Palestine's polyethnicity and cultural, topographical, architectural, and religious diversity. During the period 300–650 CE, the fortunes of the ‘east’ and the ‘west’ were intimately linked. Thousands of westerners in the guise of pilgrims, pious monks, soldiers, and civilians flocked to what became a Christian holy land. This is the era that witnessed the transformation of Jerusalem from a sleepy Roman town built on the ruins of spectacular Herodian Jerusalem into an international centre of Christianity, and ultimately into a centre of Islamic worship. It was also a period of unparalleled prosperity for the frontier zones, and a time when religious experts were actively engaged in guiding their communities while contesting each other's rights to the Bible and its interpretation.Less
This book offers an unconventional study of one corner of the Roman Empire in late antiquity, weaving around the theme of conflict strands of distinct histories, and of peoples and places, highlighting Palestine's polyethnicity and cultural, topographical, architectural, and religious diversity. During the period 300–650 CE, the fortunes of the ‘east’ and the ‘west’ were intimately linked. Thousands of westerners in the guise of pilgrims, pious monks, soldiers, and civilians flocked to what became a Christian holy land. This is the era that witnessed the transformation of Jerusalem from a sleepy Roman town built on the ruins of spectacular Herodian Jerusalem into an international centre of Christianity, and ultimately into a centre of Islamic worship. It was also a period of unparalleled prosperity for the frontier zones, and a time when religious experts were actively engaged in guiding their communities while contesting each other's rights to the Bible and its interpretation.
Toni Erskine
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780197264379
- eISBN:
- 9780191734410
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- British Academy
- DOI:
- 10.5871/bacad/9780197264379.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This book offers a challenging and original normative approach to some of the most pressing practical concerns in world politics —including the contested nature of the prohibitions against torture ...
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This book offers a challenging and original normative approach to some of the most pressing practical concerns in world politics —including the contested nature of the prohibitions against torture and the targeting of civilians in the war on terror. The author’s vision of ‘embedded cosmopolitanism’ responds to the charge that conventional cosmopolitan arguments neglect the profound importance of community and culture, particularity and passion. Bringing together insights from communitarian and feminist political thought, the author defends the idea that community membership is morally constitutive—while arguing that the communities that define us are not necessarily territorially bounded and that a moral perspective situated in them need not be parochial. The book employs this framework to explore some of the difficult moral dilemmas thrown up by contemporary warfare. Can universal principles of restraint demanded by conventional laws of war be robustly defended from a position that also acknowledges the moral force of particular ties and loyalties? By highlighting the links that exist even between warring communities, the author offers new reasons for giving a positive response—reasons that reconcile claims to local attachments and global obligations. The book provides an account of where we stand in relation to ‘strangers’ and ‘enemies’ in a diverse and divided world, and provides a theoretical framework for addressing the relationship between our moral starting point and the scope of our duties to others.Less
This book offers a challenging and original normative approach to some of the most pressing practical concerns in world politics —including the contested nature of the prohibitions against torture and the targeting of civilians in the war on terror. The author’s vision of ‘embedded cosmopolitanism’ responds to the charge that conventional cosmopolitan arguments neglect the profound importance of community and culture, particularity and passion. Bringing together insights from communitarian and feminist political thought, the author defends the idea that community membership is morally constitutive—while arguing that the communities that define us are not necessarily territorially bounded and that a moral perspective situated in them need not be parochial. The book employs this framework to explore some of the difficult moral dilemmas thrown up by contemporary warfare. Can universal principles of restraint demanded by conventional laws of war be robustly defended from a position that also acknowledges the moral force of particular ties and loyalties? By highlighting the links that exist even between warring communities, the author offers new reasons for giving a positive response—reasons that reconcile claims to local attachments and global obligations. The book provides an account of where we stand in relation to ‘strangers’ and ‘enemies’ in a diverse and divided world, and provides a theoretical framework for addressing the relationship between our moral starting point and the scope of our duties to others.
Alia Brahimi
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199562961
- eISBN:
- 9780191595059
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199562961.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory, International Relations and Politics
Examining questions of jus in bello, this chapter begins by applying the principles of proportionality and discrimination to the invasion of Iraq. The analysis then focuses on the Bush ...
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Examining questions of jus in bello, this chapter begins by applying the principles of proportionality and discrimination to the invasion of Iraq. The analysis then focuses on the Bush administration's justifications for the treatment of ‘non‐lawful combatants’ at Guantanamo Bay. Using the logic of ‘supreme emergency’, alleged terrorists were stripped of Geneva Convention protections because the defensive just cause was presented as unusually urgent and the stakes were said to be civilizational. First‐order principles such as the prohibition against torture were qualified by the emergency of the jus ad bellum, thus rendering supposedly absolute human rights contingent upon the state of the world. The Bush administration's ‘choice of evils’ strategy was critiqued by other lawyers, governments, and human rights groups worldwide, as well as by members of the Bush administration's Department of State.Less
Examining questions of jus in bello, this chapter begins by applying the principles of proportionality and discrimination to the invasion of Iraq. The analysis then focuses on the Bush administration's justifications for the treatment of ‘non‐lawful combatants’ at Guantanamo Bay. Using the logic of ‘supreme emergency’, alleged terrorists were stripped of Geneva Convention protections because the defensive just cause was presented as unusually urgent and the stakes were said to be civilizational. First‐order principles such as the prohibition against torture were qualified by the emergency of the jus ad bellum, thus rendering supposedly absolute human rights contingent upon the state of the world. The Bush administration's ‘choice of evils’ strategy was critiqued by other lawyers, governments, and human rights groups worldwide, as well as by members of the Bush administration's Department of State.
