Desmond King
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198292494
- eISBN:
- 9780191599682
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019829249X.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
King analyses the difficulties facing Black Americans attempting to join the civil service and the inadequacy of the US Civil Service Commission's monitoring of both recruitment and promotion. He ...
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King analyses the difficulties facing Black Americans attempting to join the civil service and the inadequacy of the US Civil Service Commission's monitoring of both recruitment and promotion. He reviews the reform of the federal civil service from a patronage‐based to a merit‐based hiring system and then explains how the mechanism deployed by the civil service systematically discriminated against Black American applicants. In his examination, King focuses on specific hiring practices like the ‘rule of three’ as well as institutions including the Civil Service Commission, congressional committees, and the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP).Less
King analyses the difficulties facing Black Americans attempting to join the civil service and the inadequacy of the US Civil Service Commission's monitoring of both recruitment and promotion. He reviews the reform of the federal civil service from a patronage‐based to a merit‐based hiring system and then explains how the mechanism deployed by the civil service systematically discriminated against Black American applicants. In his examination, King focuses on specific hiring practices like the ‘rule of three’ as well as institutions including the Civil Service Commission, congressional committees, and the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP).
Helen Glew
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780719090271
- eISBN:
- 9781526104458
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719090271.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Social History
Throughout the interwar years, equal pay for women public servants was continually marked as an issue for the government, rather than one for the Civil Service (and thereby other sections of the ...
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Throughout the interwar years, equal pay for women public servants was continually marked as an issue for the government, rather than one for the Civil Service (and thereby other sections of the public service) to decide. This meant that a constant public dialogue took place in Parliament, the press and during the Royal Commission on the Civil Service (1929-1931) and that a multi-faceted defence of unequal pay was constantly mounted. The chapter tracks the ways in which arguments for equal pay were constructed and the ways in which unions and associations generally worked together to press the issue. It is argued that although tangible progress on the issue of equal pay was scarce, the ‘moral’ argument was largely won in the interwar years.Less
Throughout the interwar years, equal pay for women public servants was continually marked as an issue for the government, rather than one for the Civil Service (and thereby other sections of the public service) to decide. This meant that a constant public dialogue took place in Parliament, the press and during the Royal Commission on the Civil Service (1929-1931) and that a multi-faceted defence of unequal pay was constantly mounted. The chapter tracks the ways in which arguments for equal pay were constructed and the ways in which unions and associations generally worked together to press the issue. It is argued that although tangible progress on the issue of equal pay was scarce, the ‘moral’ argument was largely won in the interwar years.
David Goldberg
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781469633626
- eISBN:
- 9781469633633
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469633626.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter focuses on the influence that the Black Power movement and rise of employment discrimination litigation had on the Vulcan Society and Black firefighters across the country. The ...
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This chapter focuses on the influence that the Black Power movement and rise of employment discrimination litigation had on the Vulcan Society and Black firefighters across the country. The dialectical relationships between the civil rights and Black Power movements and the Vulcan Society’s old and new guard eventually transformed the organization and its objectives and helped facilitate the IABPFF, a national Black caucus group formed to combat discrimination and increase Black representation in — and community control of — urban fire departments. Both the IABPFF and the Vulcan Society embraced “separatism without separation,” and used their “outsider status within a white-dominated institution,” as well as shifts in employment discrimination case law, to “reveal the inner workings of institutional racism” within the FDNY and urban fire departments more generally. This shift was instrumental in the fight to establish legal remedies to address institutionalized racism and its impact on the racial composition of urban fire departments and became the primary method used by the Vulcan Society and the IABPFF and its local affiliates to make fire departments more representative of and responsive to the people and communities they servedLess
This chapter focuses on the influence that the Black Power movement and rise of employment discrimination litigation had on the Vulcan Society and Black firefighters across the country. The dialectical relationships between the civil rights and Black Power movements and the Vulcan Society’s old and new guard eventually transformed the organization and its objectives and helped facilitate the IABPFF, a national Black caucus group formed to combat discrimination and increase Black representation in — and community control of — urban fire departments. Both the IABPFF and the Vulcan Society embraced “separatism without separation,” and used their “outsider status within a white-dominated institution,” as well as shifts in employment discrimination case law, to “reveal the inner workings of institutional racism” within the FDNY and urban fire departments more generally. This shift was instrumental in the fight to establish legal remedies to address institutionalized racism and its impact on the racial composition of urban fire departments and became the primary method used by the Vulcan Society and the IABPFF and its local affiliates to make fire departments more representative of and responsive to the people and communities they served
Steven G. Calabresi and Christopher S. Yoo
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- October 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780300121261
- eISBN:
- 9780300145380
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300121261.003.0027
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This chapter discusses the Pendleton Act to reform the civil service, which was adopted during Chester A. Arthur's administration. It established a bipartisan Civil Service Commission of three ...
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This chapter discusses the Pendleton Act to reform the civil service, which was adopted during Chester A. Arthur's administration. It established a bipartisan Civil Service Commission of three members appointed by the president with senatorial consent but critically subject to removal by the president. The Act required that open, competitive examinations be held, with appointments going to those who earned the highest grades, and apportioned the civil service among the states equitably. It provided for protection of the so-called classified service against political assessments by explicitly providing that public servants could not be forced to contribute to political funds or be removed for failure to do so. The act also prohibited federal officials from soliciting political contributions from employees and barred anyone from soliciting or receiving such contributions in any public building. The president was given the power to extend the classified service to more employees by executive order.Less
This chapter discusses the Pendleton Act to reform the civil service, which was adopted during Chester A. Arthur's administration. It established a bipartisan Civil Service Commission of three members appointed by the president with senatorial consent but critically subject to removal by the president. The Act required that open, competitive examinations be held, with appointments going to those who earned the highest grades, and apportioned the civil service among the states equitably. It provided for protection of the so-called classified service against political assessments by explicitly providing that public servants could not be forced to contribute to political funds or be removed for failure to do so. The act also prohibited federal officials from soliciting political contributions from employees and barred anyone from soliciting or receiving such contributions in any public building. The president was given the power to extend the classified service to more employees by executive order.
Dennis C. Dickerson
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- March 2014
- ISBN:
- 9781604734270
- eISBN:
- 9781621030874
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781604734270.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
During most of the twentieth century, Archibald J. Carey Sr. (1868–1931) and Archibald J. Carey Jr. (1908–1981), father and son, exemplified a blend of ministry and politics that many African ...
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During most of the twentieth century, Archibald J. Carey Sr. (1868–1931) and Archibald J. Carey Jr. (1908–1981), father and son, exemplified a blend of ministry and politics that many African American religious leaders pursued. Their sacred and secular concerns merged in efforts to improve the spiritual and material well-being of their congregations. But as political alliances became necessary, both wrestled with moral consequences and varied outcomes. Both were ministers to Chicago’s largest African Methodist Episcopal Church congregations—the senior Carey as a bishop, and the junior Carey as a pastor and an attorney. Bishop Carey associated himself mainly with Chicago mayor William Hale Thompson, a Republican, whom he presented to black voters as an ally. When the mayor appointed Carey Sr. to the city’s civil service commission, Carey Sr. helped in the hiring and promotion of local blacks. But alleged impropriety for selling jobs marred the bishop’s tenure. Carey Jr., also a Republican and an alderman, became head of the panel on anti-discrimination in employment for the Eisenhower administration, and aided innumerable black federal employees. Although an influential benefactor of CORE and SCLC, he associated with notorious FBI director J. Edgar Hoover and compromised support for Martin Luther King, Jr. Both Careys believed politics offered clergy the best opportunities to empower the black population. Their imperfect alliances and mixed results, however, proved the complexity of combining the realms of spirituality and politics.Less
During most of the twentieth century, Archibald J. Carey Sr. (1868–1931) and Archibald J. Carey Jr. (1908–1981), father and son, exemplified a blend of ministry and politics that many African American religious leaders pursued. Their sacred and secular concerns merged in efforts to improve the spiritual and material well-being of their congregations. But as political alliances became necessary, both wrestled with moral consequences and varied outcomes. Both were ministers to Chicago’s largest African Methodist Episcopal Church congregations—the senior Carey as a bishop, and the junior Carey as a pastor and an attorney. Bishop Carey associated himself mainly with Chicago mayor William Hale Thompson, a Republican, whom he presented to black voters as an ally. When the mayor appointed Carey Sr. to the city’s civil service commission, Carey Sr. helped in the hiring and promotion of local blacks. But alleged impropriety for selling jobs marred the bishop’s tenure. Carey Jr., also a Republican and an alderman, became head of the panel on anti-discrimination in employment for the Eisenhower administration, and aided innumerable black federal employees. Although an influential benefactor of CORE and SCLC, he associated with notorious FBI director J. Edgar Hoover and compromised support for Martin Luther King, Jr. Both Careys believed politics offered clergy the best opportunities to empower the black population. Their imperfect alliances and mixed results, however, proved the complexity of combining the realms of spirituality and politics.
Joshua David Hawley
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- October 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780300120103
- eISBN:
- 9780300145144
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300120103.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, Political History
The spring of 1896 was a period of discontent for Theodore Roosevelt and for the whole nation. Roosevelt was unhappy with the way his political career was going. He spent six years at the Civil ...
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The spring of 1896 was a period of discontent for Theodore Roosevelt and for the whole nation. Roosevelt was unhappy with the way his political career was going. He spent six years at the Civil Service Commission and eighteen months on the New York City police board, and was impatient and uncertain. All over the country, farmers were up in arms against the railroad rates they paid to ship their grain, a malaise which gave birth to a loose-knit society of cattle farmers and ranchers called the Grangers (National Grange of the Patrons of Animal Husbandry). Although rates dropped in the 1880s, the railroads retained their iconic status, and the farmers once again grew restless due to a severe downturn in agricultural prices in the early 1890s. In 1894, a labor strike that began in Pullman, Illinois, erupted nationwide. But it was the presidential election of 1896 that would showcase Roosevelt's classist social conservatism. William McKinley won as president and the Republican Party emerged with majority status for the first time in twenty years.Less
The spring of 1896 was a period of discontent for Theodore Roosevelt and for the whole nation. Roosevelt was unhappy with the way his political career was going. He spent six years at the Civil Service Commission and eighteen months on the New York City police board, and was impatient and uncertain. All over the country, farmers were up in arms against the railroad rates they paid to ship their grain, a malaise which gave birth to a loose-knit society of cattle farmers and ranchers called the Grangers (National Grange of the Patrons of Animal Husbandry). Although rates dropped in the 1880s, the railroads retained their iconic status, and the farmers once again grew restless due to a severe downturn in agricultural prices in the early 1890s. In 1894, a labor strike that began in Pullman, Illinois, erupted nationwide. But it was the presidential election of 1896 that would showcase Roosevelt's classist social conservatism. William McKinley won as president and the Republican Party emerged with majority status for the first time in twenty years.
Joshua David Hawley
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- October 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780300120103
- eISBN:
- 9780300145144
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300120103.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Political History
In 1884, the Mugwumps abandoned the Republican Party, which contributed to its loss in the election, but Theodore Roosevelt stayed despite his misgivings, and despite being denounced by his former ...
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In 1884, the Mugwumps abandoned the Republican Party, which contributed to its loss in the election, but Theodore Roosevelt stayed despite his misgivings, and despite being denounced by his former allies in the Mugwump camp. His loyalty was rewarded when Benjamin Harrison, newly elected president of the United States, appointed him to the Civil Service Commission. The civil service job brought Roosevelt back into politics. He was now convinced that the human species progressed through the domination of one race over others, and saw leadership of the species shifting from the English to what had become the American race. America's confrontation with Spain also revealed to Roosevelt the moral nature of expansion. This chapter examines Roosevelt's return to politics and his views about expansion and self-government in the context of British imperialism, along with his foreign policy strategies. It also looks at his investigation of John Wanamaker, chosen by Harrison as postmaster general.Less
In 1884, the Mugwumps abandoned the Republican Party, which contributed to its loss in the election, but Theodore Roosevelt stayed despite his misgivings, and despite being denounced by his former allies in the Mugwump camp. His loyalty was rewarded when Benjamin Harrison, newly elected president of the United States, appointed him to the Civil Service Commission. The civil service job brought Roosevelt back into politics. He was now convinced that the human species progressed through the domination of one race over others, and saw leadership of the species shifting from the English to what had become the American race. America's confrontation with Spain also revealed to Roosevelt the moral nature of expansion. This chapter examines Roosevelt's return to politics and his views about expansion and self-government in the context of British imperialism, along with his foreign policy strategies. It also looks at his investigation of John Wanamaker, chosen by Harrison as postmaster general.
