Zoltan Barany
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691137681
- eISBN:
- 9781400845491
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691137681.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter discusses some of the useful theoretical contributions that inform the study of civil–military relations and democratization in different political environments. The course of democratic ...
More
This chapter discusses some of the useful theoretical contributions that inform the study of civil–military relations and democratization in different political environments. The course of democratic transition and consolidation is unique to the country that is experiencing it. There are many different political, economic, and social tasks to accomplish, and how they are approached is inevitably affected by country-specific factors. As such, three things ought to be kept in mind. First, democratization in general and the democratization of civil–military relations, in particular, are always gradual processes. Second, the conception of the ideal democracy and that of the ideal civil–military relations change as societies change. Third, democracy is not some ultimate and clearly defined end result but an elusive goal that can only be approximated, constantly pondered, debated, and enhanced.Less
This chapter discusses some of the useful theoretical contributions that inform the study of civil–military relations and democratization in different political environments. The course of democratic transition and consolidation is unique to the country that is experiencing it. There are many different political, economic, and social tasks to accomplish, and how they are approached is inevitably affected by country-specific factors. As such, three things ought to be kept in mind. First, democratization in general and the democratization of civil–military relations, in particular, are always gradual processes. Second, the conception of the ideal democracy and that of the ideal civil–military relations change as societies change. Third, democracy is not some ultimate and clearly defined end result but an elusive goal that can only be approximated, constantly pondered, debated, and enhanced.
Colin S. Gray
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199579662
- eISBN:
- 9780191594458
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199579662.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Strategy is the art of the possible, as Helmuth von Moltke (the Elder) insisted, and what is possible is revealed by net tactical performance. And the whole military (and other) endeavour must serve ...
More
Strategy is the art of the possible, as Helmuth von Moltke (the Elder) insisted, and what is possible is revealed by net tactical performance. And the whole military (and other) endeavour must serve not itself, but political purposes which typically will evolve under the pressure of events. Although strategy is possible, it is always difficult. Among the major sources of difficulty, which tend to manifest themselves synergistically, one must recognize the challenge that is strategy itself, the problem many people have understanding its nature and demands; that lies in the inconvenient, but for strategy essential, fact of an enemy with an independent will; of converting military effect into strategic effect, and then into political effect—which is the whole point of the project; of devising and running a strategy‐making process that is fit for purpose; of peopling the process with competent players; of sheer complexity; of friction, of the things, typically unforeseeable in detail, that go wrong; of productive civil–military relations. Remarkably, strategy is feasible, despite its myriad difficulties. Complexity of subject can translate as alternative options, while the self‐willed enemy must face a generically like large basket of challenges to his strategic effectiveness.Less
Strategy is the art of the possible, as Helmuth von Moltke (the Elder) insisted, and what is possible is revealed by net tactical performance. And the whole military (and other) endeavour must serve not itself, but political purposes which typically will evolve under the pressure of events. Although strategy is possible, it is always difficult. Among the major sources of difficulty, which tend to manifest themselves synergistically, one must recognize the challenge that is strategy itself, the problem many people have understanding its nature and demands; that lies in the inconvenient, but for strategy essential, fact of an enemy with an independent will; of converting military effect into strategic effect, and then into political effect—which is the whole point of the project; of devising and running a strategy‐making process that is fit for purpose; of peopling the process with competent players; of sheer complexity; of friction, of the things, typically unforeseeable in detail, that go wrong; of productive civil–military relations. Remarkably, strategy is feasible, despite its myriad difficulties. Complexity of subject can translate as alternative options, while the self‐willed enemy must face a generically like large basket of challenges to his strategic effectiveness.
Zoltan Barany
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691137681
- eISBN:
- 9781400845491
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691137681.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter examines three East European states: Slovenia, a small country that has enjoyed a smooth transition to democracy and market economy; Russia, the world's largest state, which has failed ...
More
This chapter examines three East European states: Slovenia, a small country that has enjoyed a smooth transition to democracy and market economy; Russia, the world's largest state, which has failed to establish democratic rule; and Romania, a medium-sized Balkan country that, following some early stumbling, found its way into NATO and the European Union. The three postcommunist states suggest very different experiences of building democratic armies. No postcommunist country had fewer major problems in establishing democratic civil–military relations than Slovenia, even though it had to create a new army on the rather flimsy foundations of the Territorial Defense Force. Meanwhile, the specific shortcomings of Russian military politics reflect the power relations that have doomed Russia's democratization prospects. Romania's postcommunist record of building civil–military relations falls between the two others in terms of democratic performance, though it is much closer to Slovenia than to Russia.Less
This chapter examines three East European states: Slovenia, a small country that has enjoyed a smooth transition to democracy and market economy; Russia, the world's largest state, which has failed to establish democratic rule; and Romania, a medium-sized Balkan country that, following some early stumbling, found its way into NATO and the European Union. The three postcommunist states suggest very different experiences of building democratic armies. No postcommunist country had fewer major problems in establishing democratic civil–military relations than Slovenia, even though it had to create a new army on the rather flimsy foundations of the Territorial Defense Force. Meanwhile, the specific shortcomings of Russian military politics reflect the power relations that have doomed Russia's democratization prospects. Romania's postcommunist record of building civil–military relations falls between the two others in terms of democratic performance, though it is much closer to Slovenia than to Russia.
Zoltan Barany
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691137681
- eISBN:
- 9781400845491
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691137681.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter focuses on the cases of Spain and Portugal. After decades of authoritarianism, placing the Spanish military under civilian control proved to be a relatively straightforward and brief ...
More
This chapter focuses on the cases of Spain and Portugal. After decades of authoritarianism, placing the Spanish military under civilian control proved to be a relatively straightforward and brief process. The transformation of Portuguese civil–military relations, on the other hand, was more contentious, took far longer, and did not succeed as completely as Spain's. Greece, the secondary case in this chapter, had a much shorter but more intense experience with praetorianism; its return to democracy and democratic civil–military relations was quick albeit not without some shortcomings. The chapter then assesses the influence of international organizations, particularly NATO, on the democratization of the three states and their defense establishments.Less
This chapter focuses on the cases of Spain and Portugal. After decades of authoritarianism, placing the Spanish military under civilian control proved to be a relatively straightforward and brief process. The transformation of Portuguese civil–military relations, on the other hand, was more contentious, took far longer, and did not succeed as completely as Spain's. Greece, the secondary case in this chapter, had a much shorter but more intense experience with praetorianism; its return to democracy and democratic civil–military relations was quick albeit not without some shortcomings. The chapter then assesses the influence of international organizations, particularly NATO, on the democratization of the three states and their defense establishments.
Vipin Narang
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691159829
- eISBN:
- 9781400850402
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691159829.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter explores India's nuclear posture. Like China's, India's nuclear posture is classified as one of assured retaliation. There have been various dramatic moments in India's nuclear weapons ...
More
This chapter explores India's nuclear posture. Like China's, India's nuclear posture is classified as one of assured retaliation. There have been various dramatic moments in India's nuclear weapons history that were often driven by domestic political considerations, most notably its nuclear tests in May of 1974 and 1998. Nonetheless, the capabilities, envisioned use, and command-and-control apparatus that Delhi has erected for its nuclear forces have been persistent and consistent with an assured retaliation posture since 1974. The reason for this, as illustrated by optimization theory, is that India is in a relatively secure position but with highly assertive civil–military relations, driving it toward an assured retaliation nuclear posture that emphasizes firm civilian control over the arsenal.Less
This chapter explores India's nuclear posture. Like China's, India's nuclear posture is classified as one of assured retaliation. There have been various dramatic moments in India's nuclear weapons history that were often driven by domestic political considerations, most notably its nuclear tests in May of 1974 and 1998. Nonetheless, the capabilities, envisioned use, and command-and-control apparatus that Delhi has erected for its nuclear forces have been persistent and consistent with an assured retaliation posture since 1974. The reason for this, as illustrated by optimization theory, is that India is in a relatively secure position but with highly assertive civil–military relations, driving it toward an assured retaliation nuclear posture that emphasizes firm civilian control over the arsenal.
Zoltan Barany
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691137681
- eISBN:
- 9781400845491
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691137681.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter looks at two pivotal states of South Asia: India and Pakistan. India and Pakistan gained their independence in 1947. India succeeded in placing its armed forces under firm and virtually ...
More
This chapter looks at two pivotal states of South Asia: India and Pakistan. India and Pakistan gained their independence in 1947. India succeeded in placing its armed forces under firm and virtually unchallenged state control right from the beginning of independence. However, civil–military relations in Pakistan have been far more “eventful.” The chapter makes three arguments. First and most important, by the end of the first postcolonial decade, the patterns for the drastically different military politics of India and Pakistan were already set. Second, of the numerous reasons for the evolution of different civil–military relations in the two countries, several lie in the circumstances of the 1947 Partition and in the immediate post-Partition period. Third, the British colonial period left behind profound legacies, most of which have positively influenced military affairs in the Subcontinent. The chapter also addresses Bangladesh—from its independence in 1971 to the military take-over in 2007—and what sets its military politics apart from Pakistan's.Less
This chapter looks at two pivotal states of South Asia: India and Pakistan. India and Pakistan gained their independence in 1947. India succeeded in placing its armed forces under firm and virtually unchallenged state control right from the beginning of independence. However, civil–military relations in Pakistan have been far more “eventful.” The chapter makes three arguments. First and most important, by the end of the first postcolonial decade, the patterns for the drastically different military politics of India and Pakistan were already set. Second, of the numerous reasons for the evolution of different civil–military relations in the two countries, several lie in the circumstances of the 1947 Partition and in the immediate post-Partition period. Third, the British colonial period left behind profound legacies, most of which have positively influenced military affairs in the Subcontinent. The chapter also addresses Bangladesh—from its independence in 1971 to the military take-over in 2007—and what sets its military politics apart from Pakistan's.
Daivd Shambaugh
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520225077
- eISBN:
- 9780520938106
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520225077.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
This chapter assesses China's civil–military relations, focusing on the post-1989 evolution of the military elite; the impact of the military suppression in Beijing on June 4, 1989; and the broader ...
More
This chapter assesses China's civil–military relations, focusing on the post-1989 evolution of the military elite; the impact of the military suppression in Beijing on June 4, 1989; and the broader impact of, and lessons learned from, the roles played by militaries in the collapse of other Communist Party-states. These events affected the civilian and military elite in China profoundly and triggered considerable factional struggle, purges, and courts-martial, as well as promotions of many new officers. During the 1990s, virtually the entire People's Liberation Army High Command was replaced. Toward the end of the decade, some interesting legal developments suggested that interactions among the military, the Communist Party, and the state (or government) were changing and possibly evolving in a direction similar to that taken in other East Asian and developing nations.Less
This chapter assesses China's civil–military relations, focusing on the post-1989 evolution of the military elite; the impact of the military suppression in Beijing on June 4, 1989; and the broader impact of, and lessons learned from, the roles played by militaries in the collapse of other Communist Party-states. These events affected the civilian and military elite in China profoundly and triggered considerable factional struggle, purges, and courts-martial, as well as promotions of many new officers. During the 1990s, virtually the entire People's Liberation Army High Command was replaced. Toward the end of the decade, some interesting legal developments suggested that interactions among the military, the Communist Party, and the state (or government) were changing and possibly evolving in a direction similar to that taken in other East Asian and developing nations.
Risa A. Brooks
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804753999
- eISBN:
- 9780804768092
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804753999.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter investigates how variation in the political-military balance of power in a state influences its military activities and effectiveness. It compares two cases of autocratic states that ...
More
This chapter investigates how variation in the political-military balance of power in a state influences its military activities and effectiveness. It compares two cases of autocratic states that show characteristics of shared power and political dominance, respectively: Egypt in the mid-1960s and Egypt in the 1970s. It is believed that the balance of power between military and political leaders profoundly affected military effectiveness through its influences on structures and processes important to organizing military activity and preparing for war. In 1973, Egypt has been able to obtain significant political, strategic, operational, and tactical integration in its military activity. Its performance made the most of its resources in men and equipment to attain its political objectives. The Egypt case generally indicates that special attention must be paid to the specific dynamics of civil-military relations: power relations between political and military leaders are fundamental in predicting the state's military effectiveness.Less
This chapter investigates how variation in the political-military balance of power in a state influences its military activities and effectiveness. It compares two cases of autocratic states that show characteristics of shared power and political dominance, respectively: Egypt in the mid-1960s and Egypt in the 1970s. It is believed that the balance of power between military and political leaders profoundly affected military effectiveness through its influences on structures and processes important to organizing military activity and preparing for war. In 1973, Egypt has been able to obtain significant political, strategic, operational, and tactical integration in its military activity. Its performance made the most of its resources in men and equipment to attain its political objectives. The Egypt case generally indicates that special attention must be paid to the specific dynamics of civil-military relations: power relations between political and military leaders are fundamental in predicting the state's military effectiveness.
Vipin Narang
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691159829
- eISBN:
- 9781400850402
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691159829.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter relies on the best available English language sources to detail Chinese nuclear posture over time. China, like India, has persistently adopted an assured retaliation posture against its ...
More
This chapter relies on the best available English language sources to detail Chinese nuclear posture over time. China, like India, has persistently adopted an assured retaliation posture against its potential adversaries. Though Chinese strategists have long debated the merits of shifting from what they term a “minimum deterrence” doctrine to a more aggressive “limited deterrence” doctrine that fields theater nuclear capabilities for possible first use, there has in fact been remarkable continuity in China's nuclear posture. China's posture enables its nuclear weapons to survive a first strike and effectively retaliate with nuclear weapons. As in India, China faces no existential land threats and also displays highly assertive civil–military relations, or more accurately, party–military relationship that privileges tight centralized control over China's nuclear assets. These variables have thus pushed China toward an assured retaliation nuclear posture.Less
This chapter relies on the best available English language sources to detail Chinese nuclear posture over time. China, like India, has persistently adopted an assured retaliation posture against its potential adversaries. Though Chinese strategists have long debated the merits of shifting from what they term a “minimum deterrence” doctrine to a more aggressive “limited deterrence” doctrine that fields theater nuclear capabilities for possible first use, there has in fact been remarkable continuity in China's nuclear posture. China's posture enables its nuclear weapons to survive a first strike and effectively retaliate with nuclear weapons. As in India, China faces no existential land threats and also displays highly assertive civil–military relations, or more accurately, party–military relationship that privileges tight centralized control over China's nuclear assets. These variables have thus pushed China toward an assured retaliation nuclear posture.
Zoltan Barany
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691137681
- eISBN:
- 9781400845491
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691137681.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter examines the democratization of civil–military relations in two former fascist dictatorships, postwar Germany and Japan, whose armies had destroyed and terrorized large swathes of the ...
More
This chapter examines the democratization of civil–military relations in two former fascist dictatorships, postwar Germany and Japan, whose armies had destroyed and terrorized large swathes of the surrounding territory. The creation of lasting democratic regimes on the ashes of these dictatorships stands as the signal achievement of democracy promotion. An important part of this process was the building of the new West German and Japanese armed forces. On the other hand, Hungary after World War II illustrates the trajectory of military politics in numerous European states where domestic political forces were defeated by the Soviet Union and its native communist puppets. The chapter then considers the evolution of Hungarian civil–military relations from the end of the war until the March 1953 death of Joseph Stalin, which is a suitable point to mark the consolidation of the Soviet-controlled communist regime and the completion of the armed forces' transformation.Less
This chapter examines the democratization of civil–military relations in two former fascist dictatorships, postwar Germany and Japan, whose armies had destroyed and terrorized large swathes of the surrounding territory. The creation of lasting democratic regimes on the ashes of these dictatorships stands as the signal achievement of democracy promotion. An important part of this process was the building of the new West German and Japanese armed forces. On the other hand, Hungary after World War II illustrates the trajectory of military politics in numerous European states where domestic political forces were defeated by the Soviet Union and its native communist puppets. The chapter then considers the evolution of Hungarian civil–military relations from the end of the war until the March 1953 death of Joseph Stalin, which is a suitable point to mark the consolidation of the Soviet-controlled communist regime and the completion of the armed forces' transformation.
Zoltan Barany
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691137681
- eISBN:
- 9781400845491
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691137681.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This is the first book to systematically explore, on a global scale, civil–military relations in democratizing and changing states. Looking at how armies supportive of democracy are built, the book ...
More
This is the first book to systematically explore, on a global scale, civil–military relations in democratizing and changing states. Looking at how armies supportive of democracy are built, the book argues that the military is the most important institution that states maintain, for without military elites who support democratic governance, democracy cannot be consolidated. The book also demonstrates that building democratic armies is the quintessential task of newly democratizing regimes. But how do democratic armies come about? What conditions encourage or impede democratic civil–military relations? And how can the state ensure the allegiance of its soldiers? The book examines the experiences of developing countries and the armed forces in the context of major political change in six specific settings: in the wake of war and civil war, after military and communist regimes, and following colonialism and unification/apartheid. It evaluates the army-building and democratization experiences of twenty-seven countries and explains which predemocratic settings are most conducive to creating a military that will support democracy. Highlighting important factors and suggesting which reforms can be expected to work and fail in different environments, the book offers practical policy recommendations to state-builders and democratizers.Less
This is the first book to systematically explore, on a global scale, civil–military relations in democratizing and changing states. Looking at how armies supportive of democracy are built, the book argues that the military is the most important institution that states maintain, for without military elites who support democratic governance, democracy cannot be consolidated. The book also demonstrates that building democratic armies is the quintessential task of newly democratizing regimes. But how do democratic armies come about? What conditions encourage or impede democratic civil–military relations? And how can the state ensure the allegiance of its soldiers? The book examines the experiences of developing countries and the armed forces in the context of major political change in six specific settings: in the wake of war and civil war, after military and communist regimes, and following colonialism and unification/apartheid. It evaluates the army-building and democratization experiences of twenty-seven countries and explains which predemocratic settings are most conducive to creating a military that will support democracy. Highlighting important factors and suggesting which reforms can be expected to work and fail in different environments, the book offers practical policy recommendations to state-builders and democratizers.
David P. Auerswald and Stephen M. Saideman
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691159386
- eISBN:
- 9781400848676
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691159386.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This concluding chapter identifies the implications of this book's study for both future research and policy makers. One implication of this study is the shedding of light on the forum-shopping ...
More
This concluding chapter identifies the implications of this book's study for both future research and policy makers. One implication of this study is the shedding of light on the forum-shopping process associated with military interventions. Forum shopping occurs when countries have more than one option from which to choose when deciding whether and how to intervene. The experiences of Afghanistan and Libya show that while there may be other outlets for multilateral military operations, NATO, despite its limitations, is almost always the preferred intervention forum for its member states. The second set of implications deals with the use of principal-agency theory in civil–military relations. Ultimately, the cases of Afghanistan and Libya are ideal for comparative analysis on how countries react to various domestic and international pressures.Less
This concluding chapter identifies the implications of this book's study for both future research and policy makers. One implication of this study is the shedding of light on the forum-shopping process associated with military interventions. Forum shopping occurs when countries have more than one option from which to choose when deciding whether and how to intervene. The experiences of Afghanistan and Libya show that while there may be other outlets for multilateral military operations, NATO, despite its limitations, is almost always the preferred intervention forum for its member states. The second set of implications deals with the use of principal-agency theory in civil–military relations. Ultimately, the cases of Afghanistan and Libya are ideal for comparative analysis on how countries react to various domestic and international pressures.
Harold A. Trinkunas
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- July 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780807829820
- eISBN:
- 9781469603643
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/9780807877036_trinkunas.11
- Subject:
- History, Latin American History
This concluding chapter compares the Venezuelan experience against better-understood cases of democratic civil-military relations: Chile (1989 and after), Argentina (1983 and after), and Spain (1975 ...
More
This concluding chapter compares the Venezuelan experience against better-understood cases of democratic civil-military relations: Chile (1989 and after), Argentina (1983 and after), and Spain (1975 and after). These comparative cases illustrate the impact of regime leverage and the process by which political leadership can provide the institutional resources and civilian sources of defense expertise.Less
This concluding chapter compares the Venezuelan experience against better-understood cases of democratic civil-military relations: Chile (1989 and after), Argentina (1983 and after), and Spain (1975 and after). These comparative cases illustrate the impact of regime leverage and the process by which political leadership can provide the institutional resources and civilian sources of defense expertise.
Spencer D. Bakich
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780226107684
- eISBN:
- 9780226107851
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226107851.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter establishes the theoretical framework for the book. Initially, the problem of escalation is argued to be central to limited warfare and limited war strategies. Undesired escalation can ...
More
This chapter establishes the theoretical framework for the book. Initially, the problem of escalation is argued to be central to limited warfare and limited war strategies. Undesired escalation can take in three forms: vertical, horizontal, and durational. Successful limited war strategies are those that effectively balance the military and diplomatic objectives sought. Four possible strategic outcomes are rendered from the interaction of military failure/success and diplomatic failure/success. The chapter argues that successful limited war strategies result from a state's capacities to extract and convert relevant military and diplomatic information into strategy. A state's information institution (i.e., the pattern of information flow among policymakers and national security organizations) is the ultimate source of strategic success and failure. Two alternative explanations of strategic performance in limited war are presented: organizational culture theory and democratic civil-military relations theory. Finally, the hybrid method of typological theory and process tracing is discussed.Less
This chapter establishes the theoretical framework for the book. Initially, the problem of escalation is argued to be central to limited warfare and limited war strategies. Undesired escalation can take in three forms: vertical, horizontal, and durational. Successful limited war strategies are those that effectively balance the military and diplomatic objectives sought. Four possible strategic outcomes are rendered from the interaction of military failure/success and diplomatic failure/success. The chapter argues that successful limited war strategies result from a state's capacities to extract and convert relevant military and diplomatic information into strategy. A state's information institution (i.e., the pattern of information flow among policymakers and national security organizations) is the ultimate source of strategic success and failure. Two alternative explanations of strategic performance in limited war are presented: organizational culture theory and democratic civil-military relations theory. Finally, the hybrid method of typological theory and process tracing is discussed.
Spencer D. Bakich
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- September 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780226107684
- eISBN:
- 9780226107851
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226107851.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter summarizes the findings of the previous four empirical chapters and spells out the implications of the information institution approach for international relations theory and foreign ...
More
This chapter summarizes the findings of the previous four empirical chapters and spells out the implications of the information institution approach for international relations theory and foreign policy. Four causal pathways generating the strategic outcomes of limited wars are identified. The information institution approach is shown to offer superior explanations for each of these outcomes than do either organizational culture theory or democratic civil-military relations theory. Additionally, the information institution approach is shown to offer more compelling explanations for these strategic outcomes than rationalist bargaining theory. In terms of theoretical implications, the information institution approach offers a more compelling understanding of the interaction between state-level organizations and political leaders than do traditional organizational theories. This approach also provides a firmer foundation for strategic choice theories of interstate conflict and cooperation. Finally, the relevance of the information institution approach to coercive diplomacy, executive decision-making styles, and interagency coordination is addressed.Less
This chapter summarizes the findings of the previous four empirical chapters and spells out the implications of the information institution approach for international relations theory and foreign policy. Four causal pathways generating the strategic outcomes of limited wars are identified. The information institution approach is shown to offer superior explanations for each of these outcomes than do either organizational culture theory or democratic civil-military relations theory. Additionally, the information institution approach is shown to offer more compelling explanations for these strategic outcomes than rationalist bargaining theory. In terms of theoretical implications, the information institution approach offers a more compelling understanding of the interaction between state-level organizations and political leaders than do traditional organizational theories. This approach also provides a firmer foundation for strategic choice theories of interstate conflict and cooperation. Finally, the relevance of the information institution approach to coercive diplomacy, executive decision-making styles, and interagency coordination is addressed.
James Pattison
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- August 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199639700
- eISBN:
- 9780191756085
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199639700.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics, Political Theory
This chapter focuses on the employers of private military force. In doing so, it considers the differing ways of organizing the military. It first outlines and defends the ‘Cumulative Legitimacy ...
More
This chapter focuses on the employers of private military force. In doing so, it considers the differing ways of organizing the military. It first outlines and defends the ‘Cumulative Legitimacy Approach’ and argues that this approach should ultimately be used to assess the legitimacy of the military, rather than the prevailing theories of civil–military relations. Second, the chapter assesses the use of PMSCs according to this approach. It argues that, although the use of PMSCs does not necessarily threaten the primary understanding of the legitimacy of military force on this approach, employing private military force poses several serious moral concerns, including the lack of expected effectiveness, the undermining of democratic control, the poor treatment of PMSC personnel, and the undermining of communal bonds.Less
This chapter focuses on the employers of private military force. In doing so, it considers the differing ways of organizing the military. It first outlines and defends the ‘Cumulative Legitimacy Approach’ and argues that this approach should ultimately be used to assess the legitimacy of the military, rather than the prevailing theories of civil–military relations. Second, the chapter assesses the use of PMSCs according to this approach. It argues that, although the use of PMSCs does not necessarily threaten the primary understanding of the legitimacy of military force on this approach, employing private military force poses several serious moral concerns, including the lack of expected effectiveness, the undermining of democratic control, the poor treatment of PMSC personnel, and the undermining of communal bonds.
Anna Leander
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199228485
- eISBN:
- 9780191711435
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199228485.003.0004
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law
This chapter argues that given the way PMCs shape security concerns and more generally political priorities, civil-military relations as a regulatory concern has been strangely ignored in the debate ...
More
This chapter argues that given the way PMCs shape security concerns and more generally political priorities, civil-military relations as a regulatory concern has been strangely ignored in the debate on regulation. It suggests that preoccupation with security professionals' role in shaping politics is as important when these professionals are privately organized in PMCs as it is when they are enrolled in public armed forces. It shows that existing regulation has not been adjusted to account for this fact and that the significance of regulating the role of PMCs in shaping politics is profoundly underestimated. The chapter therefore argues that putting the issue of regulating ‘civil-PMC relations’ on the agenda is essential.Less
This chapter argues that given the way PMCs shape security concerns and more generally political priorities, civil-military relations as a regulatory concern has been strangely ignored in the debate on regulation. It suggests that preoccupation with security professionals' role in shaping politics is as important when these professionals are privately organized in PMCs as it is when they are enrolled in public armed forces. It shows that existing regulation has not been adjusted to account for this fact and that the significance of regulating the role of PMCs in shaping politics is profoundly underestimated. The chapter therefore argues that putting the issue of regulating ‘civil-PMC relations’ on the agenda is essential.
David French
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199258031
- eISBN:
- 9780191717840
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199258031.003.0010
- Subject:
- History, Military History
Cardwell and Childers hoped to raise the status of the regular soldier by rooting each regiment in its own local community, and using the depot and its linked militia and volunteer units as bridges ...
More
Cardwell and Childers hoped to raise the status of the regular soldier by rooting each regiment in its own local community, and using the depot and its linked militia and volunteer units as bridges between civilian society and the regular army. This chapter explores the paradox that while the regular army continued to be shunned by much of ‘respectable’ society, the soldier in the abstract became an icon standing for all that was best in British society.Less
Cardwell and Childers hoped to raise the status of the regular soldier by rooting each regiment in its own local community, and using the depot and its linked militia and volunteer units as bridges between civilian society and the regular army. This chapter explores the paradox that while the regular army continued to be shunned by much of ‘respectable’ society, the soldier in the abstract became an icon standing for all that was best in British society.
Nil S. Satana
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199672820
- eISBN:
- 9780191751585
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199672820.003.0017
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter examines why Turkish contributions to UN peacekeeping rose in the 2000s and why its contributions remained limited relative to the potential capacity of the Turkish Armed Forces and the ...
More
This chapter examines why Turkish contributions to UN peacekeeping rose in the 2000s and why its contributions remained limited relative to the potential capacity of the Turkish Armed Forces and the Turkish National Police Force. It argues that the rationales behind Turkey’s provision of UN peacekeepers changed significantly from the 1990s to the 2000s. While its UN peacekeeping contributions could be explained by normative and security-based explanations in the 1990s, Turkey’s more recent rising contributions are mainly a consequence of its political aspirations to become a regional and global player. But significant constraints remain, including elite perceptions that equate UN-led operations with UN-mandated NATO operations, the disconnect between civilians and the military on security-related issues, the limited reward structures for participating in UN operations, particularly within the military, and the fight against the PKK (Kurdistan Workers’ Party)Less
This chapter examines why Turkish contributions to UN peacekeeping rose in the 2000s and why its contributions remained limited relative to the potential capacity of the Turkish Armed Forces and the Turkish National Police Force. It argues that the rationales behind Turkey’s provision of UN peacekeepers changed significantly from the 1990s to the 2000s. While its UN peacekeeping contributions could be explained by normative and security-based explanations in the 1990s, Turkey’s more recent rising contributions are mainly a consequence of its political aspirations to become a regional and global player. But significant constraints remain, including elite perceptions that equate UN-led operations with UN-mandated NATO operations, the disconnect between civilians and the military on security-related issues, the limited reward structures for participating in UN operations, particularly within the military, and the fight against the PKK (Kurdistan Workers’ Party)
David Isenberg
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199228485
- eISBN:
- 9780191711435
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199228485.003.0006
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law
The use and conduct of PMCs in Iraq have posed different problems and challenges to regulation. This is illustrated most starkly by the difference in treatment of individuals implicated in the Abu ...
More
The use and conduct of PMCs in Iraq have posed different problems and challenges to regulation. This is illustrated most starkly by the difference in treatment of individuals implicated in the Abu Ghraib torture incidents, depending on whether they were part of the US forces or PMC employees. This chapter analyses how PMCs operating alongside the coalition forces — but outside the military chain of command — have complicated civil-military relations. It argues that this has created problems of coordination and created opportunities for the US government to evade public accountability for certain aspects of the Iraq conflict.Less
The use and conduct of PMCs in Iraq have posed different problems and challenges to regulation. This is illustrated most starkly by the difference in treatment of individuals implicated in the Abu Ghraib torture incidents, depending on whether they were part of the US forces or PMC employees. This chapter analyses how PMCs operating alongside the coalition forces — but outside the military chain of command — have complicated civil-military relations. It argues that this has created problems of coordination and created opportunities for the US government to evade public accountability for certain aspects of the Iraq conflict.
