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Crime in Northern Ireland presents a paradox, both to lay people and criminologists, but this study has clarified some of the parameters of the puzzle. The traditional and sectarian form in which Northern Ireland's industrialization developed to the point where it came under threat with economic restructuring in the 1950s, leading to an increase in crime which was linked to the pervasive influences of social change from Britain's mass popular culture. Civil unrest intensified some types of ordinary crime, although not all. The survival of traditional social forms in some local contexts mediates the social deprivation that also characterizes these same areas. This study of crime in Ireland has mapped some of the broad environmental differences that exist in crime within the island, North and South, and at the city level for Belfast and Dublin. It has also highlighted other geographical variations within each jurisdiction.

This chapter presents an essay on the Habsburg Monarchy's problem with Hungary during the period from 1790 to 1848. These include the perilous civil unrest of 1790 and the revolutionary situation of 1848. This essay explores the roles of the neglected personalities who mediated between Austria and Hungary on the areas of common policy between government and opposition. It also argues that the 1848 event is a clear failure of the established mechanisms for compromise.

The introduction recounts Rodney King’s experience of police brutality, the trial of four police offers involved, and how the verdict triggered the multiracial violence that erupted in the 1992 Los Angeles civil unrest. It explores the ways in which various publics have explained and remembered the riots reveals American expectations of how civil society and the state, civility and democracy, should prevent such crises. The chapter foregrounds the intersection of the post-civil rights and post-cold war eras in explaining strategies of comparative racialization and civil racism that emerged in response to the incident.

This chapter introduces two scenes. The first one is in Oldham, Bradford, and Burnley in the summer of 2001. At the dawn of New Labour's second term, when they were returned to power with a daunting parliamentary majority, a cascade of civil unrest in England's northern towns stunned Britain. The second scene is in Gujarat in spring 2002. What happened in the western Indian state of Gujarat almost twelve months later was both more calculated and of a radically more barbaric order. What both incidents indicated, across their disparate spaces, was a novel reflex of the nation-state to demonise minorities as inassimilable communities, and a disinclination to recognise them as citizens. What was intriguing was the correspondence between a declining multiculturalism and an ascendant majoritarianism.

This chapter examines how musicians provided different rejoinders to African Americans' struggles in Chicago during the late 1960s. One response came from the Affro-Arts Theater and its founder, Phil Cohran. His teachings—and their connections to Sun Ra and Elijah Muhammad—are explored; so, too, is Cohran's influence on Maurice White (Earth, Wind and Fire founder) and Chaka Khan. The saga of the Affro-Arts Theater’s Afrocentric house band, The Pharaohs, and their colleagues The Pieces Of Peace are also described. After the assassination of Martin Luther King and the civil unrest that followed, Syl Johnson responded to the violence through his album, Is It Because I’m Black. Johnson’s story is woven into an analysis of this album and its aftermath.

This chapter deals with Britain, looking at the muddled majoritarian response to the civil unrest in England's northern towns, concerns about Asian self-segregation, and the flow of asylum seekers. It argues that these are not intermittent anxieties, but manifestations of a discernible turn to majoritarian thinking exemplified by Prospect editor David Goodhart's proposal for a ‘progressive nationalism’ which fundamentally questions the merits of cultural diversity and the twenty-first-century mandate for liberal politics.

This chapter explores the social and economic implications of rising global water use and scarcity. In the near future, many countries, regions, and populations may face rising costs of exploiting additional water resources that could constrain growth as well as make it increasingly difficult to meet the needs of those poor populations and countries that face chronic water insecurity. If unchecked, water scarcity could increase the likelihood of civil unrest and conflicts. There is also a risk of disputes over the management of transboundary water sources and “water grabbing” acquisitions. Yet this crisis could be avoided. Inadequate policies, governance, and institutions, coupled with incorrect market signals and insufficient innovations to improve efficiency, underlie most chronic water problems.

Remittances sent by international migrants have become an increasingly important source of social welfare in the developing world. This chapter explores what remittances are, why migrants send them, and how poor families use them. I argue in this chapter that remittances are more than just gifts from one relative to another. They play a larger social welfare role that complements funds that governments spend on social welfare programs. This social welfare function has become particularly important in recent decades as developing countries have prioritized austerity and integrated into volatile global markets. I argue that by filling a welfare gap in an age of austerity, remittances help to reduce the suffering and anger that so often trigger political and social instability during times of economic crisis.

This chapter examines the experiences of Mexican immigrants in Broadway Federal Bank, established in the post-World War II period to specially serve the needs of African Americans in South Los Angeles. Drawing on oral interviews, it considers how the bank has changed over time in response to demographic change, particularly after the civil unrest of 1992. The chapter first provides a historical background on Broadway Federal and goes on to discuss how the civil rights activism of its founder and first chairman, H. Claude Hudson, and his son, Elbert, within the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) shaped their relationship with the African American community in South Central Los Angeles. It then explores how the 1992 Los Angeles uprisings affected the leadership of Broadway Federal and how the presence of Latinos as bank employees introduced a positive atmosphere of banking at Broadway Federal. It suggests that the bank's “success” is dependent not only on its rich African American history, commitment, and struggle but also on the support of Latinos.

Transitional justice addresses conflicts and their resolution with the use of a conceptual and normative apparatus that captures, clarifies and, wherever possible, corrects failed states. These undermine values that derive from humanity, the conditio sine qua non for social cohesiveness. Notwithstanding, the six-year anniversary of the 2011 civil unrest in Bahrain is a reminder of the fact that post-conflict success—which entails compliance with the United Nations rule of law standards—is still a contentious issue. Thus, the national rulers’ interest in maintaining the system may continue to compete with the international stake in legitimate statehood without thereby compelling those in power to consider the constituency that primarily depends upon them for their freedom and welfare: the majority of people in Bahrain. Logically, system-conservation requires peace. Ethically, peace is problematic for the same reason. This accentuates the need for change, especially since (so-called) conflict-resolution has resulted in strict(er) law-and-order measures.

This chapter argues that the flood of remittances to the Mexican countryside has contributed to political and social stability during a string of economic crises over the years. Analyses of survey data collected in Michoacán, Mexico during the 2007–2008 food crisis show that remittances promoted income stability, reduced economic grievances, and reduced citizens’ demand for government-provided welfare. I argue that similar processes may have prevented civil unrest during Mexico’s market transition in the 1990s. Interviews with farmers, townspeople, and government officials suggest that remittances have lifted spirits in the countryside and helped to reduce the kind of suffering and anger that gave rise to the Zapatista uprising.

This chapter outlines the general culinary attitudes, traditions, and dietetics informing the Chinese palate throughout history, from artifacts and records dating back to the imperial period to the nationwide agricultural reforms of a China bent on receiving modernity with a full stomach. Of course, these traditions and general inclinations toward food vary across regions, dynasties, and even social classes. The Chinese preoccupation with food also extends toward the availability or lack of food and the political implications thereof, as the rich indulge themselves while the poor starve away. Famines, for example, can cause civil unrest, undermine the legitimacy of the ruling monarch, or even serve as the linchpin for cultural or political reform.

This chapter looks at Irish responses to Peterloo. It looks at the relations between radical reformers and the movement for Catholic Emancipation. The kind of political repression that was enacted in Manchester in August of that year was more common in Ireland, and reformers made common cause with Irish Catholics, many of whom were beginning to migrate to the industrial towns of Northern England. Ireland gave English reformers a cautionary example of tyrannical government, while Irish writers and politicians saw in Peterloo an illustration of the English establishment's true coercive colours. There was however a deeper sense in which Peterloo and the Irish Question were imbricated in early nineteenth-century culture. The role of public speaking, the control of potentially subversive speech, and the challenge of radical politics to traditional standards of rhetoric and oratory were all brought into focus in the years leading to the massacre.