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This chapter investigates how patterns of “Machiavellian” thought became operative in England, and at a later period in colonial and revolutionary America. Moreover, the chapter tackles the problem of England, in which there occurred in that culture nothing like the relatively simple options for vita activa, vivere civile, and the republican modeling of the historical self-image, which were all necessary in order to account for the highly complex conceptual reaarrangements which ensued. Republican and Machiavellian ideas had to become domiciled in an environment dominated by monarchical, legal, and theological concepts apparently in no way disposed to require the definition of England as a polis or the Englishman as a citizen.

This chapter sets out the book's purpose, which is to examine how a city shared by Muslims, Catholics, Orthodox Serbs, and Jews experienced the wartime crises. In probing the local dynamics of the war from political, cultural, religious, social, and economic standpoints, this book seeks answers to the following questions: How did local leaders navigate the war in order to assert their own agendas? In what ways did ideas of nation, race, religion, and civic community influence decision making and alliances? And ultimately, what lessons can be drawn from studying Sarajevo? Was multiculturalism a vestige of an imperial past doomed to a cruel death at the hands of the twentieth century? Or was it a different path to modernity, a different European model? In the chapters that follow, it is argued that Sarajevo's leaders responded to the challenges of the war by clinging to two aspects of the city's traditional culture: a system of confessional identities that persisted in the private sphere; and a local solidarity—or civic consciousness—rooted in Sarajevo's Ottoman and Habsburg traditions of political pluralism and cultural diversity. The combination of these two central values created a set of local codes that mandated treating members of the “community” in particular ways.

This chapter focuses on the political aspect of national planning. It provides an overview of the Patronato Pro-Urbanismo (Pro-Urban Association), a new civic organization. The Patronato initiated an appeal for a synthetic program of planning to be instituted under the authority of a national planning law. The group’s manifesto pointed out that nine of the articles of the new constitution either required or presupposed regulatory activities commensurate with the concept of planning. Through professionally diverse and influential membership, the Patronato conducted a systematic publicity campaign in support of national planning, a campaign that explicitly linked planning to civic reform. The Patronato’s prospectus aims to encourage patriotism and to produce, as a correlate to planning, a civic consciousness.

This chapter examines a surge in civic consciousness after Batista betrayed hopes by resorting to fraud and intimidation to win the election in 1954. Disappointment in the outcome enervated citizens' belief in both electoralism and constitutional democracy as paths to freedom. By the beginning of 1955, civic pressures appeared to be succeeding. Protests on the street, in the media, and in private garnered both an important cessation of censorship as well as the release of all political prisoners, including “los muchachos del Moncada” (the kids of Moncada) as Fidel and his followers became known. In fact, the release of political prisoners in the early spring of 1955 represented a new beginning in the public's unification behind a common discourse of unarmed struggle, despite the disunity of partisan opponents even within their own parties.

This concluding chapter focuses on the modernism of the design of urban spaces. It discusses how the design and realization of a historical object effected a connection between the nation’s past and its present. It argues that the Monumento a Martí could manifest the ideality of the Cuban nation in the singular contemporaneity of its citizen subjects. The object itself was not only symbolic of an overwhelming historical circumstances but it encouraged its audience to identify itself as a collective of historical subjects endowed with civic consciousness. The historicity of the Monumento a Martí was a historical consciousness condensed into an experience not merely of temporality, but of presentness.