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The Golden Age of post‐war capitalism has been eclipsed, and with it seemingly also the possibility of harmonizing equality and welfare with efficiency and jobs. Most analyses believe that the emerging post‐industrial society is overdetermined by massive, convergent forces, such as tertiarization, new technologies, or globalization, all conspiring to make welfare states unsustainable in the future. This book takes a second, more sociological and institutional look at the driving forces of economic transformation. What stands out as a result is that there is post‐industrial diversity rather than convergence. Macroscopic, global trends are undoubtedly powerful, yet their influence is easily rivalled by domestic institutional traditions, by the kind of welfare regime that, some generations ago, was put in place. It is, however, especially the family economy that holds the key as to what kind of post‐industrial model will emerge, and to how evolving trade‐offs will be managed. Twentieth‐century economic analysis depended on a set of sociological assumptions that now are invalid. Hence, to grasp better what drives today's economy, it is necessary to begin with its social foundations. After an Introduction, the book is arranged in three parts: I, Varieties of Welfare Capitalism (four chapters); II, The New Political Economy (two chapters); and III, Welfare Capitalism Recast? (two chapters).

In a capitalist economy, taxes are the most significant instrument by which the political system can put into practice a conception of economic justice. But conventional ideas about what constitutes tax fairness--found in the vigorous debates about tax policy going on in political and public policy circles, in economics and law--are misguided. In particular, the emphasis on distributing the tax burden relative to pretax income is a fundamental mistake. Taxation does not take from people what they already own. Property rights are the product of a set of laws and conventions, of which the tax system forms a central part, so the fairness of taxes can’t be evaluated by their impact on preexisting entitlements. Pretax income has no independent moral significance. Standards of justice should be applied not to the distribution of tax burdens but to the operation and results of the entire framework of economic institutions. The result is an entirely different understanding of a host of controversial issues, such as the estate tax, the tax treatment of marriage, “flat” versus progressive taxes, consumption versus income taxes, tax cuts for the wealthy, and negative income taxes for the poor.

Since the early 1990s, Europe's economies have been facing several new challenges: the 1992 single market programme, the collapse of the Berlin wall and eastward enlargement, and monetary unification. Building on the influential Varieties of Capitalism (VoC) perspective, this book critically analyses these developments in the European political economy and their effects on the continental European economies. The chapters include debate about how VoC can help understand the political-economic challenges that Europe is facing today, and how understanding these new challenges can in turn enrich and enhance the VoC perspective. Thematically, the contributions to this volume are organised in four sections: how the macro-economics of EMU influenced different European models of capitalism; how the Single Market programme was received in the different institutional regimes in European capitalism; how welfare and labour market reforms are debated and implemented; and how European capitalism travelled east after 1989. The book aims to demonstrate that the VoC approach remains — as the editors put it in their introduction — a rich seam to mine, capable of accommodating new developments, and theoretically flexible enough to branch out into new arguments.

Over the last decade, the neo-institutionalist literature on comparative capitalism has developed into an influential body of work. This book assesses this literature and proposes a major re-orientation of the field. It critiques many aspects of this work and finds a way of modelling how creative actors trying to achieve change — institutional entrepreneurs — tackle these constraints. Central to the account is the concept of governance, as it is by recombining governance mechanisms that these entrepreneurs must achieve their goals. In seeking how to analyse the spaces in which they operate, the book criticises and deconstructs some dominant approaches in socio-political analysis: to typologies, to elective affinity and complementarity, to path dependence. It develops a theory of governance modes, which includes potentially decomposing them into their core components. Finally, it proposes a reorientation of the neo-institutionalist research programme to take more account of detailed diversity and potentiality for change. The book is primarily theoretical, but it makes liberal use of examples, particularly from studies of local economic development and politics.

The regulation of financial markets and companies in Europe has undergone significant changes over the last decade. The Commission, Member States, and Parliament constructed regimes that facilitate new legislation, sanction delegation to the Commission for financial market law, and structure the cross‐border regulation of companies within the single market. The substance of this book is about that regime development. In creating the regimes discussed in this book, European Union (EU) leaders contributed to the ongoing constitutionalization of Europe by contesting and constructing norms. Each of the regimes required an explicit definition of the vertical relationship between the EU and the member states, and of the horizontal relationship among the member states. It defined the kind of regulatory state that would be required, the mix of European and national bodies involved, and the procedures they were to follow in carrying out their functions. It also defined what kinds of national variation in related economic and social policy would be regarded as legitimate. As they made these agreements, European leaders simultaneously articulated what it meant to be a member state in the single market, and what it meant to delegate responsibilities to the EU. This constitutionalized these ideals by sorting out the issues of EU and national responsibilities in a powerfully authoritative way. The theory of this book is about demonstrating the normative foundations of these constitutional agreements and showing how they had to be built on the shoulders of national ones.

This book on Flexicurity Capitalism provides four rigorously formulated approaches to an analysis of the current and future evolution of capitalism from a Marx-Keynes and Kalecki- Schumpeter (MKS) perspective. It does so in self-contained ways, focusing on macrodynamical models of the working of modern capitalist societies in the tradition of Classical and Keynesian authors, augmented by a modern reformulation of Schumpeterian ’Competitive Socialism’, the flexi(bility-se)curity approach currently intensively debated in the EU area. On this basis the book provides a novel approach to the study of the future of capitalism, a topic that has never been more important than now -- since the prosperity phase after World War II. It supplies an alternative to those discussions of current forms of capitalism which focus on the status quo of such economies, instead of providing an ideal scenario first, on the basis of which compromises between the status quo and the 'ideal' can be discussed. The employed modelling approaches, of an advanced type, are aimed at the post-graduate level of economic teaching. The chapters of the book can be utilised independently of each other but, nevertheless, provide a unique approach to macrodynamic theorizing that is firmly rooted in the MKS tradition of the understanding of the growth dynamics of capitalist economies.

Why have some countries been able to escape the usual dead end of international development efforts and build explosively growing capitalist economies? Based on years of fieldwork, this book provides an account of the first generation of entrepreneurs in Vietnam in comparison to those in other transition countries. Focusing on the emergence of private land development firms in Ho Chi Minh City, this book shows how within seven years the private sector produced the majority of all new houses in the real estate market. This book demonstrates that capitalist entrepreneurialism was not the result of state initiative, properly incentivized policies, or individual personality traits. Rather, a society-wide reconstruction of cognitive paradigms enabled entrepreneurs to emerge and transform Vietnam from a poor, centrally planned economy into one of the fastest growing, market economies in the world.

“This is an exceedingly long short book, stretching at least fifty thousand years into the past and who knows how many into the future…” So begins this book, the basic premise of which is stunning in its elegant simplicity. The book contends that throughout all of human history there have really only been three distinct ways of looking at the future. In the Distant Past (Prehistory to the 17th century) there was no notion of a future measurably and materially different from the present or the past. In the period the book calls Yesterday (1700–1950), science, capitalism, and democracy gave humanity an unwavering faith in the superiority of the future. While Today, we feel a palpable anxiety that is quite apart from both the resignation of the Distant Past or the bright optimism of Yesterday.

There is a dearth of literature on management history as a key factor in modern economic society. This book aims to rectify that. It covers the period since the Second Industrial Revolution that started around 1870, when new organizational structures and managerial systems and skills became necessary. It focuses on manufacturing and larger-scale business, since these are the areas which have caused the greatest controversy about the weaknesses displayed by British industry in comparison to other countries such as the USA, Germany, and later Japan in the move to managerial capitalism. The book uses two main sets of explanatory factors. First, it uses a wide range of twenty-six ‘drivers’ or influences on the development of management, which are brought together in three categories (technological-cum-market; institutional/cultural; and business policy and practice). Second, it takes up four main themes that explain why Britain may have fallen behind: the persistence of personal and proprietorial capitalism; organizational structure and transaction costs; social attitudes towards industry; and the slow transition towards professionalism. The twelve chapters in the book are divided into five sections in which management is analysed according to different perspectives: a scene-setting and theoretical introduction; a focus on organizational development; a contextual focus concentrating on managers as a group; a focus on key managerial functions; and a concluding chapter which reflects on the recent changes in the themes.