Jeffery A. Jenkins and Charles Stewart
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691118123
- eISBN:
- 9781400845460
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691118123.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
The Speaker of the House of Representatives is the most powerful partisan figure in the contemporary U.S. Congress. How this came to be, and how the majority party in the House has made control of ...
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The Speaker of the House of Representatives is the most powerful partisan figure in the contemporary U.S. Congress. How this came to be, and how the majority party in the House has made control of the speakership a routine matter, is far from straightforward. This book provides a comprehensive history of how speakers have been elected in the U.S. House since 1789, arguing that the organizational politics of these elections were critical to the construction of mass political parties in America and laid the groundwork for the role they play in setting the agenda of Congress today. The book shows how the speakership began as a relatively weak office, and how votes for Speaker prior to the Civil War often favored regional interests over party loyalty. While struggle, contention, and deadlock over House organization were common in the antebellum era, such instability vanished with the outbreak of war, as the majority party became an “organizational cartel” capable of controlling with certainty the selection of the Speaker and other key House officers. This organizational cartel has survived Gilded Age partisan strife, Progressive Era challenge, and conservative coalition politics to guide speakership elections through the present day. This book reveals how struggles over House organization prior to the Civil War were among the most consequential turning points in American political history.Less
The Speaker of the House of Representatives is the most powerful partisan figure in the contemporary U.S. Congress. How this came to be, and how the majority party in the House has made control of the speakership a routine matter, is far from straightforward. This book provides a comprehensive history of how speakers have been elected in the U.S. House since 1789, arguing that the organizational politics of these elections were critical to the construction of mass political parties in America and laid the groundwork for the role they play in setting the agenda of Congress today. The book shows how the speakership began as a relatively weak office, and how votes for Speaker prior to the Civil War often favored regional interests over party loyalty. While struggle, contention, and deadlock over House organization were common in the antebellum era, such instability vanished with the outbreak of war, as the majority party became an “organizational cartel” capable of controlling with certainty the selection of the Speaker and other key House officers. This organizational cartel has survived Gilded Age partisan strife, Progressive Era challenge, and conservative coalition politics to guide speakership elections through the present day. This book reveals how struggles over House organization prior to the Civil War were among the most consequential turning points in American political history.
David Hine
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198280354
- eISBN:
- 9780191599422
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198280351.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Electoral accountability of leaders through political parties to the people is essential to representative democracy. Parties have suffered from declines in membership and increasing electoral ...
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Electoral accountability of leaders through political parties to the people is essential to representative democracy. Parties have suffered from declines in membership and increasing electoral volatility. There has been an increase in corruption of the political class, in the problem of managing factional conflict, and a reduced policy‐making capacity. Cartel parties have developed, which derive their strength from political patronage and public subsidies through holding government office.Less
Electoral accountability of leaders through political parties to the people is essential to representative democracy. Parties have suffered from declines in membership and increasing electoral volatility. There has been an increase in corruption of the political class, in the problem of managing factional conflict, and a reduced policy‐making capacity. Cartel parties have developed, which derive their strength from political patronage and public subsidies through holding government office.
Magnus Hagevi
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- January 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199260362
- eISBN:
- 9780191601873
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199260362.003.0019
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The participation ideal has affected Swedish politics in many ways and at first seems to contradict the notion of a professional political class. Yet, this has never been true for the national level ...
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The participation ideal has affected Swedish politics in many ways and at first seems to contradict the notion of a professional political class. Yet, this has never been true for the national level and is less and less true for the local and regional level, the latter two often being a training ground for higher positions but also a career stage in their own right. It is unclear if a political class has already been established in Sweden – professional politicians may have made their careers quite safe, there is a social distinction (but take note of e.g. the high share of female politicians), and it is possible to live off politics (but not at a very high- level). However, a common class interest is hard to detect, and recent developments in public distrust of politicians and a resulting pressure for new political personnel could be a further hindrance towards the unrestrained development of a political class.Less
The participation ideal has affected Swedish politics in many ways and at first seems to contradict the notion of a professional political class. Yet, this has never been true for the national level and is less and less true for the local and regional level, the latter two often being a training ground for higher positions but also a career stage in their own right. It is unclear if a political class has already been established in Sweden – professional politicians may have made their careers quite safe, there is a social distinction (but take note of e.g. the high share of female politicians), and it is possible to live off politics (but not at a very high- level). However, a common class interest is hard to detect, and recent developments in public distrust of politicians and a resulting pressure for new political personnel could be a further hindrance towards the unrestrained development of a political class.
David M. Farrell and Paul Webb
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199253098
- eISBN:
- 9780191599026
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199253099.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Considers the organizational consequences for parties of the professionalization of election campaigning. This process has gone through three main stages, from pre‐modern, through the TV‐dominated ...
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Considers the organizational consequences for parties of the professionalization of election campaigning. This process has gone through three main stages, from pre‐modern, through the TV‐dominated modern stage, and onto the current advanced‐modern stage of campaigning personified by the use of new telecommunications technology. The chapter shows party organizations to be highly adaptive, investing heavily in time and resources in the new campaign techniques, professionalizing, and centralizing their organizations (particularly around their top leaderships), and paying far more attention to image and specific campaign issues as opposed to traditional ideological standpoints. There has been a shift from parties selling themselves to voters to designing an appropriate product to match voter needs. Because of these changes, contemporary political parties have repositioned themselves to survive the uncertainties of operating as representative institutions in the increasingly participatory age of the end of the millennium.Less
Considers the organizational consequences for parties of the professionalization of election campaigning. This process has gone through three main stages, from pre‐modern, through the TV‐dominated modern stage, and onto the current advanced‐modern stage of campaigning personified by the use of new telecommunications technology. The chapter shows party organizations to be highly adaptive, investing heavily in time and resources in the new campaign techniques, professionalizing, and centralizing their organizations (particularly around their top leaderships), and paying far more attention to image and specific campaign issues as opposed to traditional ideological standpoints. There has been a shift from parties selling themselves to voters to designing an appropriate product to match voter needs. Because of these changes, contemporary political parties have repositioned themselves to survive the uncertainties of operating as representative institutions in the increasingly participatory age of the end of the millennium.
Peter Mair
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198295495
- eISBN:
- 9780191599804
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198295499.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This is the first of two chapters on political party organizations and party systems, and discusses party organization, party democracy, and the emergence of the cartel party. It notes that a common ...
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This is the first of two chapters on political party organizations and party systems, and discusses party organization, party democracy, and the emergence of the cartel party. It notes that a common thread running through the literature on political parties has been the view that they are to be classified and understood on the basis of their relationship with civil society, and that this has had two implications: a tendency to set up the mass party model as the standard against which everything should be judged, and an undervaluation of the extent to which differences between parties may also be understood by reference to their relations with the state. The chapter contends that both these implications are ill-founded, arguing that the mass party model is tied to a conception of democracy and to a particular, and now dated, ideal of social structure, neither of which is characteristic of postindustrial societies. Moreover, the mass party model implies a linear process of party development that suggests a suspect end-point from which the only options are stability or decay, while it can in fact be argued that the development of parties in western democracies has been reflective of a dialectical process in which each new party type generates a reaction which stimulates further development, thus leading to yet another new party type, and so on. The factors that facilitate this dialectic are not derived solely from changes in civil society, but also from changes in the relations between parties and the state. In particular, it can be argued that there has been a tendency in recent years towards an ever closer symbiosis between parties and the state, and that this then sets the stage for the emergence of a new party type, ‘the cartel party’, which, like previous party types, implies a particular conception of democracy, stimulates further reactions and sows the seeds for yet further development. The discussion is presented in seven sections: (1) The Mass Party and the Catch-All Party; (2) Stages of Party Development; (3) Parties and the State; (4) The Emergence of the Cartel Party; (5) The Characteristics of the Cartel Party; (6) Democracy and the Cartel Party; and (7) Challenges to the Cartel Party.Less
This is the first of two chapters on political party organizations and party systems, and discusses party organization, party democracy, and the emergence of the cartel party. It notes that a common thread running through the literature on political parties has been the view that they are to be classified and understood on the basis of their relationship with civil society, and that this has had two implications: a tendency to set up the mass party model as the standard against which everything should be judged, and an undervaluation of the extent to which differences between parties may also be understood by reference to their relations with the state. The chapter contends that both these implications are ill-founded, arguing that the mass party model is tied to a conception of democracy and to a particular, and now dated, ideal of social structure, neither of which is characteristic of postindustrial societies. Moreover, the mass party model implies a linear process of party development that suggests a suspect end-point from which the only options are stability or decay, while it can in fact be argued that the development of parties in western democracies has been reflective of a dialectical process in which each new party type generates a reaction which stimulates further development, thus leading to yet another new party type, and so on. The factors that facilitate this dialectic are not derived solely from changes in civil society, but also from changes in the relations between parties and the state. In particular, it can be argued that there has been a tendency in recent years towards an ever closer symbiosis between parties and the state, and that this then sets the stage for the emergence of a new party type, ‘the cartel party’, which, like previous party types, implies a particular conception of democracy, stimulates further reactions and sows the seeds for yet further development. The discussion is presented in seven sections: (1) The Mass Party and the Catch-All Party; (2) Stages of Party Development; (3) Parties and the State; (4) The Emergence of the Cartel Party; (5) The Characteristics of the Cartel Party; (6) Democracy and the Cartel Party; and (7) Challenges to the Cartel Party.
Richard S. Katz and Peter Mair
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199246748
- eISBN:
- 9780191599385
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199246742.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Concerned with the development of party organizations in twentieth‐century democracies, and deals specifically with the shifting balance of power between what has earlier been termed the three ...
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Concerned with the development of party organizations in twentieth‐century democracies, and deals specifically with the shifting balance of power between what has earlier been termed the three organizational ‘faces’ of party: the party on the ground, the party in central office, and the party in public office. An evaluation is made of the changing balance among these three faces in the context of four models of party organization: the cadre (or elite) party, which was the dominant form of party organization prior to mass suffrage; the mass party, which emerged with, or in anticipation of and to militate for, mass suffrage, and which was widely regarded, particularly in Europe, as the ‘normal’ or ‘ideal’ form of party organization for most of the twentieth century; the catch‐all party, development towards which was first commented upon in the literature in the 1960s, and which has come to rival the mass party not only in prominence but also in the affections of many analysts; and finally, what is called here the cartel party, a new and emerging model of party organization, which Katz and Mair believe to be increasingly evident among established democracies in recent years. In tracing the shifting balance of power among the three faces and across the four models of party organization, the authors contend that the most recent stage of development has resulted in the ascendancy of the party in public office, and the concomitant ‘relegation’ or subordination of the other two faces. Moreover, while parties on the ground sometimes continue to flourish, they suggest that the ostensible empowerment of party memberships, or even their greater autonomy, may nevertheless, be compatible with an increased privileging of the party in public office. Finally, both the sources and implications of party organizational change are briefly discussed, and it is suggested that there is an association between the most recent shifts in the internal balance of intra‐party power, on the one hand, and the apparent growth in popular feelings of alienation from parties, on the other.Less
Concerned with the development of party organizations in twentieth‐century democracies, and deals specifically with the shifting balance of power between what has earlier been termed the three organizational ‘faces’ of party: the party on the ground, the party in central office, and the party in public office. An evaluation is made of the changing balance among these three faces in the context of four models of party organization: the cadre (or elite) party, which was the dominant form of party organization prior to mass suffrage; the mass party, which emerged with, or in anticipation of and to militate for, mass suffrage, and which was widely regarded, particularly in Europe, as the ‘normal’ or ‘ideal’ form of party organization for most of the twentieth century; the catch‐all party, development towards which was first commented upon in the literature in the 1960s, and which has come to rival the mass party not only in prominence but also in the affections of many analysts; and finally, what is called here the cartel party, a new and emerging model of party organization, which Katz and Mair believe to be increasingly evident among established democracies in recent years. In tracing the shifting balance of power among the three faces and across the four models of party organization, the authors contend that the most recent stage of development has resulted in the ascendancy of the party in public office, and the concomitant ‘relegation’ or subordination of the other two faces. Moreover, while parties on the ground sometimes continue to flourish, they suggest that the ostensible empowerment of party memberships, or even their greater autonomy, may nevertheless, be compatible with an increased privileging of the party in public office. Finally, both the sources and implications of party organizational change are briefly discussed, and it is suggested that there is an association between the most recent shifts in the internal balance of intra‐party power, on the one hand, and the apparent growth in popular feelings of alienation from parties, on the other.
Steven B. Wolinetz
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199246748
- eISBN:
- 9780191599385
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199246742.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
There are good reasons for re‐examining existing classifications of parties and seeing if others can be developed. However, reworking categories is a complex process, requiring further research and ...
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There are good reasons for re‐examining existing classifications of parties and seeing if others can be developed. However, reworking categories is a complex process, requiring further research and interaction between theory and data. This chapter is a preliminary effort, and focuses primarily on parties in established liberal democracies. The first half examines the adequacy of existing party categories in light of the literature in sections entitled: Categories and concepts in the comparative literature; Cadre versus mass parties; and Parties of mass integration, catch‐all parties, and beyond’ (to the cartel party). The second half considers ways in which contemporary parties might be compared in sections entitled: New bases for classification? Vote‐seeking, office‐seeking, and policy‐seeking parties; and Patterns of change in Western European parties.Less
There are good reasons for re‐examining existing classifications of parties and seeing if others can be developed. However, reworking categories is a complex process, requiring further research and interaction between theory and data. This chapter is a preliminary effort, and focuses primarily on parties in established liberal democracies. The first half examines the adequacy of existing party categories in light of the literature in sections entitled: Categories and concepts in the comparative literature; Cadre versus mass parties; and Parties of mass integration, catch‐all parties, and beyond’ (to the cartel party). The second half considers ways in which contemporary parties might be compared in sections entitled: New bases for classification? Vote‐seeking, office‐seeking, and policy‐seeking parties; and Patterns of change in Western European parties.
Arndt Sorge
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199278909
- eISBN:
- 9780191706820
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199278909.003.0004
- Subject:
- Business and Management, International Business
Recombinations of liberal and corporatist economic institutions, of hierarchical subordination and lateral association have marked German socio-economic history from the beginnings of modernity until ...
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Recombinations of liberal and corporatist economic institutions, of hierarchical subordination and lateral association have marked German socio-economic history from the beginnings of modernity until today. These have been associated with recombinations of internationalization and provincialization. But such opposed tendencies and characteristics have also prevailed in different historical periods. Whereas the first half of the 19th century, its end, and the post-WW II period were marked by economic liberalization, other periods were marked by economic corporatism, notably during the totalitarian period of the 3rd Reich. Recombinations and shifts, one way or the other, have been influenced by national catastrophes and the direction that their political aftermath took.Less
Recombinations of liberal and corporatist economic institutions, of hierarchical subordination and lateral association have marked German socio-economic history from the beginnings of modernity until today. These have been associated with recombinations of internationalization and provincialization. But such opposed tendencies and characteristics have also prevailed in different historical periods. Whereas the first half of the 19th century, its end, and the post-WW II period were marked by economic liberalization, other periods were marked by economic corporatism, notably during the totalitarian period of the 3rd Reich. Recombinations and shifts, one way or the other, have been influenced by national catastrophes and the direction that their political aftermath took.
Federico Varese
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691128559
- eISBN:
- 9781400836727
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691128559.003.0007
- Subject:
- Law, Criminal Law and Criminology
This chapter outlines a general perspective of mafia emergence and transplantation, and offers some considerations on the relation between democracy and mafias. Recent studies have shown that mafias ...
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This chapter outlines a general perspective of mafia emergence and transplantation, and offers some considerations on the relation between democracy and mafias. Recent studies have shown that mafias emerge in societies that are undergoing a sudden and late transition to the market economy, lack a legal structure that reliably protects property rights or settles business disputes, and have a supply of people trained in violence who become unemployed at this specific juncture. However, not all mafias have developed during times of market transition. Mafias may well emerge within functioning market economies, and for reasons other than to ensure the protection of property rights. The best way to fight the presence of a mafia is to drain the demand for its services. It is not enough to reform the public administration or liberalize markets, or let booms go unchecked. Liberalization should be accompanied by effective measures aimed at preventing the formation of cartels in local markets and easing the effect of liberalization on the local workforce to avoid social tension.Less
This chapter outlines a general perspective of mafia emergence and transplantation, and offers some considerations on the relation between democracy and mafias. Recent studies have shown that mafias emerge in societies that are undergoing a sudden and late transition to the market economy, lack a legal structure that reliably protects property rights or settles business disputes, and have a supply of people trained in violence who become unemployed at this specific juncture. However, not all mafias have developed during times of market transition. Mafias may well emerge within functioning market economies, and for reasons other than to ensure the protection of property rights. The best way to fight the presence of a mafia is to drain the demand for its services. It is not enough to reform the public administration or liberalize markets, or let booms go unchecked. Liberalization should be accompanied by effective measures aimed at preventing the formation of cartels in local markets and easing the effect of liberalization on the local workforce to avoid social tension.
Christopher Harding and Julian Joshua
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199551484
- eISBN:
- 9780191594977
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199551484.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, EU Law, Competition Law
The book provides a critical discussion and analysis of that area of European (EU) competition regulation dealing with those serious anti-competitive infringements now commonly referred to as the ...
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The book provides a critical discussion and analysis of that area of European (EU) competition regulation dealing with those serious anti-competitive infringements now commonly referred to as the activity of ‘hard core cartels’. Such prohibited activity typically involves large and economically significant corporate producers and traders operating across Europe and often also in a wider international context, and comprises practices such as price fixing, bid rigging, market sharing, and limiting production, intended to ensure ‘market stability’ and maintain and increase profits. There is now little argument in both competition theory and practice regarding the damaging effect of such activities on public and consumer interests. Globally, over the last thirty years or more, such cartels have been subject to increasing condemnation in the legal process of regulating and protecting competition. The focus of this study is the development of the European-level regulation of such anti-competitive business cartels. The discussion traces the historical development of cartel control in Europe, comparing the more pragmatic and empirical approach historically favoured in Europe with the more dogmatic and uncompromising American policy. In particular, the book considers critically the move more recently in Europe towards criminal law analogies and also fully-fledged criminal proceedings in some areas of legal control, evaluating evolving aspects of enforcement policy such as the use of leniency programmes and the deployment of a range of criminal law and other sanctions. A major theme in the discussion concerns the way in which the subject has evolved from being a section of competition law to a significant and dynamic amalgam of supranational regulatory law, criminal justice strategies, penal competence and basic rights protection.Less
The book provides a critical discussion and analysis of that area of European (EU) competition regulation dealing with those serious anti-competitive infringements now commonly referred to as the activity of ‘hard core cartels’. Such prohibited activity typically involves large and economically significant corporate producers and traders operating across Europe and often also in a wider international context, and comprises practices such as price fixing, bid rigging, market sharing, and limiting production, intended to ensure ‘market stability’ and maintain and increase profits. There is now little argument in both competition theory and practice regarding the damaging effect of such activities on public and consumer interests. Globally, over the last thirty years or more, such cartels have been subject to increasing condemnation in the legal process of regulating and protecting competition. The focus of this study is the development of the European-level regulation of such anti-competitive business cartels. The discussion traces the historical development of cartel control in Europe, comparing the more pragmatic and empirical approach historically favoured in Europe with the more dogmatic and uncompromising American policy. In particular, the book considers critically the move more recently in Europe towards criminal law analogies and also fully-fledged criminal proceedings in some areas of legal control, evaluating evolving aspects of enforcement policy such as the use of leniency programmes and the deployment of a range of criminal law and other sanctions. A major theme in the discussion concerns the way in which the subject has evolved from being a section of competition law to a significant and dynamic amalgam of supranational regulatory law, criminal justice strategies, penal competence and basic rights protection.
Krzysztof Jasiewicz
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199289653
- eISBN:
- 9780191710964
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199289653.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter examines the development of political parties and the party system in post-communist Poland. Special attention is given to the ways in which elections, parliamentary and presidential, ...
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This chapter examines the development of political parties and the party system in post-communist Poland. Special attention is given to the ways in which elections, parliamentary and presidential, have contributed to the emergence and consolidation of political cleavages and the party system. Other factors, such as legislation, organizational structures, mass media, patterns of voting behaviour, and popular political attitudes, are discussed as well. Finally, the adequacy of the cartel party model in relation to Poland is assessed. The analysis focuses on the issue of the functionality of parties and the party system: have the unquestionable achievements of Poland in her democratic transition been generated within a political process in which parties played significant and functional role, or has Poland succeeded on the road to pluralist democracy despite her complex and confusing party system?Less
This chapter examines the development of political parties and the party system in post-communist Poland. Special attention is given to the ways in which elections, parliamentary and presidential, have contributed to the emergence and consolidation of political cleavages and the party system. Other factors, such as legislation, organizational structures, mass media, patterns of voting behaviour, and popular political attitudes, are discussed as well. Finally, the adequacy of the cartel party model in relation to Poland is assessed. The analysis focuses on the issue of the functionality of parties and the party system: have the unquestionable achievements of Poland in her democratic transition been generated within a political process in which parties played significant and functional role, or has Poland succeeded on the road to pluralist democracy despite her complex and confusing party system?
Franz Neumann
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691134130
- eISBN:
- 9781400846467
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691134130.003.0018
- Subject:
- History, Military History
This chapter focuses on cartels and cartel-like organizations in Nazi Germany. The report explains German industrial organization is dominated by large vertical combines. Cartels and other ...
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This chapter focuses on cartels and cartel-like organizations in Nazi Germany. The report explains German industrial organization is dominated by large vertical combines. Cartels and other associations of business, a common fixture of the German economy, have been used by the combines as means for the domination of industry and are in part a reflection of the degree of concentration of German industry. The prototypes of the combines are those within so-called heavy industry. The chapter first considers the role of cartels and cartel-like organizations in Germany before offering a number of recommendations relating to denazification, administration, cartels, Reichsvereinigungen, the Chambers of Industry and Commerce, and the main committees and rings.Less
This chapter focuses on cartels and cartel-like organizations in Nazi Germany. The report explains German industrial organization is dominated by large vertical combines. Cartels and other associations of business, a common fixture of the German economy, have been used by the combines as means for the domination of industry and are in part a reflection of the degree of concentration of German industry. The prototypes of the combines are those within so-called heavy industry. The chapter first considers the role of cartels and cartel-like organizations in Germany before offering a number of recommendations relating to denazification, administration, cartels, Reichsvereinigungen, the Chambers of Industry and Commerce, and the main committees and rings.
Stephen D. Cohen
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195179354
- eISBN:
- 9780199783779
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195179354.003.0014
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, International
Only the most rabid proponents deny the potential for MNCs and FDI to inflict costs and harm on large numbers of people and countries. This chapter is the equivalent of a law brief, this time ...
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Only the most rabid proponents deny the potential for MNCs and FDI to inflict costs and harm on large numbers of people and countries. This chapter is the equivalent of a law brief, this time one-sidedly expounding on the merits of the opposite side of the case and offering a totally different perspective on how to evaluate FDI and MNCs. Once again, no effort is made to replicate the emphasis in earlier chapters on the need for a balanced, objective approach to a subject dominated by heterogeneity, complexity, and subjectivity. The downsides of MNCs and FDI are discussed in terms of their demonstrable threat to a country's overall economic growth and prosperity as the result of the inherent conflict between their single-minded pursuit of profits and the interests of the host country's population. More specific costs such as intimidation of government officials anxious to promote and retain inward FDI, bribing regulators, tax avoidance, reduced competition in the marketplace including price collusion, diminished union and worker negotiating leverage, increased pollution, and increased capital outflows in the form of profit remittances, are also discussed.Less
Only the most rabid proponents deny the potential for MNCs and FDI to inflict costs and harm on large numbers of people and countries. This chapter is the equivalent of a law brief, this time one-sidedly expounding on the merits of the opposite side of the case and offering a totally different perspective on how to evaluate FDI and MNCs. Once again, no effort is made to replicate the emphasis in earlier chapters on the need for a balanced, objective approach to a subject dominated by heterogeneity, complexity, and subjectivity. The downsides of MNCs and FDI are discussed in terms of their demonstrable threat to a country's overall economic growth and prosperity as the result of the inherent conflict between their single-minded pursuit of profits and the interests of the host country's population. More specific costs such as intimidation of government officials anxious to promote and retain inward FDI, bribing regulators, tax avoidance, reduced competition in the marketplace including price collusion, diminished union and worker negotiating leverage, increased pollution, and increased capital outflows in the form of profit remittances, are also discussed.
Michael Lobban
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199258826
- eISBN:
- 9780191705168
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199258826.003.0015
- Subject:
- Law, Legal History
This chapter on joint stock companies in the 19th century discusses companies and partnerships in the 1820s, reform of company law from 1830-48, transformation of company law from 1848-62, companies ...
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This chapter on joint stock companies in the 19th century discusses companies and partnerships in the 1820s, reform of company law from 1830-48, transformation of company law from 1848-62, companies and the stock market, the birth of companies, company management and the courts, the private company, and cartels.Less
This chapter on joint stock companies in the 19th century discusses companies and partnerships in the 1820s, reform of company law from 1830-48, transformation of company law from 1848-62, companies and the stock market, the birth of companies, company management and the courts, the private company, and cartels.
G. BRUCE DOERN and STEPHEN WILKS
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198280620
- eISBN:
- 9780191684371
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198280620.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
This chapter discusses the literature on the German Cartel Office. A new dimension has gained importance in the role of the Cartel Office and its relative strength as an institution, namely the ...
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This chapter discusses the literature on the German Cartel Office. A new dimension has gained importance in the role of the Cartel Office and its relative strength as an institution, namely the internationalization of competition and the competition of rules. The Cartel Office's task is to execute the cartel law. The 1973 reform of the cartel law gave the Office the task of merger control. Decision making is characterized by the absence of debate on how Germany's economic order under today's economic conditions should ideally look. The political environment for the Cartel Office has indeed become complex and hostile. Even in the early post-war years, Germans still had to be convinced that the market economy was the best possible solution for organizing wealth production.Less
This chapter discusses the literature on the German Cartel Office. A new dimension has gained importance in the role of the Cartel Office and its relative strength as an institution, namely the internationalization of competition and the competition of rules. The Cartel Office's task is to execute the cartel law. The 1973 reform of the cartel law gave the Office the task of merger control. Decision making is characterized by the absence of debate on how Germany's economic order under today's economic conditions should ideally look. The political environment for the Cartel Office has indeed become complex and hostile. Even in the early post-war years, Germans still had to be convinced that the market economy was the best possible solution for organizing wealth production.
Louis Kaplow
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691158624
- eISBN:
- 9781400846078
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691158624.003.0002
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Economic History
This chapter presents scenarios that illustrate the difficulty of defining agreement in a coherent fashion that successfully distinguishes pure interdependence (firms refrain from price cutting ...
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This chapter presents scenarios that illustrate the difficulty of defining agreement in a coherent fashion that successfully distinguishes pure interdependence (firms refrain from price cutting because of an expectation of retaliation derived from a shared appreciation of their circumstances)—deemed to be insufficient for liability—from classic cartels (firms meet secretly in hotel rooms to discuss prices and the consequences of cheating)—widely accepted to be more than sufficient. Of course, most legal categories give rise to line-drawing problems; it is notoriously difficult to distinguish similar shades of gray. The examples presented, however, are more corrosive because they demonstrate how hard it is to distinguish what many regard to be polar-opposite cases, analogous to black and white. The chapter also scrutinizes the concepts used in discussing horizontal agreements.Less
This chapter presents scenarios that illustrate the difficulty of defining agreement in a coherent fashion that successfully distinguishes pure interdependence (firms refrain from price cutting because of an expectation of retaliation derived from a shared appreciation of their circumstances)—deemed to be insufficient for liability—from classic cartels (firms meet secretly in hotel rooms to discuss prices and the consequences of cheating)—widely accepted to be more than sufficient. Of course, most legal categories give rise to line-drawing problems; it is notoriously difficult to distinguish similar shades of gray. The examples presented, however, are more corrosive because they demonstrate how hard it is to distinguish what many regard to be polar-opposite cases, analogous to black and white. The chapter also scrutinizes the concepts used in discussing horizontal agreements.
Jeffery A. Jenkins and Charles Stewart III
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691118123
- eISBN:
- 9781400845460
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691118123.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This book investigates the history of organizational politics in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1789 to the present. It argues that the history of how speakership elections developed was ...
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This book investigates the history of organizational politics in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1789 to the present. It argues that the history of how speakership elections developed was driven by a desire to establish an organizational cartel in the House. It examines the centrality of the party caucus for the organization of the House, and more specifically how the majority party came to own the chief House officers, especially the Speaker. It also discusses two themes about Congress and its role in the American political system: the construction of mass political parties in the early nineteenth century and the role that political parties play in guiding the agenda of Congress today. This chapter provides an overview of the data and methods used by the book as well as the chapters that follow.Less
This book investigates the history of organizational politics in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1789 to the present. It argues that the history of how speakership elections developed was driven by a desire to establish an organizational cartel in the House. It examines the centrality of the party caucus for the organization of the House, and more specifically how the majority party came to own the chief House officers, especially the Speaker. It also discusses two themes about Congress and its role in the American political system: the construction of mass political parties in the early nineteenth century and the role that political parties play in guiding the agenda of Congress today. This chapter provides an overview of the data and methods used by the book as well as the chapters that follow.
Jeffery A. Jenkins and Charles Stewart III
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691118123
- eISBN:
- 9781400845460
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691118123.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter examines the speakership elections of 1839 and 1847, each of which highlighted the conflicting impulses of party and region at a time when national party leaders were striving for ...
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This chapter examines the speakership elections of 1839 and 1847, each of which highlighted the conflicting impulses of party and region at a time when national party leaders were striving for greater organization over House affairs. It explores the dynamics of roll call votes once the House began electing Speakers and other officers through viva voce voting, first in the 26th Congress (1839–1841), when the officer choices were dictated by a small group of nominal Democrats led by John C. Calhoun, and then in the succeeding four Congresses. The chapter also considers whether the coalition that elected Speakers in the early nineteenth century could look like a governing coalition, or even a procedural cartel. It shows that controlling the speakership was no guarantee of controlling the floor for the remainder of the antebellum period.Less
This chapter examines the speakership elections of 1839 and 1847, each of which highlighted the conflicting impulses of party and region at a time when national party leaders were striving for greater organization over House affairs. It explores the dynamics of roll call votes once the House began electing Speakers and other officers through viva voce voting, first in the 26th Congress (1839–1841), when the officer choices were dictated by a small group of nominal Democrats led by John C. Calhoun, and then in the succeeding four Congresses. The chapter also considers whether the coalition that elected Speakers in the early nineteenth century could look like a governing coalition, or even a procedural cartel. It shows that controlling the speakership was no guarantee of controlling the floor for the remainder of the antebellum period.
Jeffery A. Jenkins and Charles Stewart III
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691118123
- eISBN:
- 9781400845460
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691118123.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter examines the emergence of the organizational cartel based on caucus decision making during the period 1861–1891. It considers how the caucus-induced, organizational arrangement solved ...
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This chapter examines the emergence of the organizational cartel based on caucus decision making during the period 1861–1891. It considers how the caucus-induced, organizational arrangement solved the lingering instability that had often plagued speakership decisions during the antebellum era. It also shows how the binding party caucus on organizational matters institutionalized and evolved into an equilibrium institution, with both the Republican Party and the Democratic Party embracing the practice of keeping the organization of the House of Representatives “in the family” rather than risking potential complications on the floor. In short, the majority party had finally become an organizational cartel. The chapter explains how the organizational cartel allowed the majority party to control the election of the Speaker and other House officers, as well as the more general makeup of the chamber.Less
This chapter examines the emergence of the organizational cartel based on caucus decision making during the period 1861–1891. It considers how the caucus-induced, organizational arrangement solved the lingering instability that had often plagued speakership decisions during the antebellum era. It also shows how the binding party caucus on organizational matters institutionalized and evolved into an equilibrium institution, with both the Republican Party and the Democratic Party embracing the practice of keeping the organization of the House of Representatives “in the family” rather than risking potential complications on the floor. In short, the majority party had finally become an organizational cartel. The chapter explains how the organizational cartel allowed the majority party to control the election of the Speaker and other House officers, as well as the more general makeup of the chamber.
Jeffery A. Jenkins and Charles Stewart III
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691118123
- eISBN:
- 9781400845460
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691118123.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Theory
This chapter examines leadership selection after the Reed Rules and the persistence of the organizational cartel in the House of Representatives during the period 1891–2011. It begins by discussing ...
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This chapter examines leadership selection after the Reed Rules and the persistence of the organizational cartel in the House of Representatives during the period 1891–2011. It begins by discussing factional divisions and further threats to the caucus organization before considering the progressive Republicans' 1910 revolt against Speaker Joseph G. Cannon as well as the Democrats' return to power and control of the House from the 62nd through 65th Congresses (1911–1919). It then analyzes the rift between progressive and conservative elements in the Republican Party that challenged the party monopoly over the House's makeup. Despite these problematic events and other issues, along with severe regional divisions within the majority Democratic Party, the chapter shows that the binding party caucus and organizational cartel survived and flourished through the present day.Less
This chapter examines leadership selection after the Reed Rules and the persistence of the organizational cartel in the House of Representatives during the period 1891–2011. It begins by discussing factional divisions and further threats to the caucus organization before considering the progressive Republicans' 1910 revolt against Speaker Joseph G. Cannon as well as the Democrats' return to power and control of the House from the 62nd through 65th Congresses (1911–1919). It then analyzes the rift between progressive and conservative elements in the Republican Party that challenged the party monopoly over the House's makeup. Despite these problematic events and other issues, along with severe regional divisions within the majority Democratic Party, the chapter shows that the binding party caucus and organizational cartel survived and flourished through the present day.
