Jan Zielonka
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199292219
- eISBN:
- 9780191603754
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199292213.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter examines how the enlarged EU is likely to respond to three major economic challenges: Will the enlarged EU attempt to bridge the internal development gaps by flexible policies ...
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This chapter examines how the enlarged EU is likely to respond to three major economic challenges: Will the enlarged EU attempt to bridge the internal development gaps by flexible policies stimulating growth or by central redistribution from Brussels? Will the enlarged EU cope with the challenge of global economic competition by opting for more institutional differentiation or central regulation? Will it try to insulate itself from poor and unstable neighbors or try to govern them? In all three cases, the enlarged EU is more likely to embrace the neo-medieval rather than the neo-Westphalian alternative.Less
This chapter examines how the enlarged EU is likely to respond to three major economic challenges: Will the enlarged EU attempt to bridge the internal development gaps by flexible policies stimulating growth or by central redistribution from Brussels? Will the enlarged EU cope with the challenge of global economic competition by opting for more institutional differentiation or central regulation? Will it try to insulate itself from poor and unstable neighbors or try to govern them? In all three cases, the enlarged EU is more likely to embrace the neo-medieval rather than the neo-Westphalian alternative.
Christopher Pollitt, Xavier Girre, Jeremy Lonsdale, Robert Mul, Hilkka Summa, and Marit Waerness
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198296003
- eISBN:
- 9780191685170
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198296003.001.0001
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Public Management
Performance audit is now in fashion, but has in the past been a somewhat closed world, little studied by outsiders. Now an international team of researchers has studied the work of five national ...
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Performance audit is now in fashion, but has in the past been a somewhat closed world, little studied by outsiders. Now an international team of researchers has studied the work of five national audit offices – France, Finland, The Netherlands, Sweden, and the UK. The picture thus revealed contains elements of technical innovation, methodological challenge, and crucial strategic choice.Less
Performance audit is now in fashion, but has in the past been a somewhat closed world, little studied by outsiders. Now an international team of researchers has studied the work of five national audit offices – France, Finland, The Netherlands, Sweden, and the UK. The picture thus revealed contains elements of technical innovation, methodological challenge, and crucial strategic choice.
Roger Brownsword
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199276806
- eISBN:
- 9780191707605
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199276806.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Intellectual Property, IT, and Media Law
Rights, Regulation, and the Technological Revolution confronts a central question facing modern government: how can regulators respond to both the challenges and opportunities presented ...
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Rights, Regulation, and the Technological Revolution confronts a central question facing modern government: how can regulators respond to both the challenges and opportunities presented by a technologically driven society without sacrificing legitimacy for effectiveness, or weakening the essential conditions of a stable, aspirant moral community? The book analyses developments across biotechnology, information and communications technology, nanotechnology, and neurotechnology. In part one, Regulatory Challenge, it explores the difficulties facing the public control of rapid technological change, focusing on the problems of regulatory effectiveness, connection, legitimacy, and compliance. In part two, Regulatory Opportunity, it covers genetic databases, code and control and the corrosion of moral community. The book argues that as regulators struggle to find adequate frameworks to limit, license, and support new technologies, they will increasingly rely on a technological approach to complement, enhance, and even replace traditional legal strategies. The book breaks new ground by offering the first overarching commentary on the relationship between regulators, industry, and wider society as the new technologies of the 21st century achieve an ever-greater penetration in our daily lives.Less
Rights, Regulation, and the Technological Revolution confronts a central question facing modern government: how can regulators respond to both the challenges and opportunities presented by a technologically driven society without sacrificing legitimacy for effectiveness, or weakening the essential conditions of a stable, aspirant moral community? The book analyses developments across biotechnology, information and communications technology, nanotechnology, and neurotechnology. In part one, Regulatory Challenge, it explores the difficulties facing the public control of rapid technological change, focusing on the problems of regulatory effectiveness, connection, legitimacy, and compliance. In part two, Regulatory Opportunity, it covers genetic databases, code and control and the corrosion of moral community. The book argues that as regulators struggle to find adequate frameworks to limit, license, and support new technologies, they will increasingly rely on a technological approach to complement, enhance, and even replace traditional legal strategies. The book breaks new ground by offering the first overarching commentary on the relationship between regulators, industry, and wider society as the new technologies of the 21st century achieve an ever-greater penetration in our daily lives.
Peter Widdicombe
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199242481
- eISBN:
- 9780191697111
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199242481.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Early Christian Studies
The fatherhood of God has a central, if increasingly controversial, place in Christian thinking about God. Yet although Christians have referred to God as Father from the earliest days of the faith, ...
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The fatherhood of God has a central, if increasingly controversial, place in Christian thinking about God. Yet although Christians have referred to God as Father from the earliest days of the faith, it was not until Athanasius in the 4th century that the idea of God as Father became a topic of sustained analysis. Looking at the genesis of Athanasius' understanding of divine fatherhood against the background of the Alexandrian tradition, the author of this book demonstrates how the concept came to occupy such a prominent place in Christian theology. He argues that there is a continuity in the Alexandrian tradition that runs from Origen to Athanasius, and shows how in the detail of their language and in the structure of their arguments, the 3rd and 4th century Alexandrians drew on Origen's portrayal of God as Father. For Origen, the fatherhood of God lay at the heart of the Christian faith: to know God fully and thus to be saved is to know God as Father. For Athanasius, the fatherhood of God was integral to the defence of the divinity of the Son against the Arian challenge: Fatherhood identified God as the loving and fruitful source of all things and as the one who has sought to meet us in his Son Jesus Christ. Arius, however, was an important exception, and for him it was logically possible to refer to God without calling him Father.Less
The fatherhood of God has a central, if increasingly controversial, place in Christian thinking about God. Yet although Christians have referred to God as Father from the earliest days of the faith, it was not until Athanasius in the 4th century that the idea of God as Father became a topic of sustained analysis. Looking at the genesis of Athanasius' understanding of divine fatherhood against the background of the Alexandrian tradition, the author of this book demonstrates how the concept came to occupy such a prominent place in Christian theology. He argues that there is a continuity in the Alexandrian tradition that runs from Origen to Athanasius, and shows how in the detail of their language and in the structure of their arguments, the 3rd and 4th century Alexandrians drew on Origen's portrayal of God as Father. For Origen, the fatherhood of God lay at the heart of the Christian faith: to know God fully and thus to be saved is to know God as Father. For Athanasius, the fatherhood of God was integral to the defence of the divinity of the Son against the Arian challenge: Fatherhood identified God as the loving and fruitful source of all things and as the one who has sought to meet us in his Son Jesus Christ. Arius, however, was an important exception, and for him it was logically possible to refer to God without calling him Father.
Francis G. Castles
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- November 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199270170
- eISBN:
- 9780191601514
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199270171.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
Seeks to draw the main implications of the previous analysis. It argues that, in recent decades, rather than being under immediate threat, the welfare state in most Western nations has been ...
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Seeks to draw the main implications of the previous analysis. It argues that, in recent decades, rather than being under immediate threat, the welfare state in most Western nations has been approaching steady state, with expenditure levels that are unlikely to change radically in coming years. In aggregate terms, the biggest remaining divide is between high spending social security and state services of the states of Continental Western Europe and the poverty-alleviation states of the English-speaking world. The book concludes by arguing that, despite convergence at the aggregate expenditure level, different families of nations have distinctively different welfare state priorities and different problems.Less
Seeks to draw the main implications of the previous analysis. It argues that, in recent decades, rather than being under immediate threat, the welfare state in most Western nations has been approaching steady state, with expenditure levels that are unlikely to change radically in coming years. In aggregate terms, the biggest remaining divide is between high spending social security and state services of the states of Continental Western Europe and the poverty-alleviation states of the English-speaking world. The book concludes by arguing that, despite convergence at the aggregate expenditure level, different families of nations have distinctively different welfare state priorities and different problems.
Simon Caney
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- April 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780198293507
- eISBN:
- 9780191602337
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019829350X.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Any global political theory must start by asking whether there are in fact universal moral values, and this chapter addresses precisely this question. Section I engages in a conceptual analysis of ...
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Any global political theory must start by asking whether there are in fact universal moral values, and this chapter addresses precisely this question. Section I engages in a conceptual analysis of the terms ‘moral universalism’ and ‘cultural relativism’. Sections II–V then critically examine four arguments for moral universalism, finding three unpersuasive and one (the ‘General Argument for Moral Universalism’) more promising. Sections VI–XIV analyse nine challenges to moral universalism that argue for cultural relativism; none of these, it is argued, is persuasive, since some rest on implausible assumptions or misconceive the nature of universalism, while others, on closer inspection, have claimed that they rest on moral universalism. Section XV summarizes the overall case made for moral universalism.Less
Any global political theory must start by asking whether there are in fact universal moral values, and this chapter addresses precisely this question. Section I engages in a conceptual analysis of the terms ‘moral universalism’ and ‘cultural relativism’. Sections II–V then critically examine four arguments for moral universalism, finding three unpersuasive and one (the ‘General Argument for Moral Universalism’) more promising. Sections VI–XIV analyse nine challenges to moral universalism that argue for cultural relativism; none of these, it is argued, is persuasive, since some rest on implausible assumptions or misconceive the nature of universalism, while others, on closer inspection, have claimed that they rest on moral universalism. Section XV summarizes the overall case made for moral universalism.
Simon Caney
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- April 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780198293507
- eISBN:
- 9780191602337
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019829350X.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Having argued, in Ch. 2, that there are universal moral values, the next logical step is to ask what these universal moral values are; this question is pursued in Chs 3 and 4, which consider ...
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Having argued, in Ch. 2, that there are universal moral values, the next logical step is to ask what these universal moral values are; this question is pursued in Chs 3 and 4, which consider arguments for two different types of universal value and link together to provide an analysis of what universal principles of justice should apply at the global level. This chapter examines claims that there are universal principles of civil and political justice, that is, those principles that specify what rights people have to what freedoms, and argues for universal human rights to certain civil and political liberties. It is arranged in 13 sections: Section I presents an analysis of human rights, since this term plays a central and important role in a plausible account of civil and political justice; Section II puts forward a general thesis about justifications for civil and political human rights; this is followed, in Sections III–VII, by an analysis of four cosmopolitan arguments for human rights that criticizes three of them but defends the fourth; Section VIII considers an alternative non-cosmopolitan approach to defending civil and political human rights, presented by John Rawls in The Law of Peoples (1999b); the next three sections (IX–XI) of the chapter explore misgivings about civil and political human rights, including the objections that such human rights are a species of imperialism and do not accord sufficient respect to cultural practices (IX), produce homogeneity/uniformity (X), and generate egoism/individualism and destroy community (XI); Section XII considers a further objection—the realist charges that foreign policy to protect civil and political human rights is in practice selective and partial and a cloak for the pursuit of the national interest. Section XIII summarizes the overall case made for civil and political justice.Less
Having argued, in Ch. 2, that there are universal moral values, the next logical step is to ask what these universal moral values are; this question is pursued in Chs 3 and 4, which consider arguments for two different types of universal value and link together to provide an analysis of what universal principles of justice should apply at the global level. This chapter examines claims that there are universal principles of civil and political justice, that is, those principles that specify what rights people have to what freedoms, and argues for universal human rights to certain civil and political liberties. It is arranged in 13 sections: Section I presents an analysis of human rights, since this term plays a central and important role in a plausible account of civil and political justice; Section II puts forward a general thesis about justifications for civil and political human rights; this is followed, in Sections III–VII, by an analysis of four cosmopolitan arguments for human rights that criticizes three of them but defends the fourth; Section VIII considers an alternative non-cosmopolitan approach to defending civil and political human rights, presented by John Rawls in The Law of Peoples (1999b); the next three sections (IX–XI) of the chapter explore misgivings about civil and political human rights, including the objections that such human rights are a species of imperialism and do not accord sufficient respect to cultural practices (IX), produce homogeneity/uniformity (X), and generate egoism/individualism and destroy community (XI); Section XII considers a further objection—the realist charges that foreign policy to protect civil and political human rights is in practice selective and partial and a cloak for the pursuit of the national interest. Section XIII summarizes the overall case made for civil and political justice.
Simon Caney
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- April 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780198293507
- eISBN:
- 9780191602337
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019829350X.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Having argued, in Ch. 2, that there are universal moral values, the next logical step is to ask what these universal moral values are; this question is pursued in Chs 3 and 4, which consider ...
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Having argued, in Ch. 2, that there are universal moral values, the next logical step is to ask what these universal moral values are; this question is pursued in Chs 3 and 4, which consider arguments for two different types of universal value and link together to provide an analysis of what universal principles of justice should apply at the global level. This chapter examines what universal principles of distributive justice (if any) should be adopted. It is arranged in 14 sections: Section I presents a conceptual analysis of the nature of distributive justice; Section II makes some preliminary points about the nature of cosmopolitan accounts of distributive justice and the general nature of the reasoning underlying these; Sections III–V then analyse three types of arguments for cosmopolitan principles of distributive justice, and Section VI reflects on these, and suggests and defends four principles of cosmopolitan distributive justice; Sections VII–VIII consider objections (counter-arguments) to cosmopolitan concepts of distributive justice, some of them outlined by John Rawls in his account of international justice and others by nationalist political thinkers such as David Miller; Sections IX–XI examine three nationalist claims about the nature of distributive justice, all of which emphasize the moral relevance of persons’ membership in nations, while Sections XII–XIII investigate two realist claims (XII–XIII). Section XIV sums up the findings of the chapter.Less
Having argued, in Ch. 2, that there are universal moral values, the next logical step is to ask what these universal moral values are; this question is pursued in Chs 3 and 4, which consider arguments for two different types of universal value and link together to provide an analysis of what universal principles of justice should apply at the global level. This chapter examines what universal principles of distributive justice (if any) should be adopted. It is arranged in 14 sections: Section I presents a conceptual analysis of the nature of distributive justice; Section II makes some preliminary points about the nature of cosmopolitan accounts of distributive justice and the general nature of the reasoning underlying these; Sections III–V then analyse three types of arguments for cosmopolitan principles of distributive justice, and Section VI reflects on these, and suggests and defends four principles of cosmopolitan distributive justice; Sections VII–VIII consider objections (counter-arguments) to cosmopolitan concepts of distributive justice, some of them outlined by John Rawls in his account of international justice and others by nationalist political thinkers such as David Miller; Sections IX–XI examine three nationalist claims about the nature of distributive justice, all of which emphasize the moral relevance of persons’ membership in nations, while Sections XII–XIII investigate two realist claims (XII–XIII). Section XIV sums up the findings of the chapter.
Simon Caney
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- April 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780198293507
- eISBN:
- 9780191602337
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019829350X.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
Having argued in Chs 3 and 4 that there are cosmopolitan principles of civil and political justice and cosmopolitan principles of distributive justice, one is logically led to the question, ‘if one ...
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Having argued in Chs 3 and 4 that there are cosmopolitan principles of civil and political justice and cosmopolitan principles of distributive justice, one is logically led to the question, ‘if one affirms cosmopolitan principles of justice, what kind of political framework (political structures) should one accept— a system of states, or of global political institutions, of autonomous nations (including even statehood)? This chapter seeks to answer these questions. It is arranged in 17 sections: Section I provides a conceptual analysis of some possible political frameworks; the following six sections (II–VI) consider cosmopolitan approaches to the question of how political power should be institutionalized (II), present three possible approaches—intrinsic, right-based, and instrumental (III–V), and examine the nature of the political framework offered by these three approaches (VI); Sections VII–XI analyse five challenges to the cosmopolitan political proposals, first, those voiced by statists (including both realists and those who affirm the ‘society of states’) (VIII–X) and, second, those voiced by those sympathetic to the idea of a global civil society (XI); Sections XII–XVI evaluate four nationalist claims that any defensible account of political institutions should grant autonomy to nations (provide national self-determination), and they aim to defend a cosmopolitan political programme—one in which there are democratic supra-state institutions charged with protecting people’s civil, political, and economic rights—and to rebut the challenges of statists and nationalists or to show that they can be accommodated by cosmopolitans. Section XVII summarizes and concludes that, overall, a cosmopolitan political order should grant a very heavily qualified role to national self-determination.Less
Having argued in Chs 3 and 4 that there are cosmopolitan principles of civil and political justice and cosmopolitan principles of distributive justice, one is logically led to the question, ‘if one affirms cosmopolitan principles of justice, what kind of political framework (political structures) should one accept— a system of states, or of global political institutions, of autonomous nations (including even statehood)? This chapter seeks to answer these questions. It is arranged in 17 sections: Section I provides a conceptual analysis of some possible political frameworks; the following six sections (II–VI) consider cosmopolitan approaches to the question of how political power should be institutionalized (II), present three possible approaches—intrinsic, right-based, and instrumental (III–V), and examine the nature of the political framework offered by these three approaches (VI); Sections VII–XI analyse five challenges to the cosmopolitan political proposals, first, those voiced by statists (including both realists and those who affirm the ‘society of states’) (VIII–X) and, second, those voiced by those sympathetic to the idea of a global civil society (XI); Sections XII–XVI evaluate four nationalist claims that any defensible account of political institutions should grant autonomy to nations (provide national self-determination), and they aim to defend a cosmopolitan political programme—one in which there are democratic supra-state institutions charged with protecting people’s civil, political, and economic rights—and to rebut the challenges of statists and nationalists or to show that they can be accommodated by cosmopolitans. Section XVII summarizes and concludes that, overall, a cosmopolitan political order should grant a very heavily qualified role to national self-determination.
Simon Caney
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- April 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780198293507
- eISBN:
- 9780191602337
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019829350X.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
The aim of this chapter is to analyse a number of prominent views concerning the nature of a just war and, having criticized them, to outline the account of a just war that follows from a ...
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The aim of this chapter is to analyse a number of prominent views concerning the nature of a just war and, having criticized them, to outline the account of a just war that follows from a cosmopolitan perspective. It explores different philosophical approaches at a general level, analysing their accounts of when war may be waged (jus ad bellum) and how it may be waged (jus in bello). To do this it begins, in Section I, with some methodological observations, and then, in the next three sections (II–IV), examines several leading perspectives on the nature of just war: Sections II and III explore Michael Walzer’s influential treatment of this subject in Just and Unjust Wars (1977), criticizing in particular his account of jus ad bellum and his derivation of rules of jus in bello; Section IV analyses Terry Nardin’s state-centric account of just war in Law, Morality and the Relations of States (1983). The following four sections (V–VIII) turn to more cosmopolitan perspectives: Section V outlines the general structure of a cosmopolitan theory of just war; Sections VI and VII examine particular cosmopolitan accounts of some aspects of just war, analysing utilitarian and deontological approaches; and Section VIII criticizes the utilitarian and deontological accounts given in the previous two sections, outlining an alternative cosmopolitan rights-based approach that avoids the objections levelled against these two theories. Sections IX–XI analyse realist misgivings about both traditional and cosmopolitan conceptions of jus ad bellum (IX) and jus in bello (X); and Section XI summarizes and concludes.Less
The aim of this chapter is to analyse a number of prominent views concerning the nature of a just war and, having criticized them, to outline the account of a just war that follows from a cosmopolitan perspective. It explores different philosophical approaches at a general level, analysing their accounts of when war may be waged (jus ad bellum) and how it may be waged (jus in bello). To do this it begins, in Section I, with some methodological observations, and then, in the next three sections (II–IV), examines several leading perspectives on the nature of just war: Sections II and III explore Michael Walzer’s influential treatment of this subject in Just and Unjust Wars (1977), criticizing in particular his account of jus ad bellum and his derivation of rules of jus in bello; Section IV analyses Terry Nardin’s state-centric account of just war in Law, Morality and the Relations of States (1983). The following four sections (V–VIII) turn to more cosmopolitan perspectives: Section V outlines the general structure of a cosmopolitan theory of just war; Sections VI and VII examine particular cosmopolitan accounts of some aspects of just war, analysing utilitarian and deontological approaches; and Section VIII criticizes the utilitarian and deontological accounts given in the previous two sections, outlining an alternative cosmopolitan rights-based approach that avoids the objections levelled against these two theories. Sections IX–XI analyse realist misgivings about both traditional and cosmopolitan conceptions of jus ad bellum (IX) and jus in bello (X); and Section XI summarizes and concludes.
Andrew Hurrell
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199233106
- eISBN:
- 9780191716287
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199233106.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter starts by briefly introducing debates concerning the global challenges we face in the 21st century, particularly the political challenge. It describes the primary focus of the book, ...
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This chapter starts by briefly introducing debates concerning the global challenges we face in the 21st century, particularly the political challenge. It describes the primary focus of the book, which is the extent to which the inherited anarchical society of sovereign states can provide a practically viable and normatively acceptable framework for global political order in an era of globalization. In contrast to the technocratic and interest-driven literature on global governance and institutionalism, the book emphasizes and illustrates the threefold nature of the challenge facing international society: the need to capture shared and common interests, to manage unequal power, and to mediate cultural diversity and value conflict. It is argued that the difficulty of finding a legitimate form of global politics capable of meeting these three challenges together makes the problem of order a quintessentially political problem. An overview of the succeeding chapters is provided, and the central arguments and theoretical underpinnings of the analysis are discussed.Less
This chapter starts by briefly introducing debates concerning the global challenges we face in the 21st century, particularly the political challenge. It describes the primary focus of the book, which is the extent to which the inherited anarchical society of sovereign states can provide a practically viable and normatively acceptable framework for global political order in an era of globalization. In contrast to the technocratic and interest-driven literature on global governance and institutionalism, the book emphasizes and illustrates the threefold nature of the challenge facing international society: the need to capture shared and common interests, to manage unequal power, and to mediate cultural diversity and value conflict. It is argued that the difficulty of finding a legitimate form of global politics capable of meeting these three challenges together makes the problem of order a quintessentially political problem. An overview of the succeeding chapters is provided, and the central arguments and theoretical underpinnings of the analysis are discussed.
Caroline Franks Davis
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198250012
- eISBN:
- 9780191681233
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198250012.003.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Philosophy of Religion
It is only comparatively recently in the history of civilisation that there has been widespread scepticism regarding religious experiences. Arguments against the plausibility of religious doctrines ...
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It is only comparatively recently in the history of civilisation that there has been widespread scepticism regarding religious experiences. Arguments against the plausibility of religious doctrines and reductionist accounts of religious experiences are now widely accepted, and many people lead atheistic lives which are to all appearances perfectly adequate. Therefore, religious individuals can no longer assume that experiences judged to be ‘genuine’ by fellow believers are immune from further attack. They are challenged on all sides, by philosophers, psychologists, sociologists, anthropologists, members of other religious traditions, and even by members of their own tradition with widely differing views. This book examines the value of religious experiences as evidence for religious claims. Its goal is to discover the role which religious experience can legitimately play in the defence of religious doctrines.Less
It is only comparatively recently in the history of civilisation that there has been widespread scepticism regarding religious experiences. Arguments against the plausibility of religious doctrines and reductionist accounts of religious experiences are now widely accepted, and many people lead atheistic lives which are to all appearances perfectly adequate. Therefore, religious individuals can no longer assume that experiences judged to be ‘genuine’ by fellow believers are immune from further attack. They are challenged on all sides, by philosophers, psychologists, sociologists, anthropologists, members of other religious traditions, and even by members of their own tradition with widely differing views. This book examines the value of religious experiences as evidence for religious claims. Its goal is to discover the role which religious experience can legitimately play in the defence of religious doctrines.
Peter Taylor‐Gooby
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199546701
- eISBN:
- 9780191720420
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199546701.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Political Economy
This chapter considers the challenges to social citizenship resulting from greater diversity and inequality in a more globalized world. Migration has led to tensions in social provision in many ...
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This chapter considers the challenges to social citizenship resulting from greater diversity and inequality in a more globalized world. Migration has led to tensions in social provision in many western countries. Globalization and labour market change have generated greater inequality, and opportunities for social mobility seem to be declining. These changes generate substantial and growing challenges to the stability of welfare states. Evidence from recent studies, however, indicates that the problems can be addressed, provided that governments are willing to show political leadership and pursue policies that redistribute resources on a citizenship basis to mitigate inequalities and offer equal access to opportunities across all social groups.Less
This chapter considers the challenges to social citizenship resulting from greater diversity and inequality in a more globalized world. Migration has led to tensions in social provision in many western countries. Globalization and labour market change have generated greater inequality, and opportunities for social mobility seem to be declining. These changes generate substantial and growing challenges to the stability of welfare states. Evidence from recent studies, however, indicates that the problems can be addressed, provided that governments are willing to show political leadership and pursue policies that redistribute resources on a citizenship basis to mitigate inequalities and offer equal access to opportunities across all social groups.
Christopher Peacocke
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198238607
- eISBN:
- 9780191598197
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198238606.001.0001
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Metaphysics/Epistemology
The Integration Challenge is the task of reconciling a plausible account of what is involved in the truth of statements of a given kind with a credible account of how we can know those statements, ...
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The Integration Challenge is the task of reconciling a plausible account of what is involved in the truth of statements of a given kind with a credible account of how we can know those statements, when we do know them. In any domain for which the challenge is difficult, we may revise either our conception of the epistemology of that domain, or our conception of its metaphysics, or both. Successfully meeting the Integration Challenge involves the development of a theory of understanding with both metaphysical and epistemological dimensions. Understanding involves an integrated grasp both of truth conditions, and, via a theory of possession conditions, and of circumstances in which one can come to know that certain of those conditions obtain. Two different models for meeting the Integration Challenge can be developed: the model of constitutive causal sensitivity and the model of implicitly known principles. A model of the first kind is developed for a realistic account of our understanding of past‐tense contents. A model of the second kind is developed for our understanding of contents involving metaphysical necessity; an account that treats modal statements as not mind‐dependent, but not as involving Lewisian modal realism. The Integration Challenge is also addressed for various classical and recent problems of philosophy: the nature of one's knowledge of the contents of one's own mental states; the distinctive nature of first‐person knowledge; and the classical problem of the freedom of the will.Less
The Integration Challenge is the task of reconciling a plausible account of what is involved in the truth of statements of a given kind with a credible account of how we can know those statements, when we do know them. In any domain for which the challenge is difficult, we may revise either our conception of the epistemology of that domain, or our conception of its metaphysics, or both. Successfully meeting the Integration Challenge involves the development of a theory of understanding with both metaphysical and epistemological dimensions. Understanding involves an integrated grasp both of truth conditions, and, via a theory of possession conditions, and of circumstances in which one can come to know that certain of those conditions obtain. Two different models for meeting the Integration Challenge can be developed: the model of constitutive causal sensitivity and the model of implicitly known principles. A model of the first kind is developed for a realistic account of our understanding of past‐tense contents. A model of the second kind is developed for our understanding of contents involving metaphysical necessity; an account that treats modal statements as not mind‐dependent, but not as involving Lewisian modal realism. The Integration Challenge is also addressed for various classical and recent problems of philosophy: the nature of one's knowledge of the contents of one's own mental states; the distinctive nature of first‐person knowledge; and the classical problem of the freedom of the will.
Peter Taylor‐Gooby
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199546701
- eISBN:
- 9780191720420
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199546701.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Political Economy
For a number of reasons the reframing of social citizenship has been pursued more rapidly in the UK than in most other countries, so that national experience offers a useful object lesson in the ...
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For a number of reasons the reframing of social citizenship has been pursued more rapidly in the UK than in most other countries, so that national experience offers a useful object lesson in the strengths and weaknesses of rational actor reforms in the European context. This chapter analyses the reframing process in detail under successive governments, paying attention to the institutional structure of government departments, the part played by the Treasury, and the understanding of the challenges by the chief policy actors. It discusses the logic of policy reform in official documents and shows how rational actor assumptions predominate. The problems identified in relation to the new policies are chiefly to do with the difficulties of structuring incentives appropriately and of establishing a level playing field for equal opportunity policies. The issues that provider incentives may focus on the competitive advantage of their particular agency rather than public benefit, social inclusion may receive little support, and the value basis of social trust may be damaged receive insufficient recognition.Less
For a number of reasons the reframing of social citizenship has been pursued more rapidly in the UK than in most other countries, so that national experience offers a useful object lesson in the strengths and weaknesses of rational actor reforms in the European context. This chapter analyses the reframing process in detail under successive governments, paying attention to the institutional structure of government departments, the part played by the Treasury, and the understanding of the challenges by the chief policy actors. It discusses the logic of policy reform in official documents and shows how rational actor assumptions predominate. The problems identified in relation to the new policies are chiefly to do with the difficulties of structuring incentives appropriately and of establishing a level playing field for equal opportunity policies. The issues that provider incentives may focus on the competitive advantage of their particular agency rather than public benefit, social inclusion may receive little support, and the value basis of social trust may be damaged receive insufficient recognition.
Fritz W. Scharpf and Vivien A. Schmidt
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240883
- eISBN:
- 9780191600173
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240884.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The conclusion emphasizes more general patterns that were identified in the comparative analyses. If due account is taken of the specifics of economic changes and national policy legacies, the ...
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The conclusion emphasizes more general patterns that were identified in the comparative analyses. If due account is taken of the specifics of economic changes and national policy legacies, the variation among the responses of individual countries is far from random. In each of the periods covered by the study, there were distinct groups of countries facing similar policy challenges that would have called for similar responses. And even though the increasing internationalization of the economic environment has narrowed the range of economically viable national policy choices, we are able to show that in each of these groups, one or more countries did in fact have the institutional capabilities and the policy discourses that allowed them to move “from vulnerability to competitiveness” without abandoning their normative aspirations or jeopardizing the democratic legitimacy of their governments.Less
The conclusion emphasizes more general patterns that were identified in the comparative analyses. If due account is taken of the specifics of economic changes and national policy legacies, the variation among the responses of individual countries is far from random. In each of the periods covered by the study, there were distinct groups of countries facing similar policy challenges that would have called for similar responses. And even though the increasing internationalization of the economic environment has narrowed the range of economically viable national policy choices, we are able to show that in each of these groups, one or more countries did in fact have the institutional capabilities and the policy discourses that allowed them to move “from vulnerability to competitiveness” without abandoning their normative aspirations or jeopardizing the democratic legitimacy of their governments.
D. Hugh Whittaker and Robert E. Cole (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199297320
- eISBN:
- 9780191711237
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199297320.001.0001
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Innovation
How did Japan fall from challenger to US hegemonic leadership in the high tech industries in the 1980s to stumbling giant by the turn of the last century? What did it do about it? This book examines ...
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How did Japan fall from challenger to US hegemonic leadership in the high tech industries in the 1980s to stumbling giant by the turn of the last century? What did it do about it? This book examines the challenges faced by Japan's high tech companies through successful emulation of some of their key practices by foreign competitors and the emergence of new competitive models linked to open innovation and modular production. High tech companies were slow to respond, relying at first on formulae which had worked in the past, but in a new environment, some of these traditional strengths had now become sources of weakness. Stability and success, moreover, had decreased their appetite for risk. Early in the new century, however, there were signs of a more concerted response, which opened up past practices to scrutiny and modification through selective learning and adaptation of the new models. The MOT (management of technology) movement provided a vehicle for this change. It was linked, in turn, to efforts to change the national innovation system, giving universities a more central role and encouraging spin-offs and startups. The book features contributions from scholars and practitioners who have distinctive insights into the nature of these challenges and responses. It includes introductory and concluding chapters with a discussion of knowledge management implications, a ‘reformed’ Japanese model, and a possible dual innovation system.Less
How did Japan fall from challenger to US hegemonic leadership in the high tech industries in the 1980s to stumbling giant by the turn of the last century? What did it do about it? This book examines the challenges faced by Japan's high tech companies through successful emulation of some of their key practices by foreign competitors and the emergence of new competitive models linked to open innovation and modular production. High tech companies were slow to respond, relying at first on formulae which had worked in the past, but in a new environment, some of these traditional strengths had now become sources of weakness. Stability and success, moreover, had decreased their appetite for risk. Early in the new century, however, there were signs of a more concerted response, which opened up past practices to scrutiny and modification through selective learning and adaptation of the new models. The MOT (management of technology) movement provided a vehicle for this change. It was linked, in turn, to efforts to change the national innovation system, giving universities a more central role and encouraging spin-offs and startups. The book features contributions from scholars and practitioners who have distinctive insights into the nature of these challenges and responses. It includes introductory and concluding chapters with a discussion of knowledge management implications, a ‘reformed’ Japanese model, and a possible dual innovation system.
Benjamin Gidron, Stanley N. Katz, and Yeheskel Hasenfeld
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195125924
- eISBN:
- 9780199833894
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195125924.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This study of peace and conflict‐resolution organizations (P/CROs) in South Africa, Northern Ireland, and Israel/Palestine faced several methodological challenges: it had to define P/CROs, draw on ...
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This study of peace and conflict‐resolution organizations (P/CROs) in South Africa, Northern Ireland, and Israel/Palestine faced several methodological challenges: it had to define P/CROs, draw on both social movement and third‐sector theory, develop research tools to obtain data about P/CROs valid for regional and international analyses, and simultaneously understand P/CROs as a class with common attributes and appreciate differences amongst them. P/CROs are a new organizational classification, different from “peace movement organizations,” an existing classification. The study analyzed P/CROs from three perspectives: social movement theory, third‐sector theory, and the institutional theory of organizations. Four main findings emerged: (1) foreign funding was central to all P/CROs; (2) charismatic leadership was crucial; (3) almost all P/CROs became more professional and formal over time; and (4) while P/CROs played no direct role in the resolution of their respective conflicts, they made important indirect contributions. In particular, P/CROs helped to “sell” future settlements and agreements to their populations. Issues for further research include the preconditions for the emergence of P/CROs, and the assimilation of social movement and third‐sector research.Less
This study of peace and conflict‐resolution organizations (P/CROs) in South Africa, Northern Ireland, and Israel/Palestine faced several methodological challenges: it had to define P/CROs, draw on both social movement and third‐sector theory, develop research tools to obtain data about P/CROs valid for regional and international analyses, and simultaneously understand P/CROs as a class with common attributes and appreciate differences amongst them. P/CROs are a new organizational classification, different from “peace movement organizations,” an existing classification. The study analyzed P/CROs from three perspectives: social movement theory, third‐sector theory, and the institutional theory of organizations. Four main findings emerged: (1) foreign funding was central to all P/CROs; (2) charismatic leadership was crucial; (3) almost all P/CROs became more professional and formal over time; and (4) while P/CROs played no direct role in the resolution of their respective conflicts, they made important indirect contributions. In particular, P/CROs helped to “sell” future settlements and agreements to their populations. Issues for further research include the preconditions for the emergence of P/CROs, and the assimilation of social movement and third‐sector research.
Fritz W. Sccharpf
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199257409
- eISBN:
- 9780191600951
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019925740X.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
Illustrates why the present institutional framework of the EU is no longer able to face new policy challenges. Provides an overview of general modes of EU policy‐making and then addresses concrete ...
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Illustrates why the present institutional framework of the EU is no longer able to face new policy challenges. Provides an overview of general modes of EU policy‐making and then addresses concrete new policy challenges faced by the EU (common foreign and security policy, eastern enlargement, and monetary union) with regards to the strengths and limitations of these policy‐making procedures. Scharpf presents an argument for limitations in recent EU reform debates, from the White Paper on Governance to the European Convention, and argues for new modes of European governance that will allow effective ‘Europeanized’ responses to new policy challenges accommodating ‘legitimate diversity’ at the national level. Begins with a brief overview of the principal ‘modes’ of EU policy‐making—defined by participation rights and decision rules—for which the labels of ‘intergovernmental negotiations’, ‘joint decision making’, and ‘supranational centralization’ are used, and then the new policy challenges with regard to the strengths and limitations of these present modes of policy making are discussed. The seven sections of the chapter are: The Challenge of Present Constitutional Debates; The Plurality of European Governing Modes; New Policy Challenges; The European Dilemma: Consensus Plus Uniformity; Two Non‐Solutions: Subsidiarity and Majority Rule; European Action in the Face of Legitimate Diversity; and Conclusions.Less
Illustrates why the present institutional framework of the EU is no longer able to face new policy challenges. Provides an overview of general modes of EU policy‐making and then addresses concrete new policy challenges faced by the EU (common foreign and security policy, eastern enlargement, and monetary union) with regards to the strengths and limitations of these policy‐making procedures. Scharpf presents an argument for limitations in recent EU reform debates, from the White Paper on Governance to the European Convention, and argues for new modes of European governance that will allow effective ‘Europeanized’ responses to new policy challenges accommodating ‘legitimate diversity’ at the national level. Begins with a brief overview of the principal ‘modes’ of EU policy‐making—defined by participation rights and decision rules—for which the labels of ‘intergovernmental negotiations’, ‘joint decision making’, and ‘supranational centralization’ are used, and then the new policy challenges with regard to the strengths and limitations of these present modes of policy making are discussed. The seven sections of the chapter are: The Challenge of Present Constitutional Debates; The Plurality of European Governing Modes; New Policy Challenges; The European Dilemma: Consensus Plus Uniformity; Two Non‐Solutions: Subsidiarity and Majority Rule; European Action in the Face of Legitimate Diversity; and Conclusions.
Geir Lundestad
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199266685
- eISBN:
- 9780191601057
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199266689.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
Discusses the expansion of the cooperation established between the US and Western Europe in the period 1950–1962, and analyses the Atlantic community, Germany's role in the relationship, and Western ...
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Discusses the expansion of the cooperation established between the US and Western Europe in the period 1950–1962, and analyses the Atlantic community, Germany's role in the relationship, and Western European integration. The first section looks at the dominant status that America had achieved in Europe by 1950, and at Europe's centrality to American–European cooperation—the shared assumption that Europe was the area of the world that mattered most, and that the struggle between East and West was primarily a struggle over Europe. The second section discusses the (North) Atlantic community in terms of balance of power (notably the threat of Soviet communism), the domestic threat from communists and other anti‐democratic groups, and from Germany, and the third discusses European integration in relation to this Atlantic framework. The fourth and fifth sections examine the motives for America's support of European integration, and the European economic challenge to the Atlantic framework. The sixth section analyses the development of the ‘special relationships’ formed between the US and various European countries, notably Britain, but also West Germany, Norway, Switzerland, Austria, Ireland, Sweden, Finland, and Yugoslavia. The last section looks at some of the concessions that the US had to make, and some of its defeats, in its relationship with Western Europe.Less
Discusses the expansion of the cooperation established between the US and Western Europe in the period 1950–1962, and analyses the Atlantic community, Germany's role in the relationship, and Western European integration. The first section looks at the dominant status that America had achieved in Europe by 1950, and at Europe's centrality to American–European cooperation—the shared assumption that Europe was the area of the world that mattered most, and that the struggle between East and West was primarily a struggle over Europe. The second section discusses the (North) Atlantic community in terms of balance of power (notably the threat of Soviet communism), the domestic threat from communists and other anti‐democratic groups, and from Germany, and the third discusses European integration in relation to this Atlantic framework. The fourth and fifth sections examine the motives for America's support of European integration, and the European economic challenge to the Atlantic framework. The sixth section analyses the development of the ‘special relationships’ formed between the US and various European countries, notably Britain, but also West Germany, Norway, Switzerland, Austria, Ireland, Sweden, Finland, and Yugoslavia. The last section looks at some of the concessions that the US had to make, and some of its defeats, in its relationship with Western Europe.
