Eric Schickler
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780691153872
- eISBN:
- 9781400880973
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691153872.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This introductory chapter provides a background of the civil rights realignment. The conventional account treats the civil rights realignment as the disruption of one stable partisan alignment and ...
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This introductory chapter provides a background of the civil rights realignment. The conventional account treats the civil rights realignment as the disruption of one stable partisan alignment and its replacement by another alignment in which race played a defining role. The critical decisions driving this process occurred in the 1960s as national party elites grappled with the question of how to respond to pressure from civil rights activists. The choices made at the center then reverberated throughout the political system, gradually remaking both parties at the mass and middle levels. In contrast, this book argues that the partisan realignment on civil rights was rooted in changes in the New Deal coalition that emerged in the mid- to late 1930s, not the 1960s. Rather than realignment starting in Washington and diffusing out and down, state parties and locally oriented rank- and-file members of Congress provided a key mechanism for pro-civil rights forces to capture the Democratic Party from below.Less
This introductory chapter provides a background of the civil rights realignment. The conventional account treats the civil rights realignment as the disruption of one stable partisan alignment and its replacement by another alignment in which race played a defining role. The critical decisions driving this process occurred in the 1960s as national party elites grappled with the question of how to respond to pressure from civil rights activists. The choices made at the center then reverberated throughout the political system, gradually remaking both parties at the mass and middle levels. In contrast, this book argues that the partisan realignment on civil rights was rooted in changes in the New Deal coalition that emerged in the mid- to late 1930s, not the 1960s. Rather than realignment starting in Washington and diffusing out and down, state parties and locally oriented rank- and-file members of Congress provided a key mechanism for pro-civil rights forces to capture the Democratic Party from below.
Jonna Perrillo
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- February 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226660714
- eISBN:
- 9780226660738
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226660738.001.0001
- Subject:
- Education, Educational Policy and Politics
Almost fifty years after Brown v. Board of Education, a wealth of research shows that minority students continue to receive an unequal education. At the heart of this inequality is a complex and ...
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Almost fifty years after Brown v. Board of Education, a wealth of research shows that minority students continue to receive an unequal education. At the heart of this inequality is a complex and often conflicted relationship between teachers and civil rights activists, examined fully in this book, which traces the tensions between the two groups in New York City from the Great Depression to the present. While movements for teachers' rights and civil rights were not always in conflict, this book uncovers the ways they have become so, brought about both by teachers who have come to see civil rights efforts as detracting from or competing with their own goals and by civil rights activists whose aims have de-professionalized the role of the educator. Focusing in particular on unionized teachers, the book finds a new vantage point from which to examine the relationship between school and community, showing how in this struggle, educators, activists, and especially our students have lost out.Less
Almost fifty years after Brown v. Board of Education, a wealth of research shows that minority students continue to receive an unequal education. At the heart of this inequality is a complex and often conflicted relationship between teachers and civil rights activists, examined fully in this book, which traces the tensions between the two groups in New York City from the Great Depression to the present. While movements for teachers' rights and civil rights were not always in conflict, this book uncovers the ways they have become so, brought about both by teachers who have come to see civil rights efforts as detracting from or competing with their own goals and by civil rights activists whose aims have de-professionalized the role of the educator. Focusing in particular on unionized teachers, the book finds a new vantage point from which to examine the relationship between school and community, showing how in this struggle, educators, activists, and especially our students have lost out.
MICHAEL KEITH HONEY
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520217744
- eISBN:
- 9780520928060
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520217744.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter looks at civil rights activists who pursued the freedom struggle through practical standards on specific aspects of segregation. Black union activists tried to break the Jim Crow system ...
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This chapter looks at civil rights activists who pursued the freedom struggle through practical standards on specific aspects of segregation. Black union activists tried to break the Jim Crow system down step by step at the point of production. They first sought the right to unionize, sometimes risking their lives merely to achieve that right. Secondly, black union activists sought to use unions to end workplace discrimination, including separate and color-coded hiring lists, rates of pay, and seniority lines for white and black that, among other practices, kept blacks in the worst paid, dirtiest, and most dangerous jobs.Less
This chapter looks at civil rights activists who pursued the freedom struggle through practical standards on specific aspects of segregation. Black union activists tried to break the Jim Crow system down step by step at the point of production. They first sought the right to unionize, sometimes risking their lives merely to achieve that right. Secondly, black union activists sought to use unions to end workplace discrimination, including separate and color-coded hiring lists, rates of pay, and seniority lines for white and black that, among other practices, kept blacks in the worst paid, dirtiest, and most dangerous jobs.
Steven P. Miller
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813123639
- eISBN:
- 9780813134758
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813123639.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
This chapter examines the story of white southerner civil rights activist Billy Graham. It explores Graham's efforts to encourage the American South to accept peacefully the demise of racial ...
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This chapter examines the story of white southerner civil rights activist Billy Graham. It explores Graham's efforts to encourage the American South to accept peacefully the demise of racial segregation as part of his perennial emphasis on individual personal conversion, salvation, and a personal relationship with Christ. It criticizes Graham's support to former U.S. President Richard Nixon's Southern Strategy and suggests that his commitment to the demise of racial segregation had much to do with the realization that his credibility on the national and international stages could never survive a defense of his native region's reactionary racial customs.Less
This chapter examines the story of white southerner civil rights activist Billy Graham. It explores Graham's efforts to encourage the American South to accept peacefully the demise of racial segregation as part of his perennial emphasis on individual personal conversion, salvation, and a personal relationship with Christ. It criticizes Graham's support to former U.S. President Richard Nixon's Southern Strategy and suggests that his commitment to the demise of racial segregation had much to do with the realization that his credibility on the national and international stages could never survive a defense of his native region's reactionary racial customs.
Sekou M. Franklin
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814789384
- eISBN:
- 9780814760611
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814789384.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter assesses post-civil rights activists in the juvenile justice reform movement (JJRM) from the mid-1990s to the mid-2000s. It examines how the JJRM's movement infrastructure, along with ...
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This chapter assesses post-civil rights activists in the juvenile justice reform movement (JJRM) from the mid-1990s to the mid-2000s. It examines how the JJRM's movement infrastructure, along with the regional and local political cultures that shaped the orientation of their key activists, influenced the trajectory of the campaigns. This movement infrastructure created a safe space for marginal youth and youth workers to become engaged in social activism. JJRM campaigns attempted to deinstitutionalize the juvenile justice system and combat disproportionate minority confinement. Unlike the Black Student Leadership Network (BSLN) and the movement initiatives of the 1960s, yet similar to the anti-apartheid movement of the 1980s, JJRM networks were multiracial and multisectoral. The chapter places JJRM within the discussion of youth movement activism and intergenerational politics because the status of marginalized youth in relation to the juvenile justice system alerted social justice and civil rights activists about regressive policies impacting poor communities.Less
This chapter assesses post-civil rights activists in the juvenile justice reform movement (JJRM) from the mid-1990s to the mid-2000s. It examines how the JJRM's movement infrastructure, along with the regional and local political cultures that shaped the orientation of their key activists, influenced the trajectory of the campaigns. This movement infrastructure created a safe space for marginal youth and youth workers to become engaged in social activism. JJRM campaigns attempted to deinstitutionalize the juvenile justice system and combat disproportionate minority confinement. Unlike the Black Student Leadership Network (BSLN) and the movement initiatives of the 1960s, yet similar to the anti-apartheid movement of the 1980s, JJRM networks were multiracial and multisectoral. The chapter places JJRM within the discussion of youth movement activism and intergenerational politics because the status of marginalized youth in relation to the juvenile justice system alerted social justice and civil rights activists about regressive policies impacting poor communities.
Jesse H. Rhodes
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801449710
- eISBN:
- 9780801464195
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801449710.001.0001
- Subject:
- Education, Educational Policy and Politics
Since the early 1990s, the federal role in education—exemplified by the controversial No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB)—has expanded dramatically. Yet states and localities have retained a central role ...
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Since the early 1990s, the federal role in education—exemplified by the controversial No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB)—has expanded dramatically. Yet states and localities have retained a central role in education policy, leading to a growing struggle for control over the direction of the nation's schools. This book explains the uneven development of federal involvement in education. While supporters of expanded federal involvement enjoyed some success in bringing new ideas to the federal policy agenda, the book argues, they also encountered stiff resistance from proponents of local control. Built atop existing decentralized policies, new federal reforms raised difficult questions about which level of government bore ultimate responsibility for improving schools. The book's argument focuses on the role played by civil rights activists, business leaders, and education experts in promoting the reforms that would be enacted with federal policies such as NCLB. It also underscores the constraints on federal involvement imposed by existing education policies, hostile interest groups, and, above all, the nation's federal system. Indeed, the federal system, which left specific policy formation and implementation to the states and localities, repeatedly frustrated efforts to effect changes: national reforms lost their force as policies passed through iterations at the state, county, and municipal levels. Ironically, state and local resistance only encouraged civil rights activists, business leaders, and their political allies to advocate even more stringent reforms that imposed heavier burdens on state and local governments. Through it all, the nation's education system made only incremental steps toward the goal of providing a quality education for every child.Less
Since the early 1990s, the federal role in education—exemplified by the controversial No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB)—has expanded dramatically. Yet states and localities have retained a central role in education policy, leading to a growing struggle for control over the direction of the nation's schools. This book explains the uneven development of federal involvement in education. While supporters of expanded federal involvement enjoyed some success in bringing new ideas to the federal policy agenda, the book argues, they also encountered stiff resistance from proponents of local control. Built atop existing decentralized policies, new federal reforms raised difficult questions about which level of government bore ultimate responsibility for improving schools. The book's argument focuses on the role played by civil rights activists, business leaders, and education experts in promoting the reforms that would be enacted with federal policies such as NCLB. It also underscores the constraints on federal involvement imposed by existing education policies, hostile interest groups, and, above all, the nation's federal system. Indeed, the federal system, which left specific policy formation and implementation to the states and localities, repeatedly frustrated efforts to effect changes: national reforms lost their force as policies passed through iterations at the state, county, and municipal levels. Ironically, state and local resistance only encouraged civil rights activists, business leaders, and their political allies to advocate even more stringent reforms that imposed heavier burdens on state and local governments. Through it all, the nation's education system made only incremental steps toward the goal of providing a quality education for every child.
Andrew M. Manis
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813123639
- eISBN:
- 9780813134758
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813123639.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History
This chapter examines the story of civil rights activist Dorothy Tilly and her Methodist women's Fellowship of the Concerned in Georgia. It suggests that Tilly exemplified her Christian faith and the ...
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This chapter examines the story of civil rights activist Dorothy Tilly and her Methodist women's Fellowship of the Concerned in Georgia. It suggests that Tilly exemplified her Christian faith and the social reform potential of Wesleyan tradition of Protestantism to its fullest. She nudged white Southerners to do the right thing on race relations much as a mother might encourage her children and she lived a life that encouraged and fostered change, racial toleration, and inclusiveness.Less
This chapter examines the story of civil rights activist Dorothy Tilly and her Methodist women's Fellowship of the Concerned in Georgia. It suggests that Tilly exemplified her Christian faith and the social reform potential of Wesleyan tradition of Protestantism to its fullest. She nudged white Southerners to do the right thing on race relations much as a mother might encourage her children and she lived a life that encouraged and fostered change, racial toleration, and inclusiveness.
Matthew F. Delmont
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780520272071
- eISBN:
- 9780520951600
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520272071.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
This chapter examines how Philadelphia's civil rights activists tried to use the media to make de facto segregation an issue that the city's school board could not avoid. More specifically, it ...
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This chapter examines how Philadelphia's civil rights activists tried to use the media to make de facto segregation an issue that the city's school board could not avoid. More specifically, it considers media coverage for the racial integration crisis at the Central High School of Philadelphia in Little Rock in the fall of 1957. It analyzes how the coverage of the Little Rock crisis in Philadelphia's print and broadcast media raised the profile of the city's own educational issues to a higher level than in the previous two decades. It also discusses Floyd Logan's attempts to foreground school segregation as an issue to be taken up by Philadelphia's civil rights advocates. It shows how Logan used the visibility of Little Rock as leverage to help the school segregation issue in Philadelphia reach a larger audience in the black community and set the stage for larger protests in the early 1960s.Less
This chapter examines how Philadelphia's civil rights activists tried to use the media to make de facto segregation an issue that the city's school board could not avoid. More specifically, it considers media coverage for the racial integration crisis at the Central High School of Philadelphia in Little Rock in the fall of 1957. It analyzes how the coverage of the Little Rock crisis in Philadelphia's print and broadcast media raised the profile of the city's own educational issues to a higher level than in the previous two decades. It also discusses Floyd Logan's attempts to foreground school segregation as an issue to be taken up by Philadelphia's civil rights advocates. It shows how Logan used the visibility of Little Rock as leverage to help the school segregation issue in Philadelphia reach a larger audience in the black community and set the stage for larger protests in the early 1960s.
Brian D. Behnken
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- July 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780807834787
- eISBN:
- 9781469603193
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/9780807877876_behnken.5
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This book begins with the story of how Texas legislators drafted a plethora of segregationist legislation designed to circumvent the Brown v. Board of Education decision outlawing school segregation. ...
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This book begins with the story of how Texas legislators drafted a plethora of segregationist legislation designed to circumvent the Brown v. Board of Education decision outlawing school segregation. Mexican American and African American civil rights activists quickly organized to prevent these bills from passing. However, when a few Mexican Americans associated with the League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC) suggested working with blacks in the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), LULAC national president Felix Tijerina sternly reprimanded his colleagues, saying: “Let the Negro fight his own battles. His problems are not mine. I don't want to ally with him.” Over the next two decades, such sentiments intensified as the school desegregation battles continued.Less
This book begins with the story of how Texas legislators drafted a plethora of segregationist legislation designed to circumvent the Brown v. Board of Education decision outlawing school segregation. Mexican American and African American civil rights activists quickly organized to prevent these bills from passing. However, when a few Mexican Americans associated with the League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC) suggested working with blacks in the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), LULAC national president Felix Tijerina sternly reprimanded his colleagues, saying: “Let the Negro fight his own battles. His problems are not mine. I don't want to ally with him.” Over the next two decades, such sentiments intensified as the school desegregation battles continued.
Marcia Walker-McWilliams
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252040528
- eISBN:
- 9780252098963
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252040528.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
Labor leader, civil rights activist, outspoken feminist, African American clergywoman—Reverend Addie Wyatt stood at the confluence of many rivers of change in twentieth-century America. The first ...
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Labor leader, civil rights activist, outspoken feminist, African American clergywoman—Reverend Addie Wyatt stood at the confluence of many rivers of change in twentieth-century America. The first female president of a local chapter of the United Packinghouse Workers of America, Wyatt worked alongside Martin Luther King Jr. and Eleanor Roosevelt and appeared as one of Time magazine's Women of the Year in 1975. This book tells the incredible story of Addie Wyatt and her times. What began for Wyatt as a journey to overcome poverty became a lifetime commitment to social justice and the collective struggle against economic, racial, and gender inequalities. The book illuminates how Wyatt's own experiences with hardship and many forms of discrimination drove her work as an activist and leader. A parallel journey led her to develop an abiding spiritual faith, one that denied defeatism by refusing to accept such circumstances as immutable social forces.Less
Labor leader, civil rights activist, outspoken feminist, African American clergywoman—Reverend Addie Wyatt stood at the confluence of many rivers of change in twentieth-century America. The first female president of a local chapter of the United Packinghouse Workers of America, Wyatt worked alongside Martin Luther King Jr. and Eleanor Roosevelt and appeared as one of Time magazine's Women of the Year in 1975. This book tells the incredible story of Addie Wyatt and her times. What began for Wyatt as a journey to overcome poverty became a lifetime commitment to social justice and the collective struggle against economic, racial, and gender inequalities. The book illuminates how Wyatt's own experiences with hardship and many forms of discrimination drove her work as an activist and leader. A parallel journey led her to develop an abiding spiritual faith, one that denied defeatism by refusing to accept such circumstances as immutable social forces.
Gordon A. Martin
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- March 2014
- ISBN:
- 9781604737899
- eISBN:
- 9781604737905
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781604737899.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Political History
This chapter focuses on the history of race discrimination in Forrest County, Mississippi. The discussions include the early efforts of fifteen brave black men to overturn an illegal pattern of ...
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This chapter focuses on the history of race discrimination in Forrest County, Mississippi. The discussions include the early efforts of fifteen brave black men to overturn an illegal pattern of discrimination by a Forrest County registrar; and the establishment of the Mississippi State Sovereignty Commission on March 29, 1956, which gathered information on civil rights activists, real and imagined, investigated meetings and other activities, and made plans to subvert them.Less
This chapter focuses on the history of race discrimination in Forrest County, Mississippi. The discussions include the early efforts of fifteen brave black men to overturn an illegal pattern of discrimination by a Forrest County registrar; and the establishment of the Mississippi State Sovereignty Commission on March 29, 1956, which gathered information on civil rights activists, real and imagined, investigated meetings and other activities, and made plans to subvert them.
Michael E. Staub
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226771472
- eISBN:
- 9780226771496
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226771496.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
The end of the 1960s saw many psychiatrists and psychologists, along with other social scientists, accuse student activists of being mentally unstable. The same sentiments were expressed against ...
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The end of the 1960s saw many psychiatrists and psychologists, along with other social scientists, accuse student activists of being mentally unstable. The same sentiments were expressed against African American civil rights activists. This view was challenged in 1970 by psychiatrist Robert Coles, who cited examples of what he called a particularly “fashionable kind of slander.” By the later 1970s, another critical narrative on radicalism emerged as many former activists and members of the counterculture of the 1960s sought professional counseling to cope with an array of problems such as alcoholism and suicidal tendencies. In a strange turn of events, antipsychiatry was blamed for the destruction of the family and the rise of a therapeutic culture, and was ultimately reviled for its rejection of the medical reality of mental illness. In the course of the 1960s and through the 1970s, research focused on schizophrenia and its etiology. By the 1980s, deinstitutionalization was in place. Antipsychiatry was also criticized as the culprit for the homelessness crisis in the 1980s.Less
The end of the 1960s saw many psychiatrists and psychologists, along with other social scientists, accuse student activists of being mentally unstable. The same sentiments were expressed against African American civil rights activists. This view was challenged in 1970 by psychiatrist Robert Coles, who cited examples of what he called a particularly “fashionable kind of slander.” By the later 1970s, another critical narrative on radicalism emerged as many former activists and members of the counterculture of the 1960s sought professional counseling to cope with an array of problems such as alcoholism and suicidal tendencies. In a strange turn of events, antipsychiatry was blamed for the destruction of the family and the rise of a therapeutic culture, and was ultimately reviled for its rejection of the medical reality of mental illness. In the course of the 1960s and through the 1970s, research focused on schizophrenia and its etiology. By the 1980s, deinstitutionalization was in place. Antipsychiatry was also criticized as the culprit for the homelessness crisis in the 1980s.
