Jason Brennan
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691154442
- eISBN:
- 9781400842094
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691154442.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter discusses a new theory of civic virtue and of paying debts to society, showing that citizens can exercise civic virtue and pay debts to society not only without voting but often without ...
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This chapter discusses a new theory of civic virtue and of paying debts to society, showing that citizens can exercise civic virtue and pay debts to society not only without voting but often without engaging in politics at all. It defends the extrapolitical conception of civic virtue. According to the extrapolitical conception, political participation is not necessary for the exercise of civic virtue. Indeed, citizens can have exceptional civic virtue despite disengagement with politics. Most ways to exercise civic virtue in contemporary liberal democracies do not involve politics, or even activities on the periphery of politics, such as community-based volunteering or military service.Less
This chapter discusses a new theory of civic virtue and of paying debts to society, showing that citizens can exercise civic virtue and pay debts to society not only without voting but often without engaging in politics at all. It defends the extrapolitical conception of civic virtue. According to the extrapolitical conception, political participation is not necessary for the exercise of civic virtue. Indeed, citizens can have exceptional civic virtue despite disengagement with politics. Most ways to exercise civic virtue in contemporary liberal democracies do not involve politics, or even activities on the periphery of politics, such as community-based volunteering or military service.
Meira Levinson
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199250448
- eISBN:
- 9780191599750
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199250448.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Develops a liberal political theory of children's education provision. It argues that all children have a right to an autonomy‐promoting education, and that this right is best satisfied through a ...
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Develops a liberal political theory of children's education provision. It argues that all children have a right to an autonomy‐promoting education, and that this right is best satisfied through a state‐regulated ‘detached school’ that aims to help children develop their capacities for autonomy. Parents have the privilege to direct their children's upbringing in substantial and pervasive ways, but they do not have the right to prevent their children from developing the capacity for autonomy. There are nonetheless ways to encourage parental involvement and permit school choice. Although political liberals suggest that autonomy is too divisive of an aim, and that liberal schools should simply promote civic virtue, political liberalism and political liberal education are shown to be both theoretically and empirically inferior to weakly perfectionist liberalism and liberal education. Correctly conceived, autonomy‐promoting education contributes to the development of civic virtue, nurtures children's capacities for cultural coherence as well as for choice, and promotes equality.Less
Develops a liberal political theory of children's education provision. It argues that all children have a right to an autonomy‐promoting education, and that this right is best satisfied through a state‐regulated ‘detached school’ that aims to help children develop their capacities for autonomy. Parents have the privilege to direct their children's upbringing in substantial and pervasive ways, but they do not have the right to prevent their children from developing the capacity for autonomy. There are nonetheless ways to encourage parental involvement and permit school choice. Although political liberals suggest that autonomy is too divisive of an aim, and that liberal schools should simply promote civic virtue, political liberalism and political liberal education are shown to be both theoretically and empirically inferior to weakly perfectionist liberalism and liberal education. Correctly conceived, autonomy‐promoting education contributes to the development of civic virtue, nurtures children's capacities for cultural coherence as well as for choice, and promotes equality.
Thad Williamson
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195369434
- eISBN:
- 9780199852826
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195369434.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter introduces another ideology—republicanism—in order to interrogate sprawl in terms of civic virtue of self-governance and assumed shared responsibility. Civic republicans challenge the ...
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This chapter introduces another ideology—republicanism—in order to interrogate sprawl in terms of civic virtue of self-governance and assumed shared responsibility. Civic republicans challenge the current American society—its institutions, culture norms, societal practices, and existing preferences to the extent of undercutting freedom as self-governance. As history dictates, however, sprawl apparently resulted from the desires of American society to live the suburban convenience, not out of a desire to foster active citizenship.Less
This chapter introduces another ideology—republicanism—in order to interrogate sprawl in terms of civic virtue of self-governance and assumed shared responsibility. Civic republicans challenge the current American society—its institutions, culture norms, societal practices, and existing preferences to the extent of undercutting freedom as self-governance. As history dictates, however, sprawl apparently resulted from the desires of American society to live the suburban convenience, not out of a desire to foster active citizenship.
Maurizio Viroli
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293583
- eISBN:
- 9780191600289
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293585.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
While nationalism is an attachment to the ethnic, cultural, and spiritual homogeneity of a nation, patriotism refers to the love of the republic and the political institutions that sustain it. The ...
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While nationalism is an attachment to the ethnic, cultural, and spiritual homogeneity of a nation, patriotism refers to the love of the republic and the political institutions that sustain it. The language of patriotism avoids the dangers of intolerance inherent in a nationalistic conception of civic virtue by appealing to the non‐exclusive love of common liberty that is nevertheless rooted in the concrete culture and history of a particular people. The project of the book will be to explore the possibilities of political patriotism as an alternative to the rhetoric of nationalism through a historical interpretation of the evolution of patriotism.Less
While nationalism is an attachment to the ethnic, cultural, and spiritual homogeneity of a nation, patriotism refers to the love of the republic and the political institutions that sustain it. The language of patriotism avoids the dangers of intolerance inherent in a nationalistic conception of civic virtue by appealing to the non‐exclusive love of common liberty that is nevertheless rooted in the concrete culture and history of a particular people. The project of the book will be to explore the possibilities of political patriotism as an alternative to the rhetoric of nationalism through a historical interpretation of the evolution of patriotism.
John Casey
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195092950
- eISBN:
- 9780199869732
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195092950.003.0005
- Subject:
- Religion, World Religions
In ancient Greece a new idea of immortality emerges—hope, not for personal survival, but fame and eternal memory. This becomes an official doctrine of both Greece and Rome, but one might doubt how ...
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In ancient Greece a new idea of immortality emerges—hope, not for personal survival, but fame and eternal memory. This becomes an official doctrine of both Greece and Rome, but one might doubt how far it was truly believed in. The melancholy underworld of the shades, conscious only if they drink sacrificial blood, makes the “official” doctrine of civic virtue, with a readiness to die for the city both heroic and scarcely possible. Skepticism about civic virtue, especially in some Greek and Roman epitaphs, is explored, as is the hope of future life in the religion of Orphism. The chapter ends with discussion of Lucretius, Horace, Plato, and Aristotle.Less
In ancient Greece a new idea of immortality emerges—hope, not for personal survival, but fame and eternal memory. This becomes an official doctrine of both Greece and Rome, but one might doubt how far it was truly believed in. The melancholy underworld of the shades, conscious only if they drink sacrificial blood, makes the “official” doctrine of civic virtue, with a readiness to die for the city both heroic and scarcely possible. Skepticism about civic virtue, especially in some Greek and Roman epitaphs, is explored, as is the hope of future life in the religion of Orphism. The chapter ends with discussion of Lucretius, Horace, Plato, and Aristotle.
J.G.A. Pocock and Richard Whatmore
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691172231
- eISBN:
- 9781400883516
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691172231.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter turns to Machiavelli's Discorsi (Discourses on the first Ten Books of Livy, 1531) and his Arte della Guerra (The Art of War, 1521). Drawing from this volume's overall inquiry into the ...
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This chapter turns to Machiavelli's Discorsi (Discourses on the first Ten Books of Livy, 1531) and his Arte della Guerra (The Art of War, 1521). Drawing from this volume's overall inquiry into the “Machiavellian moment,” the chapter turns to the concept of virtue, from which it distinguishes two meanings: one of which has something to do with time while the other has something to do with the Aristotelian concept of form. In both of Machiavelli's writings under discussion, both these concepts are brought together. Moreover, the chapter analyzes these two works using the same conceptual framework that was used to interpret Il Principe.Less
This chapter turns to Machiavelli's Discorsi (Discourses on the first Ten Books of Livy, 1531) and his Arte della Guerra (The Art of War, 1521). Drawing from this volume's overall inquiry into the “Machiavellian moment,” the chapter turns to the concept of virtue, from which it distinguishes two meanings: one of which has something to do with time while the other has something to do with the Aristotelian concept of form. In both of Machiavelli's writings under discussion, both these concepts are brought together. Moreover, the chapter analyzes these two works using the same conceptual framework that was used to interpret Il Principe.
Philip Pettit
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198296423
- eISBN:
- 9780191600081
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198296428.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
The laws that advance the aims of the republic, institutionalize its forms, and establish regulatory controls need to be supported by republican civil norms; the legal republic needs to become a ...
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The laws that advance the aims of the republic, institutionalize its forms, and establish regulatory controls need to be supported by republican civil norms; the legal republic needs to become a civil reality. One reason that widespread civility is needed is that people can be assured of their non‐domination only so far as others recognize normative reasons for respecting them, not just reasons connected to fear of legal sanctions. Another is that if the republic is to be systematically sensitive to the interests and ideas of people—often newly emergent, newly articulated interests and ideas—then there have to be people who are virtuous enough to press appropriate claims; this applies both in the politics of difference and in the politics of common concerns. And a last reason why widespread civility is needed is that the public authorities cannot hope to identify and sanction all offences against republican laws and norms; ordinary people also have to be committed enough to perform in that role or to support the efforts of the authorities. Widespread civility is likely to be supported by the intangible hand of regard‐based sanctioning, since the honourable are destined in most circumstances to be the honoured, and the state must be careful not to impose forms of sanctioning, which might get in the way of that process. Civility or civic virtue may not be so difficult to achieve, as it often seems. It involves not just the internalization of public values and the disciplining of personal desires; given the communitarian nature of freedom as non‐domination, it also involves identification with larger groups, even with the polity as a whole, and access to new and satisfying identities.Less
The laws that advance the aims of the republic, institutionalize its forms, and establish regulatory controls need to be supported by republican civil norms; the legal republic needs to become a civil reality. One reason that widespread civility is needed is that people can be assured of their non‐domination only so far as others recognize normative reasons for respecting them, not just reasons connected to fear of legal sanctions. Another is that if the republic is to be systematically sensitive to the interests and ideas of people—often newly emergent, newly articulated interests and ideas—then there have to be people who are virtuous enough to press appropriate claims; this applies both in the politics of difference and in the politics of common concerns. And a last reason why widespread civility is needed is that the public authorities cannot hope to identify and sanction all offences against republican laws and norms; ordinary people also have to be committed enough to perform in that role or to support the efforts of the authorities. Widespread civility is likely to be supported by the intangible hand of regard‐based sanctioning, since the honourable are destined in most circumstances to be the honoured, and the state must be careful not to impose forms of sanctioning, which might get in the way of that process. Civility or civic virtue may not be so difficult to achieve, as it often seems. It involves not just the internalization of public values and the disciplining of personal desires; given the communitarian nature of freedom as non‐domination, it also involves identification with larger groups, even with the polity as a whole, and access to new and satisfying identities.
Samantha Besson and José Luis Martí
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199559169
- eISBN:
- 9780191720956
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199559169.003.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Philosophy of Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This introductory chapter discusses some of the fundamental theoretical principles underlying republicanism in general, and legal republicanism in particular. The goal is to set a research agenda for ...
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This introductory chapter discusses some of the fundamental theoretical principles underlying republicanism in general, and legal republicanism in particular. The goal is to set a research agenda for the years to come through a survey of the main issues raised by legal republicanism. The chapter identifies central issues that constitute the focal point of most disagreements internal to the republican tradition.Less
This introductory chapter discusses some of the fundamental theoretical principles underlying republicanism in general, and legal republicanism in particular. The goal is to set a research agenda for the years to come through a survey of the main issues raised by legal republicanism. The chapter identifies central issues that constitute the focal point of most disagreements internal to the republican tradition.
Raymond Plant
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199281756
- eISBN:
- 9780191713040
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199281756.003.0014
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Political Theory
This concluding chapter seeks to review the whole argument of the book to sustain the polemical claim made in the book that neo‐liberalism in fact does not possess the intellectual coherence to ...
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This concluding chapter seeks to review the whole argument of the book to sustain the polemical claim made in the book that neo‐liberalism in fact does not possess the intellectual coherence to distinguish itself clearly from Social Democracy which in the twentieth century was one of the main aims of neo‐liberals. There is a clear distinction between neo‐liberalism and libertarianism but not between neo‐liberalism and Social Democracy. This chapter seeks to underpin this claim not just be reviewing the arguments set out thus far in the book, but also by considering further points at issue, particularly for example ideas about power and the contrast which turns out to be important between power over and power to and the relationship between power and markets in these two dimensions.Less
This concluding chapter seeks to review the whole argument of the book to sustain the polemical claim made in the book that neo‐liberalism in fact does not possess the intellectual coherence to distinguish itself clearly from Social Democracy which in the twentieth century was one of the main aims of neo‐liberals. There is a clear distinction between neo‐liberalism and libertarianism but not between neo‐liberalism and Social Democracy. This chapter seeks to underpin this claim not just be reviewing the arguments set out thus far in the book, but also by considering further points at issue, particularly for example ideas about power and the contrast which turns out to be important between power over and power to and the relationship between power and markets in these two dimensions.
Jason Brennan
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691154442
- eISBN:
- 9781400842094
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691154442.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter outlines three arguments on behalf of a duty to vote: the Agency Argument, the Public Goods Argument, and the Civic Virtue Argument. The Agency Argument held that citizens should bear ...
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This chapter outlines three arguments on behalf of a duty to vote: the Agency Argument, the Public Goods Argument, and the Civic Virtue Argument. The Agency Argument held that citizens should bear some causal responsibility in helping to produce and maintain a just social order with adequate levels of welfare. The Agency Argument asserts that voting is necessary to do this. The Public Goods Argument holds that nonvoters unfairly free-ride on the provision of good governance. Failing to vote is like failing to pay taxes—it places a differential burden on others who do the hard work of providing good government. Meanwhile, the Civic Virtue Argument holds that voting is an essential way to exercise civic virtue, and civic virtue is an important moral virtue.Less
This chapter outlines three arguments on behalf of a duty to vote: the Agency Argument, the Public Goods Argument, and the Civic Virtue Argument. The Agency Argument held that citizens should bear some causal responsibility in helping to produce and maintain a just social order with adequate levels of welfare. The Agency Argument asserts that voting is necessary to do this. The Public Goods Argument holds that nonvoters unfairly free-ride on the provision of good governance. Failing to vote is like failing to pay taxes—it places a differential burden on others who do the hard work of providing good government. Meanwhile, the Civic Virtue Argument holds that voting is an essential way to exercise civic virtue, and civic virtue is an important moral virtue.
J.G.A. Pocock and Richard Whatmore
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691172231
- eISBN:
- 9781400883516
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691172231.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter turns to Machiavelli’s Discorsi (Discourses on the first Ten Books of Livy, 1531) and his Arte della Guerra (The Art of War, 1521). Drawing from this volume’s overall inquiry into the ...
More
This chapter turns to Machiavelli’s Discorsi (Discourses on the first Ten Books of Livy, 1531) and his Arte della Guerra (The Art of War, 1521). Drawing from this volume’s overall inquiry into the “Machiavellian moment,” the chapter turns to the concept of virtue, from which it distinguishes two meanings: one of which has something to do with time while the other has something to do with the Aristotelian concept of form. In both of Machiavelli’s writings under discussion, both these concepts are brought together. Moreover, the chapter analyzes these two works using the same conceptual framework that was used to interpret Il Principe.Less
This chapter turns to Machiavelli’s Discorsi (Discourses on the first Ten Books of Livy, 1531) and his Arte della Guerra (The Art of War, 1521). Drawing from this volume’s overall inquiry into the “Machiavellian moment,” the chapter turns to the concept of virtue, from which it distinguishes two meanings: one of which has something to do with time while the other has something to do with the Aristotelian concept of form. In both of Machiavelli’s writings under discussion, both these concepts are brought together. Moreover, the chapter analyzes these two works using the same conceptual framework that was used to interpret Il Principe.
Maurizio Viroli
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293583
- eISBN:
- 9780191600289
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293585.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
In scholarly literature and common language, patriotism is often conflated with nationalism, which is associated with an exclusive, intolerant, and irrational attachment to one's nation. As the ...
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In scholarly literature and common language, patriotism is often conflated with nationalism, which is associated with an exclusive, intolerant, and irrational attachment to one's nation. As the history of Fascism and Nazism shows, patriotism understood as nationalism can have disastrous consequences. Nevertheless, this book argues that the language of patriotism must be distinguished from that of nationalism. While nationalism values the cultural, religious, and ethnic unity of a people, patriotism is the love of a people's common liberty, which gives us the strength to resist oppression by the selfish ambitions of particular individuals. In addition, patriotism is a rational love, since civic virtue is instrumental to the preservation of law and order, which is the prerequisite of our liberty. The question we must address is how to make our particular love of one's own country compatible with the universal principles of liberty and justice. Through a historical interpretation of patriotism from classical antiquity to contemporary debates, Viroli explores the possibility of patriotism without nationalism; i.e. one that emphasizes political unity based on the republican commitment to the common good, rather than cultural, religious, or ethnic homogeneity.Less
In scholarly literature and common language, patriotism is often conflated with nationalism, which is associated with an exclusive, intolerant, and irrational attachment to one's nation. As the history of Fascism and Nazism shows, patriotism understood as nationalism can have disastrous consequences. Nevertheless, this book argues that the language of patriotism must be distinguished from that of nationalism. While nationalism values the cultural, religious, and ethnic unity of a people, patriotism is the love of a people's common liberty, which gives us the strength to resist oppression by the selfish ambitions of particular individuals. In addition, patriotism is a rational love, since civic virtue is instrumental to the preservation of law and order, which is the prerequisite of our liberty. The question we must address is how to make our particular love of one's own country compatible with the universal principles of liberty and justice. Through a historical interpretation of patriotism from classical antiquity to contemporary debates, Viroli explores the possibility of patriotism without nationalism; i.e. one that emphasizes political unity based on the republican commitment to the common good, rather than cultural, religious, or ethnic homogeneity.
Andrew Mason
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199606245
- eISBN:
- 9780191741562
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199606245.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Traditional understandings of citizenship are facing a number of challenges. Ideas of cosmopolitan and environmental citizenship have emerged in the light of concerns about global inequality and ...
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Traditional understandings of citizenship are facing a number of challenges. Ideas of cosmopolitan and environmental citizenship have emerged in the light of concerns about global inequality and climate change, whilst new models of multicultural citizenship have been developed in response to the dilemmas posed by immigration and the presence of national minorities. At the same time, more particular debates take place about the demands citizenship places upon us in our everyday lives. Do we have a duty as citizens to take steps to reduce the risk of needing to rely upon state benefits, including health care? Does good citizenship require that we send our children to the local school even when it performs poorly? Does a parent fail in his duty as a citizen — not just as a father, say — when he is less involved in the raising of his children than their mother? Should citizens refrain from appealing to religious reasons in public debate? Do immigrants have a duty to integrate? Do we have duties of citizenship to minimize the size of our ecological footprints? This book develops a normative theory of citizenship that brings together issues such as these under a common framework rather than treating them in isolation in the way that often happens. It distinguishes two different ways of thinking about citizenship both of which shed some light on the demands that it makes upon us: according to the first approach, the demands of citizenship are grounded exclusively in considerations of justice, whereas according to the second, they are grounded in the good that is realized by a political community the members of which have equal standing and treat each other as equals not only in the political process but in civil society and beyond.Less
Traditional understandings of citizenship are facing a number of challenges. Ideas of cosmopolitan and environmental citizenship have emerged in the light of concerns about global inequality and climate change, whilst new models of multicultural citizenship have been developed in response to the dilemmas posed by immigration and the presence of national minorities. At the same time, more particular debates take place about the demands citizenship places upon us in our everyday lives. Do we have a duty as citizens to take steps to reduce the risk of needing to rely upon state benefits, including health care? Does good citizenship require that we send our children to the local school even when it performs poorly? Does a parent fail in his duty as a citizen — not just as a father, say — when he is less involved in the raising of his children than their mother? Should citizens refrain from appealing to religious reasons in public debate? Do immigrants have a duty to integrate? Do we have duties of citizenship to minimize the size of our ecological footprints? This book develops a normative theory of citizenship that brings together issues such as these under a common framework rather than treating them in isolation in the way that often happens. It distinguishes two different ways of thinking about citizenship both of which shed some light on the demands that it makes upon us: according to the first approach, the demands of citizenship are grounded exclusively in considerations of justice, whereas according to the second, they are grounded in the good that is realized by a political community the members of which have equal standing and treat each other as equals not only in the political process but in civil society and beyond.
Robert Audi
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199796083
- eISBN:
- 9780199919345
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199796083.003.0004
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy, Philosophy of Religion
This chapter develops the theory of church-state separation and the ethics of citizenship set out in chapters 2 and 3. It makes a case for both toleration and forgiveness as elements in a flourishing ...
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This chapter develops the theory of church-state separation and the ethics of citizenship set out in chapters 2 and 3. It makes a case for both toleration and forgiveness as elements in a flourishing democracy. It sketches an account of civic virtue and shows how achieving that is possible both for secular citizens and for those whose public conduct is guided largely by their religion. Widening its focus to the globalized world we live in, the chapter contrasts cosmopolitanism with nationalism and suggests how citizenship—nationally and internationally—should reflect the principles proposed in the book.Less
This chapter develops the theory of church-state separation and the ethics of citizenship set out in chapters 2 and 3. It makes a case for both toleration and forgiveness as elements in a flourishing democracy. It sketches an account of civic virtue and shows how achieving that is possible both for secular citizens and for those whose public conduct is guided largely by their religion. Widening its focus to the globalized world we live in, the chapter contrasts cosmopolitanism with nationalism and suggests how citizenship—nationally and internationally—should reflect the principles proposed in the book.
Stephen Small
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199257799
- eISBN:
- 9780191717833
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199257799.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
Flushed with the success of the free trade agitation, many Irish patriots turned their attentions to legislative independence between 1780 and 1782. This chapter analyses the nature of their thought ...
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Flushed with the success of the free trade agitation, many Irish patriots turned their attentions to legislative independence between 1780 and 1782. This chapter analyses the nature of their thought in these years, examining the role of classical republicanism in patriot rhetoric and showing how a political language common to radicals, patriots, and opposition Whigs across the English-speaking world was especially resonant in Ireland. Particular attention is paid to the use of classical republicanism in the construction of the Volunteers as civic heroes. Other key classical republican themes are also analysed, including vigilance, fear of standing armies beyond parliamentary control, and historical models of cyclical decay. The fusion of classical and commercial arguments in patriot thought is discussed, along with the critiques of the Volunteers that began to emerge from a conservative patriot perspective.Less
Flushed with the success of the free trade agitation, many Irish patriots turned their attentions to legislative independence between 1780 and 1782. This chapter analyses the nature of their thought in these years, examining the role of classical republicanism in patriot rhetoric and showing how a political language common to radicals, patriots, and opposition Whigs across the English-speaking world was especially resonant in Ireland. Particular attention is paid to the use of classical republicanism in the construction of the Volunteers as civic heroes. Other key classical republican themes are also analysed, including vigilance, fear of standing armies beyond parliamentary control, and historical models of cyclical decay. The fusion of classical and commercial arguments in patriot thought is discussed, along with the critiques of the Volunteers that began to emerge from a conservative patriot perspective.
Randall Curren and Charles Dorn
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780226552255
- eISBN:
- 9780226552422
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226552422.003.0005
- Subject:
- Education, Philosophy and Theory of Education
Chapter 4 examines the conceptions of patriotism, rationales, and methods detailed in chapters 1-3. It undertakes this examination in light of recent scholarship on patriotic education and a ...
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Chapter 4 examines the conceptions of patriotism, rationales, and methods detailed in chapters 1-3. It undertakes this examination in light of recent scholarship on patriotic education and a philosophical understanding of justice, education, and human flourishing. It opens with the argument that patriotism provides the essential motivational basis for civic responsibility, sketches a basic ethic of respect for persons as rationally self-determining individuals, explains some implications of this ethic for political legitimacy and education, and offer a brief account of just institutions and the education that justice requires. On that basis, the chapter goes on to outline a philosophical theory of education that will serve as the basis for an account of responsible civic education in chapter 5. The relevance of motivation research to motivation-focused arguments for patriotic education is clear, but ignored, so the chapter explains the role of psychological needs in motivation and some implications of research in motivational psychology for responsible citizenship and traditional and Progressive approaches to patriotic education. It argues that contemporary research on motivation undermines key assumptions on which rationales and methods for inculcating patriotism have rested, while providing the basis for a more complex view of the motivation that can sustain civic responsibility.Less
Chapter 4 examines the conceptions of patriotism, rationales, and methods detailed in chapters 1-3. It undertakes this examination in light of recent scholarship on patriotic education and a philosophical understanding of justice, education, and human flourishing. It opens with the argument that patriotism provides the essential motivational basis for civic responsibility, sketches a basic ethic of respect for persons as rationally self-determining individuals, explains some implications of this ethic for political legitimacy and education, and offer a brief account of just institutions and the education that justice requires. On that basis, the chapter goes on to outline a philosophical theory of education that will serve as the basis for an account of responsible civic education in chapter 5. The relevance of motivation research to motivation-focused arguments for patriotic education is clear, but ignored, so the chapter explains the role of psychological needs in motivation and some implications of research in motivational psychology for responsible citizenship and traditional and Progressive approaches to patriotic education. It argues that contemporary research on motivation undermines key assumptions on which rationales and methods for inculcating patriotism have rested, while providing the basis for a more complex view of the motivation that can sustain civic responsibility.
Simon Birnbaum
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9781447340010
- eISBN:
- 9781447340164
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781447340010.003.0013
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Public and Welfare
Do welfare states promote social justice when they demand that individuals must work in return for social benefits? This chapter explores a novel approach to this question, based on the idea of a ...
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Do welfare states promote social justice when they demand that individuals must work in return for social benefits? This chapter explores a novel approach to this question, based on the idea of a republican ethos of justice. The analysis brings out important reasons for why duties of contribution have a significant role to play in the quest for a just welfare state, based on the demands of political community, civic virtues, and anti-oligarchic commitments. However, this does not lead to the justification of welfare conditionality. By contrasting the republican ethos with the philosophy of productive reciprocity, the author instead shows how the political discourse of duty and community offers weighty arguments in defence of aims associated with unconditional basic income. Placing active citizenship and resistance to domination in focus, republicans have good reasons to favour basic income-oriented solutions over compliant productivism.Less
Do welfare states promote social justice when they demand that individuals must work in return for social benefits? This chapter explores a novel approach to this question, based on the idea of a republican ethos of justice. The analysis brings out important reasons for why duties of contribution have a significant role to play in the quest for a just welfare state, based on the demands of political community, civic virtues, and anti-oligarchic commitments. However, this does not lead to the justification of welfare conditionality. By contrasting the republican ethos with the philosophy of productive reciprocity, the author instead shows how the political discourse of duty and community offers weighty arguments in defence of aims associated with unconditional basic income. Placing active citizenship and resistance to domination in focus, republicans have good reasons to favour basic income-oriented solutions over compliant productivism.
John Finnis
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199580071
- eISBN:
- 9780191729393
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199580071.003.0007
- Subject:
- Law, Philosophy of Law
Civic virtue is inadequately understood as tradition-bound; properly it is true moral virtue as it bears in various ways on one's participation in community extending beyond the family: for example, ...
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Civic virtue is inadequately understood as tradition-bound; properly it is true moral virtue as it bears in various ways on one's participation in community extending beyond the family: for example, impartial and zealous dutifulness of doctors or firemen, probity of lawyers, honesty of scholars, fidelity of trustees, etc. It includes respect for and appreciation of persons, however diverse, even though diversity is a tragedy and cross for a community inasmuch as diversity about fundamental questions blocks the community's participation in good ways of living and its ability to reform. Governmental encouragement to virtue is permissible but subsidiary; primary responsibility for inculcating civic virtue rests with families, schools, and other institutions of civil society.Less
Civic virtue is inadequately understood as tradition-bound; properly it is true moral virtue as it bears in various ways on one's participation in community extending beyond the family: for example, impartial and zealous dutifulness of doctors or firemen, probity of lawyers, honesty of scholars, fidelity of trustees, etc. It includes respect for and appreciation of persons, however diverse, even though diversity is a tragedy and cross for a community inasmuch as diversity about fundamental questions blocks the community's participation in good ways of living and its ability to reform. Governmental encouragement to virtue is permissible but subsidiary; primary responsibility for inculcating civic virtue rests with families, schools, and other institutions of civil society.
Derek Heater
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748622252
- eISBN:
- 9780748671960
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748622252.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter discusses the concepts of civic virtue and nationhood, and the development of radicalism. In the late eighteenth century, the cohering force of patriotic anti-French sentiment was being ...
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This chapter discusses the concepts of civic virtue and nationhood, and the development of radicalism. In the late eighteenth century, the cohering force of patriotic anti-French sentiment was being undermined by the radical demand for reform. Those campaigners were dubbed ‘English Jacobins’, tarred with the brush of the hated extremist French republican creed. Moreover, as British citizens joined reformist clubs, were thrown together in the armed forces, suffered from steep price and tax rises, and exchanged opinions about what so many were coming to interpret as an outdated parliamentary system, so civic loyalty to the political status quo became strained. What, we must therefore ask, was the relationship between citizenship and radicalism?Less
This chapter discusses the concepts of civic virtue and nationhood, and the development of radicalism. In the late eighteenth century, the cohering force of patriotic anti-French sentiment was being undermined by the radical demand for reform. Those campaigners were dubbed ‘English Jacobins’, tarred with the brush of the hated extremist French republican creed. Moreover, as British citizens joined reformist clubs, were thrown together in the armed forces, suffered from steep price and tax rises, and exchanged opinions about what so many were coming to interpret as an outdated parliamentary system, so civic loyalty to the political status quo became strained. What, we must therefore ask, was the relationship between citizenship and radicalism?
H. A. Hellyer
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780748639472
- eISBN:
- 9780748671342
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Edinburgh University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3366/edinburgh/9780748639472.003.0002
- Subject:
- Religion, Islam
Religion is not ordinarily an ethnic identity, although it may be reinterpreted to construct one; and even if it is not reinterpreted to construct one, it may still be considered relevant for ...
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Religion is not ordinarily an ethnic identity, although it may be reinterpreted to construct one; and even if it is not reinterpreted to construct one, it may still be considered relevant for multiculturalism. In the context of discussing the presence of Muslims in Europe, it is not easy to get around an engagement with the subject of multiculturalism and a critical assessment of what the challenges of posing it are. The multiculturalists insist that differential treatment is sometimes not only permitted by the concept of ‘justice’, but also demanded by it. Perhaps, to differentiate this concept of ‘justice’, we might call it ‘equity’ or ‘fairness’: a more nuanced and sophisticated form of justice. This chapter explores theoretical issues in religious diversity and multiculturalism in the context of Muslim presence in Europe. It first discusses the notions of fairness and equity and then looks at the debate on citizenship and civic virtue and how a multiculturalist society should be defined. It also considers women and the hijāb and concludes with a discussion on multiculturalist citizenship.Less
Religion is not ordinarily an ethnic identity, although it may be reinterpreted to construct one; and even if it is not reinterpreted to construct one, it may still be considered relevant for multiculturalism. In the context of discussing the presence of Muslims in Europe, it is not easy to get around an engagement with the subject of multiculturalism and a critical assessment of what the challenges of posing it are. The multiculturalists insist that differential treatment is sometimes not only permitted by the concept of ‘justice’, but also demanded by it. Perhaps, to differentiate this concept of ‘justice’, we might call it ‘equity’ or ‘fairness’: a more nuanced and sophisticated form of justice. This chapter explores theoretical issues in religious diversity and multiculturalism in the context of Muslim presence in Europe. It first discusses the notions of fairness and equity and then looks at the debate on citizenship and civic virtue and how a multiculturalist society should be defined. It also considers women and the hijāb and concludes with a discussion on multiculturalist citizenship.
