Barbara C. Burrell
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293484
- eISBN:
- 9780191598944
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293488.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter reviews existing research about campaign finance and the funding of the campaigns of women candidates for public office. Burrell discusses the role of women's political action committees ...
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This chapter reviews existing research about campaign finance and the funding of the campaigns of women candidates for public office. Burrell discusses the role of women's political action committees (PACs), reviews the findings regarding campaign contributions to women candidates, and proposes an agenda for future research on money and women's candidacies for office.Less
This chapter reviews existing research about campaign finance and the funding of the campaigns of women candidates for public office. Burrell discusses the role of women's political action committees (PACs), reviews the findings regarding campaign contributions to women candidates, and proposes an agenda for future research on money and women's candidacies for office.
Julian E. Zelizer
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691150734
- eISBN:
- 9781400841899
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691150734.003.0011
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
This chapter examines how antecedent political events created a window of opportunity for campaign finance reformers during the period 1956–1974, including a series of scandals such as Watergate. In ...
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This chapter examines how antecedent political events created a window of opportunity for campaign finance reformers during the period 1956–1974, including a series of scandals such as Watergate. In the 1960s, campaign finance reform emerged from a reform coalition composed of legislators, experts, philanthropists, foundations, and public interest groups. The coalition succeeded in placing campaign finance reform on the national agenda even without widespread public interest or support. It left intact most of the underlying pressures on campaign finance. For example, they did not tackle the declining importance of political parties, leaving high-cost television as the principal medium of political communication. The chapter highlights the tensions that arose over campaign finance that reached a boiling point when President Richard Nixon began his second term in office.Less
This chapter examines how antecedent political events created a window of opportunity for campaign finance reformers during the period 1956–1974, including a series of scandals such as Watergate. In the 1960s, campaign finance reform emerged from a reform coalition composed of legislators, experts, philanthropists, foundations, and public interest groups. The coalition succeeded in placing campaign finance reform on the national agenda even without widespread public interest or support. It left intact most of the underlying pressures on campaign finance. For example, they did not tackle the declining importance of political parties, leaving high-cost television as the principal medium of political communication. The chapter highlights the tensions that arose over campaign finance that reached a boiling point when President Richard Nixon began his second term in office.
James A. Gardner
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195392616
- eISBN:
- 9780199855438
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195392616.003.0002
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
Although the American constitutional regime pays emphatic lip service to the ideal of reasoned persuasion in elections, its actual institutional arrangements in fact presuppose just the ...
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Although the American constitutional regime pays emphatic lip service to the ideal of reasoned persuasion in elections, its actual institutional arrangements in fact presuppose just the opposite—election campaigns that are thin rather than thick, aggregative rather than persuasive. In social science terminology, American constitutional law rests on the presupposition that public opinion is exogenous to political campaigns rather than endogenous to them. As a result, the legal structure of American politics is weighted heavily toward the premise that the central purpose of an election campaign is not to provide a forum in which citizens can reflect upon and arrive at sound political opinions, but rather is simply to tabulate as accurately as possible the opinions that citizens already hold at the inception of the campaign. This proposition is developed through examination of the constitutional rules governing ballot access, campaign finance, and party association.Less
Although the American constitutional regime pays emphatic lip service to the ideal of reasoned persuasion in elections, its actual institutional arrangements in fact presuppose just the opposite—election campaigns that are thin rather than thick, aggregative rather than persuasive. In social science terminology, American constitutional law rests on the presupposition that public opinion is exogenous to political campaigns rather than endogenous to them. As a result, the legal structure of American politics is weighted heavily toward the premise that the central purpose of an election campaign is not to provide a forum in which citizens can reflect upon and arrive at sound political opinions, but rather is simply to tabulate as accurately as possible the opinions that citizens already hold at the inception of the campaign. This proposition is developed through examination of the constitutional rules governing ballot access, campaign finance, and party association.
RICHARD W. PAINTER
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195378719
- eISBN:
- 9780199869619
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195378719.003.0011
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
This chapter discusses the influence of campaign finance over politics. Topics covered include impact of campaign finance on government ethics, the insufficiency and excessiveness of disclosure ...
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This chapter discusses the influence of campaign finance over politics. Topics covered include impact of campaign finance on government ethics, the insufficiency and excessiveness of disclosure requirements, overcoming obstacles to effective campaign finance reform, and public funding of election campaigns.Less
This chapter discusses the influence of campaign finance over politics. Topics covered include impact of campaign finance on government ethics, the insufficiency and excessiveness of disclosure requirements, overcoming obstacles to effective campaign finance reform, and public funding of election campaigns.
Shaun Bowler and Todd Donovan
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199695409
- eISBN:
- 9780191751486
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199695409.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Chapter 5 provides additional tests of the effects of election reform by assessing the consequences of campaign finance rules. Money in politics attracts a series of complaints—and raises a series of ...
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Chapter 5 provides additional tests of the effects of election reform by assessing the consequences of campaign finance rules. Money in politics attracts a series of complaints—and raises a series of concerns about untoward and unwarranted influence of money in politics. The UK and US have seen the adoption of a series of finance reforms over the past ten to twenty years aimed at alleviating these concerns, and introducing transparency into the system in an attempt to restore public confidence in electoral politics. But the evidence from both the UK and the US shows that these reforms have simply not had the effect of reducing these concerns among voters. Voters seem to be just as cynical about the role of money politics after these reforms as before.Less
Chapter 5 provides additional tests of the effects of election reform by assessing the consequences of campaign finance rules. Money in politics attracts a series of complaints—and raises a series of concerns about untoward and unwarranted influence of money in politics. The UK and US have seen the adoption of a series of finance reforms over the past ten to twenty years aimed at alleviating these concerns, and introducing transparency into the system in an attempt to restore public confidence in electoral politics. But the evidence from both the UK and the US shows that these reforms have simply not had the effect of reducing these concerns among voters. Voters seem to be just as cynical about the role of money politics after these reforms as before.
Shaun Bowler and Todd Donovan
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199695409
- eISBN:
- 9780191751486
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199695409.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Institutions to electoral reform advocates and political scientists#x2014;both argue that variation in electoral institutions affectshow elected officials and citizens behave. Change the rules, and ...
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Institutions to electoral reform advocates and political scientists#x2014;both argue that variation in electoral institutions affectshow elected officials and citizens behave. Change the rules, and citizen engagement with politics can be renewed. Yeta look at the record of electoral reformreveals a string of disappointments. This book examines a variety of reforms, including campaign finance,direct democracy, legislativeterm limits, and changes to the electoral system itself. This study findselectoral reforms have limited, and in many cases no,effects. Despite reform claims, and contrary to the 2018;institutions matter literature, findings heresuggestthere are hard limits to effects of electoral reform. The explanations for this are threefold. The first is political. Reformers exaggerate claimsabout transformative effects of new electoral rules, yet their goal may simply be to maximize their partisan advantage.The second is empirical. Cross-sectional comparative research demonstratesthat variation in electoral institutions corresponds with different patterns of political attitudes and behaviour. But this method cannot assess what happens when rules are changed. Using examples from the US, UK, New Zealand, Australia, and elsewhere, this book examinesattitudes and behaviouracross time where rules were changed. Results do not match expectations from the institutional literature. The third is a point of logic. There is an inflated sense of the effects of institutions generally, and of electoral institutions in particular. Given larger social and economic forces at play, it is unrealistic to expect that changes in electoral arrangements will have substantial effects on political engagement or onhow people viewpolitics and politicians.Less
Institutions to electoral reform advocates and political scientists#x2014;both argue that variation in electoral institutions affectshow elected officials and citizens behave. Change the rules, and citizen engagement with politics can be renewed. Yeta look at the record of electoral reformreveals a string of disappointments. This book examines a variety of reforms, including campaign finance,direct democracy, legislativeterm limits, and changes to the electoral system itself. This study findselectoral reforms have limited, and in many cases no,effects. Despite reform claims, and contrary to the 2018;institutions matter literature, findings heresuggestthere are hard limits to effects of electoral reform. The explanations for this are threefold. The first is political. Reformers exaggerate claimsabout transformative effects of new electoral rules, yet their goal may simply be to maximize their partisan advantage.The second is empirical. Cross-sectional comparative research demonstratesthat variation in electoral institutions corresponds with different patterns of political attitudes and behaviour. But this method cannot assess what happens when rules are changed. Using examples from the US, UK, New Zealand, Australia, and elsewhere, this book examinesattitudes and behaviouracross time where rules were changed. Results do not match expectations from the institutional literature. The third is a point of logic. There is an inflated sense of the effects of institutions generally, and of electoral institutions in particular. Given larger social and economic forces at play, it is unrealistic to expect that changes in electoral arrangements will have substantial effects on political engagement or onhow people viewpolitics and politicians.
William J. Talbott
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195173482
- eISBN:
- 9780199872176
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195173482.003.0010
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This chapter contrasts his consequentialist account of democratic rights with prominent nonconsequentialist accounts, including those of Rawls, Habermas, Barry, and Waldron. He explains why majority ...
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This chapter contrasts his consequentialist account of democratic rights with prominent nonconsequentialist accounts, including those of Rawls, Habermas, Barry, and Waldron. He explains why majority rule itself requires a consequentialist rationale. To illustrate that the rationale for democratic rights is consequentialist, the chapter proposes an alternative to democratic rights, election by deliberative poll, that would be an improvement under the main principle, were it not for the potential for abuse. Democratic rights are a solution to a CAP. To be endorsed by the main principle, democratic rights must equitably promote the life prospects of all compliers and nonresponsible noncompliers. The chapter argues that group rights or cultural rights are not fundamental rights, but rather rights that are instrumental to protecting the individual rights of members of minorities against majorities. The chapter shows that the main principle can explain why human rights, including democratic rights, should be inalienable. This is a puzzle on many nonconsequentialist views. The chapter describes one kind of problem that no form of government, not even democracy, is very good at solving, the time lag problem. Finally, the chapter discusses the inappropriateness of the U.S. Supreme Court’s overturning campaign finance reform laws on free speech grounds.Less
This chapter contrasts his consequentialist account of democratic rights with prominent nonconsequentialist accounts, including those of Rawls, Habermas, Barry, and Waldron. He explains why majority rule itself requires a consequentialist rationale. To illustrate that the rationale for democratic rights is consequentialist, the chapter proposes an alternative to democratic rights, election by deliberative poll, that would be an improvement under the main principle, were it not for the potential for abuse. Democratic rights are a solution to a CAP. To be endorsed by the main principle, democratic rights must equitably promote the life prospects of all compliers and nonresponsible noncompliers. The chapter argues that group rights or cultural rights are not fundamental rights, but rather rights that are instrumental to protecting the individual rights of members of minorities against majorities. The chapter shows that the main principle can explain why human rights, including democratic rights, should be inalienable. This is a puzzle on many nonconsequentialist views. The chapter describes one kind of problem that no form of government, not even democracy, is very good at solving, the time lag problem. Finally, the chapter discusses the inappropriateness of the U.S. Supreme Court’s overturning campaign finance reform laws on free speech grounds.
Julian E. Zelizer
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691150734
- eISBN:
- 9781400841899
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691150734.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
In recent years, the study of American political history has experienced a remarkable renaissance. After decades during which the subject fell out of fashion and disappeared from public view, it has ...
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In recent years, the study of American political history has experienced a remarkable renaissance. After decades during which the subject fell out of fashion and disappeared from public view, it has returned to prominence as the study of American history has shifted its focus back to politics broadly defined. This book assesses its revival and demonstrates how this work not only illuminates the past but also helps us better understand American politics today. It considers the history of public policy and American conservatism as well as the politics of Medicare, campaign finance, troop withdrawal, and national security, among others. It also explores the interrelationships between democracy, taxation, and state-building, along with scandals in American politics.Less
In recent years, the study of American political history has experienced a remarkable renaissance. After decades during which the subject fell out of fashion and disappeared from public view, it has returned to prominence as the study of American history has shifted its focus back to politics broadly defined. This book assesses its revival and demonstrates how this work not only illuminates the past but also helps us better understand American politics today. It considers the history of public policy and American conservatism as well as the politics of Medicare, campaign finance, troop withdrawal, and national security, among others. It also explores the interrelationships between democracy, taxation, and state-building, along with scandals in American politics.
William McKay and Charles W. Johnson
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199273621
- eISBN:
- 9780191594281
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199273621.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics, UK Politics
The size of the Commons varies according to population growth modified by the aim of equalizing the size of constituencies. Adjustments are proposed by the impartial Boundaries Commissions. Even ...
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The size of the Commons varies according to population growth modified by the aim of equalizing the size of constituencies. Adjustments are proposed by the impartial Boundaries Commissions. Even after the departure of most hereditaries, the Lords remains a large House. Parliaments last roughly four years. The Electoral Commission registers and monitors donations to political parties and election expenses. Members' salaries are no longer under Commons control but allowances remain a difficulty. Decennial and a recent mid‐decade reapportionment of a fixed number of House seats based on State laws drawing partisan boundaries, coupled with non‐inclusive primary voter participation and the increased costs of election and constant fund‐raising by incumbents impacts on the quality of Members, their willingness to work collegially, and on their legislative productivity.Less
The size of the Commons varies according to population growth modified by the aim of equalizing the size of constituencies. Adjustments are proposed by the impartial Boundaries Commissions. Even after the departure of most hereditaries, the Lords remains a large House. Parliaments last roughly four years. The Electoral Commission registers and monitors donations to political parties and election expenses. Members' salaries are no longer under Commons control but allowances remain a difficulty. Decennial and a recent mid‐decade reapportionment of a fixed number of House seats based on State laws drawing partisan boundaries, coupled with non‐inclusive primary voter participation and the increased costs of election and constant fund‐raising by incumbents impacts on the quality of Members, their willingness to work collegially, and on their legislative productivity.
Sean Dinces
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780226583211
- eISBN:
- 9780226583358
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226583358.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
Chapter 6 exposes as inaccurate the perception popular among journalists and academics that financing for the United Center consisted mostly of private funds. In fact, Reinsdorf and his partners ...
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Chapter 6 exposes as inaccurate the perception popular among journalists and academics that financing for the United Center consisted mostly of private funds. In fact, Reinsdorf and his partners benefited from tens of millions of dollars in property and amusement tax breaks that offset the bulk of their initial investment in constructing the facility. The tax breaks were representative of a shift to more opaque forms of public funding for stadiums during the 1990s--forms that offered no concrete returns (e.g. profit share) to the public, which were relatively common in the immediate postwar period. The breaks were also emblematic of the broader expansion of corporate welfare in the U.S. since the 1970s in response to a dramatic expansion in corporate campaign contributions (Reinsdorf and his partners were very proactive campaign donors). In Chicago, specifically, the tax abatements also encapsulated efforts by local capitalists to undermine municipal politicians' attempts to cling to a relatively progressive property tax system in order to maintain funding for public goods like neighborhood schools. As these corporate efforts succeeded with more and more frequency during the 1980s and 1990s, municipal officials compensated by passing a wide array of new, regressive sales taxes and user fees.Less
Chapter 6 exposes as inaccurate the perception popular among journalists and academics that financing for the United Center consisted mostly of private funds. In fact, Reinsdorf and his partners benefited from tens of millions of dollars in property and amusement tax breaks that offset the bulk of their initial investment in constructing the facility. The tax breaks were representative of a shift to more opaque forms of public funding for stadiums during the 1990s--forms that offered no concrete returns (e.g. profit share) to the public, which were relatively common in the immediate postwar period. The breaks were also emblematic of the broader expansion of corporate welfare in the U.S. since the 1970s in response to a dramatic expansion in corporate campaign contributions (Reinsdorf and his partners were very proactive campaign donors). In Chicago, specifically, the tax abatements also encapsulated efforts by local capitalists to undermine municipal politicians' attempts to cling to a relatively progressive property tax system in order to maintain funding for public goods like neighborhood schools. As these corporate efforts succeeded with more and more frequency during the 1980s and 1990s, municipal officials compensated by passing a wide array of new, regressive sales taxes and user fees.
Thomas E. Mann (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- October 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780300108569
- eISBN:
- 9780300133189
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300108569.003.0015
- Subject:
- History, Social History
This chapter argues that the American electoral system is broken and in need of fixing even after the implementation of congressionally mandated reforms following the 2000 presidential election. In ...
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This chapter argues that the American electoral system is broken and in need of fixing even after the implementation of congressionally mandated reforms following the 2000 presidential election. In 2004, the problem arose from unsolved questions about touch-screen voting machines and provisional ballots. In addition, the McCain-Feingold legislation has failed to address the campaign for finance reform. The chapter first provides an overview of how American politics became highly polarized before turning to the problems of campaign finance. It then discusses the electoral college and the process of gerrymandering and how the political polarization of Congress has intensified due to the highly politicized redistricting efforts by both Democrats and Republicans. The chapter proposes a reform agenda designed to make the United States's electoral system truly work.Less
This chapter argues that the American electoral system is broken and in need of fixing even after the implementation of congressionally mandated reforms following the 2000 presidential election. In 2004, the problem arose from unsolved questions about touch-screen voting machines and provisional ballots. In addition, the McCain-Feingold legislation has failed to address the campaign for finance reform. The chapter first provides an overview of how American politics became highly polarized before turning to the problems of campaign finance. It then discusses the electoral college and the process of gerrymandering and how the political polarization of Congress has intensified due to the highly politicized redistricting efforts by both Democrats and Republicans. The chapter proposes a reform agenda designed to make the United States's electoral system truly work.
A. James Reichley
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199764013
- eISBN:
- 9780199897186
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199764013.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
After the 2008 election Republicans were sunk in remorse and fear that their party had “lost its way” and might be relegated to minority status for years to come, while liberal commentators and ...
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After the 2008 election Republicans were sunk in remorse and fear that their party had “lost its way” and might be relegated to minority status for years to come, while liberal commentators and politicians hailed a historic realignment ushering in a new center-left majority. In less than a year, however, much of the public had turned against the Democratic administration and Congress on major national issues, and polls found conservatives increasing their lead over liberals within the electorate to two-to-one. But only twenty percent of voters identified themselves as Republicans. Some Republican strategists argue that the party should be more consistently conservative to provide a clear alternative to Democratic liberalism. Others maintain that it should offer a more positive program and image to attract independent voters. The truth is that it probably needs to do both.Less
After the 2008 election Republicans were sunk in remorse and fear that their party had “lost its way” and might be relegated to minority status for years to come, while liberal commentators and politicians hailed a historic realignment ushering in a new center-left majority. In less than a year, however, much of the public had turned against the Democratic administration and Congress on major national issues, and polls found conservatives increasing their lead over liberals within the electorate to two-to-one. But only twenty percent of voters identified themselves as Republicans. Some Republican strategists argue that the party should be more consistently conservative to provide a clear alternative to Democratic liberalism. Others maintain that it should offer a more positive program and image to attract independent voters. The truth is that it probably needs to do both.
Richard Briffault
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- June 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780190603601
- eISBN:
- 9780190603632
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190603601.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, International Relations and Politics
The United States is an example of how three branches of government can stall and derail reform initiatives. The judiciary in particular is central to the US experience with political finance reform, ...
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The United States is an example of how three branches of government can stall and derail reform initiatives. The judiciary in particular is central to the US experience with political finance reform, repeatedly striking down legislation on party finance, despite consensus from executive and legislative branches. The most recent Supreme Court ruling, in April 2014, struck down one of the last remaining federal regulations, on the overall campaign contribution limits for individuals. At a subnational level, the United States does, however, see significant variations in terms of regulations on the flow of money into politics at a state level. In the last few years at least, the United States provides an example of the deregulation of political finance—a phenomenon that not only bucks the trend globally, but has contentious implications for the costs of democracy and the equality of the political playing field.Less
The United States is an example of how three branches of government can stall and derail reform initiatives. The judiciary in particular is central to the US experience with political finance reform, repeatedly striking down legislation on party finance, despite consensus from executive and legislative branches. The most recent Supreme Court ruling, in April 2014, struck down one of the last remaining federal regulations, on the overall campaign contribution limits for individuals. At a subnational level, the United States does, however, see significant variations in terms of regulations on the flow of money into politics at a state level. In the last few years at least, the United States provides an example of the deregulation of political finance—a phenomenon that not only bucks the trend globally, but has contentious implications for the costs of democracy and the equality of the political playing field.
Pippa Norris and Andrea Abel van Es
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- June 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780190603601
- eISBN:
- 9780190603632
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190603601.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, International Relations and Politics
The final issue tackled by this book remains the toughest to answer satisfactorily: does regulation “work”? To assess whether or not regulation is effective, section 12.1 describes a cyclical model ...
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The final issue tackled by this book remains the toughest to answer satisfactorily: does regulation “work”? To assess whether or not regulation is effective, section 12.1 describes a cyclical model that helps to identify the sequential steps in the agenda-setting, policymaking, and implementation process. In the latter, it helps to distinguish short-term policy outputs, medium-term proximate outcomes, and more long-term societal impacts. Section 12.2 sets out the internationally accepted normative standards and benchmarks that can be used to evaluate policies regulating political finance. Section 12.3 examines systematic cross-national evidence to see whether the degree or types of regulations are associated with several positive policy outcomes. Section 12.4 analyzes broader impacts on the ultimate goals of strengthening party competition, integrity, and participation. Finally, section 12.5 considers the lessons learned and the implications for the future agenda for the research community and for public policy reforms.Less
The final issue tackled by this book remains the toughest to answer satisfactorily: does regulation “work”? To assess whether or not regulation is effective, section 12.1 describes a cyclical model that helps to identify the sequential steps in the agenda-setting, policymaking, and implementation process. In the latter, it helps to distinguish short-term policy outputs, medium-term proximate outcomes, and more long-term societal impacts. Section 12.2 sets out the internationally accepted normative standards and benchmarks that can be used to evaluate policies regulating political finance. Section 12.3 examines systematic cross-national evidence to see whether the degree or types of regulations are associated with several positive policy outcomes. Section 12.4 analyzes broader impacts on the ultimate goals of strengthening party competition, integrity, and participation. Finally, section 12.5 considers the lessons learned and the implications for the future agenda for the research community and for public policy reforms.
Paula Baker
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252036606
- eISBN:
- 9780252093654
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252036606.003.0010
- Subject:
- Sociology, Politics, Social Movements and Social Change
This chapter takes a critical look at the internet fundraising techniques the Obama campaign perfected and argues that such techniques, combined with federal campaign contribution reporting ...
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This chapter takes a critical look at the internet fundraising techniques the Obama campaign perfected and argues that such techniques, combined with federal campaign contribution reporting requirements, pose an important challenge to political values that Americans have long embraced. Not only do the stunning amounts raised render obsolete the nation's four-decades-old system of public campaign financing; the fact that much of this money was raised from a large number of small donors, and that these donors can be readily identified in online campaign finance reports, challenges one of the most important innovations in the electoral process of the late nineteenth century, the secret ballot.Less
This chapter takes a critical look at the internet fundraising techniques the Obama campaign perfected and argues that such techniques, combined with federal campaign contribution reporting requirements, pose an important challenge to political values that Americans have long embraced. Not only do the stunning amounts raised render obsolete the nation's four-decades-old system of public campaign financing; the fact that much of this money was raised from a large number of small donors, and that these donors can be readily identified in online campaign finance reports, challenges one of the most important innovations in the electoral process of the late nineteenth century, the secret ballot.
Joel M. Gora
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780199859344
- eISBN:
- 9780190620929
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199859344.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
No case concerning corporations has attracted more attention or prompted more debate than Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission. While controversial, Citizens United may not be evidence of a ...
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No case concerning corporations has attracted more attention or prompted more debate than Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission. While controversial, Citizens United may not be evidence of a “probusiness” bias on the Court. Rather, this chapter in Business and the Roberts Court suggests that Citizens United embodied and applied classic First Amendment principles and is but one part of a larger pattern of deregulatory decisions in the campaign finance context. Citizens United was a landmark decision for free speech and political freedom in our democracy, and any benefit to business was incidental.Less
No case concerning corporations has attracted more attention or prompted more debate than Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission. While controversial, Citizens United may not be evidence of a “probusiness” bias on the Court. Rather, this chapter in Business and the Roberts Court suggests that Citizens United embodied and applied classic First Amendment principles and is but one part of a larger pattern of deregulatory decisions in the campaign finance context. Citizens United was a landmark decision for free speech and political freedom in our democracy, and any benefit to business was incidental.
Justin Fisher
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- June 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780190603601
- eISBN:
- 9780190603632
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190603601.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, International Relations and Politics
Chapter 3 examines the case of Britain. In contrast to the United States and its move toward increased deregulation, Britain has moved quite rapidly toward extensive state intervention into its ...
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Chapter 3 examines the case of Britain. In contrast to the United States and its move toward increased deregulation, Britain has moved quite rapidly toward extensive state intervention into its system of political finance. This chapter details how political finance regulation was on and off the political agenda over the course of many years, eventually resulting in the Political Parties, Elections and Referendums Act of 2000, reforms brought about in large part as a response to the Ecclestone affair. The extent of state intervention falls short, however of public funding, with spending limits the main form of control over the flow of money in politics. The British case shows that regulation alone will not increase public confidence or public trust in the political system.Less
Chapter 3 examines the case of Britain. In contrast to the United States and its move toward increased deregulation, Britain has moved quite rapidly toward extensive state intervention into its system of political finance. This chapter details how political finance regulation was on and off the political agenda over the course of many years, eventually resulting in the Political Parties, Elections and Referendums Act of 2000, reforms brought about in large part as a response to the Ecclestone affair. The extent of state intervention falls short, however of public funding, with spending limits the main form of control over the flow of money in politics. The British case shows that regulation alone will not increase public confidence or public trust in the political system.
Jennifer Bussell
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- March 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780199487271
- eISBN:
- 9780199093144
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780199487271.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Indian Politics
Those who affect the outcomes of elections—via financial or means—often have greater access to elected officials. Yet, we frequently have little information about the dynamics of elections, let alone ...
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Those who affect the outcomes of elections—via financial or means—often have greater access to elected officials. Yet, we frequently have little information about the dynamics of elections, let alone the relationship between campaigns and subsequent sway over officials. I draw on surveys of politicians to illuminate three key aspects of campaign dynamics in India: differences in campaign costs across levels of government; variations in funding sources across levels; and the role of various actors in providing other forms of campaign assistance. I find, first, that financial support from political parties is relevant only at high levels of elected office, whereas personal resources dominate at lower levels. Second, a substantial portion of all respondents highlights the role of illicit funds in campaigns. Finally, sources of non-financial assistance—for example, for voter mobilization—differ across levels of government.Less
Those who affect the outcomes of elections—via financial or means—often have greater access to elected officials. Yet, we frequently have little information about the dynamics of elections, let alone the relationship between campaigns and subsequent sway over officials. I draw on surveys of politicians to illuminate three key aspects of campaign dynamics in India: differences in campaign costs across levels of government; variations in funding sources across levels; and the role of various actors in providing other forms of campaign assistance. I find, first, that financial support from political parties is relevant only at high levels of elected office, whereas personal resources dominate at lower levels. Second, a substantial portion of all respondents highlights the role of illicit funds in campaigns. Finally, sources of non-financial assistance—for example, for voter mobilization—differ across levels of government.
Matthew Carlson
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- June 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780190603601
- eISBN:
- 9780190603632
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190603601.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, International Relations and Politics
Chapter 6 discusses Japan, characterized by the dominance of the Liberal Democratic Party since the end of the Second World War and a cycle of campaign finance scandals, but to the outside world a ...
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Chapter 6 discusses Japan, characterized by the dominance of the Liberal Democratic Party since the end of the Second World War and a cycle of campaign finance scandals, but to the outside world a country known for its propriety and politeness. Its one major reform to the political finance system, occurring in 1994, introduced disclosure rules that require political groups to reveal the sources and uses of political funds, as well as financial caps on how much funds donors are allowed to donate each year and spending limits for candidates during the official campaign period, a brief close to two-week period that precedes each election. The reforms also saw public subsidies being given directly to political parties and used indirectly on the management of elections in general. The new system has considerably restructured aspects of Japanese politics, including changes to fundraising, the nature of political corruption, and party alternation in power.Less
Chapter 6 discusses Japan, characterized by the dominance of the Liberal Democratic Party since the end of the Second World War and a cycle of campaign finance scandals, but to the outside world a country known for its propriety and politeness. Its one major reform to the political finance system, occurring in 1994, introduced disclosure rules that require political groups to reveal the sources and uses of political funds, as well as financial caps on how much funds donors are allowed to donate each year and spending limits for candidates during the official campaign period, a brief close to two-week period that precedes each election. The reforms also saw public subsidies being given directly to political parties and used indirectly on the management of elections in general. The new system has considerably restructured aspects of Japanese politics, including changes to fundraising, the nature of political corruption, and party alternation in power.
Michael G. Miller
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801452277
- eISBN:
- 9780801469527
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801452277.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This introductory chapter presents the campaign finance environment as one facet that ails the complex political machinery that is American democracy. This, of course, is hardly the only corrupting ...
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This introductory chapter presents the campaign finance environment as one facet that ails the complex political machinery that is American democracy. This, of course, is hardly the only corrupting force in American politics today, though the chapter gives particular focus on election funding in order to foreground the discussion animating this book. Thus this chapter argues that, in American politics the majority of legislators at both the state and federal level can bank on keeping their jobs for as long as they want, due in large part to their inherent advantages in name recognition and funding. These circumstances can curtail electoral competition as other challengers find themselves at a financial disadvantage.Less
This introductory chapter presents the campaign finance environment as one facet that ails the complex political machinery that is American democracy. This, of course, is hardly the only corrupting force in American politics today, though the chapter gives particular focus on election funding in order to foreground the discussion animating this book. Thus this chapter argues that, in American politics the majority of legislators at both the state and federal level can bank on keeping their jobs for as long as they want, due in large part to their inherent advantages in name recognition and funding. These circumstances can curtail electoral competition as other challengers find themselves at a financial disadvantage.
