Andreas Herberg-Rothe
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199202690
- eISBN:
- 9780191707834
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199202690.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This book argues that Clausewitz developed a wide-ranging political theory of war by reflecting not only on the success, but also on the limitations and the failure of Napoleon's method of waging ...
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This book argues that Clausewitz developed a wide-ranging political theory of war by reflecting not only on the success, but also on the limitations and the failure of Napoleon's method of waging war. Successes, failures, and defeats of Napoleon forced Clausewitz to reflect on questions that went beyond purely military matters and led him to develop a political theory of war. Analyses of three paradigmatic campaigns — which are symbolized by Jena, Moscow, and Waterloo — are placed at the center of understanding surrounding Clausewitz's On War and it's inherent problems, like the relation of absolute and real war, theory and practice, the primacy of politics, the enigma of the first chapter, and the dialectics of attack and defense. Clausewitz's analysis of these war campaigns are the cornerstones of On War and redounded to the ‘wondrous trinity’, which is the basis for a general theory of war and which is quite different from the so-called trinitarian war.Less
This book argues that Clausewitz developed a wide-ranging political theory of war by reflecting not only on the success, but also on the limitations and the failure of Napoleon's method of waging war. Successes, failures, and defeats of Napoleon forced Clausewitz to reflect on questions that went beyond purely military matters and led him to develop a political theory of war. Analyses of three paradigmatic campaigns — which are symbolized by Jena, Moscow, and Waterloo — are placed at the center of understanding surrounding Clausewitz's On War and it's inherent problems, like the relation of absolute and real war, theory and practice, the primacy of politics, the enigma of the first chapter, and the dialectics of attack and defense. Clausewitz's analysis of these war campaigns are the cornerstones of On War and redounded to the ‘wondrous trinity’, which is the basis for a general theory of war and which is quite different from the so-called trinitarian war.
Paul Whiteley, Patrick Seyd, and Antony Billinghurst
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199242825
- eISBN:
- 9780191604140
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242828.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter examines the role of the Liberal Democrat Party members in influencing voting behaviour in the 1997 general elections. Debates in literature about the importance of campaigns in ...
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This chapter examines the role of the Liberal Democrat Party members in influencing voting behaviour in the 1997 general elections. Debates in literature about the importance of campaigns in elections are reviewed. To evaluate the impact of Liberal Democrat campaign activity on the election, it is important to take into account the campaign activities of its main rivals, Labour and the Conservatives. This is done using data from a survey of Labour party members conducted in 1997, together with local campaign spending data for all three parties. The results suggest that local campaigning plays a very important role in influencing the Liberal Democrat vote.Less
This chapter examines the role of the Liberal Democrat Party members in influencing voting behaviour in the 1997 general elections. Debates in literature about the importance of campaigns in elections are reviewed. To evaluate the impact of Liberal Democrat campaign activity on the election, it is important to take into account the campaign activities of its main rivals, Labour and the Conservatives. This is done using data from a survey of Labour party members conducted in 1997, together with local campaign spending data for all three parties. The results suggest that local campaigning plays a very important role in influencing the Liberal Democrat vote.
John Andreas Olsen and Martin van Creveld
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- January 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199599486
- eISBN:
- 9780191595806
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199599486.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics, Political Theory
The evolution of operational art has seemingly reached a critical point following almost two decades of strategic bewilderment caused by the end of the Cold War, exasperating peace operations, and ...
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The evolution of operational art has seemingly reached a critical point following almost two decades of strategic bewilderment caused by the end of the Cold War, exasperating peace operations, and 9/11. But regardless of the form that future conflicts may take, officers will find themselves tasked with translating short-term operations into a larger operational design that links their near-term actions to the strategic aim of the campaign. Undoubtedly, interpretations and applications of operational art will differ widely in accordance with each commander's mission, personality, and priorities. Yet there is a common thread: from a problem-solving perspective, operational art will make it possible to take an unstructured problem and give it sufficient structure to ensure that further planning can lead to useful action. Understanding operational art improves the fundamental understanding of military operations per se, and therefore underlies all military successes. Consequently, whatever else officers may study and master — organization, leadership, intelligence, technology, logistics — they must have operational art at their fingertips.Less
The evolution of operational art has seemingly reached a critical point following almost two decades of strategic bewilderment caused by the end of the Cold War, exasperating peace operations, and 9/11. But regardless of the form that future conflicts may take, officers will find themselves tasked with translating short-term operations into a larger operational design that links their near-term actions to the strategic aim of the campaign. Undoubtedly, interpretations and applications of operational art will differ widely in accordance with each commander's mission, personality, and priorities. Yet there is a common thread: from a problem-solving perspective, operational art will make it possible to take an unstructured problem and give it sufficient structure to ensure that further planning can lead to useful action. Understanding operational art improves the fundamental understanding of military operations per se, and therefore underlies all military successes. Consequently, whatever else officers may study and master — organization, leadership, intelligence, technology, logistics — they must have operational art at their fingertips.
Matt James
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199289172
- eISBN:
- 9780191711084
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199289172.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
Critics who believe that ‘the politics of recognition’ drives out ‘the politics of recognition’ often cite movements for redress of group-specific historic injustices as one of their main examples. ...
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Critics who believe that ‘the politics of recognition’ drives out ‘the politics of recognition’ often cite movements for redress of group-specific historic injustices as one of their main examples. These redress movements are said to rely on a ‘politics of grievance’ that nurtures distrust between groups, rather than building trust and solidarity across ethnic and racial lines. This chapter examines this objection in the specific case of Canada. It studies several movements that have sought reparations for historic injustices relating to Canada's past policy of forcing Aboriginal children to attend residential schools; the wartime internment's of Ukrainian and Japanese Canadians; the ‘head tax’ formerly imposed on Chinese migrants to Canada; and the physical destruction of Halifax's Africville community. It is argued that while redress campaigns can indeed promote attitudes that render cross-ethnic cooperation for redistributive struggles more difficult, they also help create the conditions under which such coalitions are possible.Less
Critics who believe that ‘the politics of recognition’ drives out ‘the politics of recognition’ often cite movements for redress of group-specific historic injustices as one of their main examples. These redress movements are said to rely on a ‘politics of grievance’ that nurtures distrust between groups, rather than building trust and solidarity across ethnic and racial lines. This chapter examines this objection in the specific case of Canada. It studies several movements that have sought reparations for historic injustices relating to Canada's past policy of forcing Aboriginal children to attend residential schools; the wartime internment's of Ukrainian and Japanese Canadians; the ‘head tax’ formerly imposed on Chinese migrants to Canada; and the physical destruction of Halifax's Africville community. It is argued that while redress campaigns can indeed promote attitudes that render cross-ethnic cooperation for redistributive struggles more difficult, they also help create the conditions under which such coalitions are possible.
Andreas Herberg‐Rothe
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199202690
- eISBN:
- 9780191707834
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199202690.003.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
The prologue explains the fundamental contrasts between the early and the late Clausewitz by reflecting on his analyses of war campaigns. Unfortunately, the erroneous identification of Clausewitz's ...
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The prologue explains the fundamental contrasts between the early and the late Clausewitz by reflecting on his analyses of war campaigns. Unfortunately, the erroneous identification of Clausewitz's wondrous trinity with trinitarian war has been further strengthened by a wrong translation in the English edition of Paret and Howard. It is argued that one might win battles and campaigns against weak adversaries with concepts of Sun Tzu, Clausewitz's most important antagonist in past and present, but that it is difficult to win a war in modern times by following his principles. To the contrary, the book argues that Clausewitz is still important in the 21st century because he developed a theory, which concentrates on transforming military success in a true political settlement.Less
The prologue explains the fundamental contrasts between the early and the late Clausewitz by reflecting on his analyses of war campaigns. Unfortunately, the erroneous identification of Clausewitz's wondrous trinity with trinitarian war has been further strengthened by a wrong translation in the English edition of Paret and Howard. It is argued that one might win battles and campaigns against weak adversaries with concepts of Sun Tzu, Clausewitz's most important antagonist in past and present, but that it is difficult to win a war in modern times by following his principles. To the contrary, the book argues that Clausewitz is still important in the 21st century because he developed a theory, which concentrates on transforming military success in a true political settlement.
Larry M. Bartels
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- July 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195392135
- eISBN:
- 9780199852543
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195392135.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter reveals how increasing economic inequality among Americans engenders political inequality as well. Though every citizen should equally count in the area of politics and government in a ...
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This chapter reveals how increasing economic inequality among Americans engenders political inequality as well. Though every citizen should equally count in the area of politics and government in a democratic state, this chapter argues that affluent constituents are given more importance by public officials. Taken into account representation by US senators in the late 1980s and early 1990s, senators during this period were more responsive to the views of the elite while those with lower incomes were not considered in the policy making process. Though various reasons are presented on the reason for this disparity, the chapter reflects on the idea that affluent constituent's propensity to contribute to political campaigns are greater than less affluent ones.Less
This chapter reveals how increasing economic inequality among Americans engenders political inequality as well. Though every citizen should equally count in the area of politics and government in a democratic state, this chapter argues that affluent constituents are given more importance by public officials. Taken into account representation by US senators in the late 1980s and early 1990s, senators during this period were more responsive to the views of the elite while those with lower incomes were not considered in the policy making process. Though various reasons are presented on the reason for this disparity, the chapter reflects on the idea that affluent constituent's propensity to contribute to political campaigns are greater than less affluent ones.
Paul Whiteley, Patrick Seyd, and Antony Billinghurst
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199242825
- eISBN:
- 9780191604140
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199242828.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
This chapter begins by looking at long-term support in elections and in the polls for the Liberal Democrats, to see how it has evolved over the last half-century or so. This provides a context within ...
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This chapter begins by looking at long-term support in elections and in the polls for the Liberal Democrats, to see how it has evolved over the last half-century or so. This provides a context within which to judge the party’s future electoral prospects. The analysis of trends in Liberal Democrat voting intentions over a thirty-year period shows that the competitive situation between the Conservatives and Liberal Democrats is significantly greater than the competitive situation between Labour and the Liberal Democrats. It also shows that the party has to wait for its main rivals to make political mistakes and lose support before it can profit by winning over voters. This is described as the political equivalent of ‘waiting for Godot’, meaning that the Liberal Democrats are not the masters of their own electoral fate.Less
This chapter begins by looking at long-term support in elections and in the polls for the Liberal Democrats, to see how it has evolved over the last half-century or so. This provides a context within which to judge the party’s future electoral prospects. The analysis of trends in Liberal Democrat voting intentions over a thirty-year period shows that the competitive situation between the Conservatives and Liberal Democrats is significantly greater than the competitive situation between Labour and the Liberal Democrats. It also shows that the party has to wait for its main rivals to make political mistakes and lose support before it can profit by winning over voters. This is described as the political equivalent of ‘waiting for Godot’, meaning that the Liberal Democrats are not the masters of their own electoral fate.
James A. Gardner
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195392616
- eISBN:
- 9780199855438
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195392616.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
Election campaigns ought to be serious occasions in the life of a democratic polity—or so we profess to believe. Americans, however, are haunted by the fear that their election campaigns fall far ...
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Election campaigns ought to be serious occasions in the life of a democratic polity—or so we profess to believe. Americans, however, are haunted by the fear that their election campaigns fall far short of the ideal to which they aspire. The typical modern American election campaign seems crass, shallow, and unengaging. The arena of our democratic politics lies in an uncomfortable chasm between our political ideals and everyday reality. This book examines the role of legal institutions in constituting the disjunction between political ideal and reality. The book explores the contemporary American ideal of democratic citizenship in election campaigns by tracing it to its historical sources, documenting its thorough infiltration of legal norms, evaluating its feasibility in light of the findings of empirical social science, and testing it against the requirements of democratic theory. The book concludes that contemporary concerns about the poor quality of modern democracy are valid, but misdirected. Such concerns are misdirected because they rest on an unrealistic conception of what campaigns are capable of accomplishing, and because they misdiagnose the problems observable in campaigns as problems of campaigns. The real challenges to democratic self-governance lie not within the confined and artificial boundaries of the formal campaign itself, but in our everyday, non-electoral politics.Less
Election campaigns ought to be serious occasions in the life of a democratic polity—or so we profess to believe. Americans, however, are haunted by the fear that their election campaigns fall far short of the ideal to which they aspire. The typical modern American election campaign seems crass, shallow, and unengaging. The arena of our democratic politics lies in an uncomfortable chasm between our political ideals and everyday reality. This book examines the role of legal institutions in constituting the disjunction between political ideal and reality. The book explores the contemporary American ideal of democratic citizenship in election campaigns by tracing it to its historical sources, documenting its thorough infiltration of legal norms, evaluating its feasibility in light of the findings of empirical social science, and testing it against the requirements of democratic theory. The book concludes that contemporary concerns about the poor quality of modern democracy are valid, but misdirected. Such concerns are misdirected because they rest on an unrealistic conception of what campaigns are capable of accomplishing, and because they misdiagnose the problems observable in campaigns as problems of campaigns. The real challenges to democratic self-governance lie not within the confined and artificial boundaries of the formal campaign itself, but in our everyday, non-electoral politics.
Barbara C. Burrell
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293484
- eISBN:
- 9780191598944
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293488.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter reviews existing research about campaign finance and the funding of the campaigns of women candidates for public office. Burrell discusses the role of women's political action committees ...
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This chapter reviews existing research about campaign finance and the funding of the campaigns of women candidates for public office. Burrell discusses the role of women's political action committees (PACs), reviews the findings regarding campaign contributions to women candidates, and proposes an agenda for future research on money and women's candidacies for office.Less
This chapter reviews existing research about campaign finance and the funding of the campaigns of women candidates for public office. Burrell discusses the role of women's political action committees (PACs), reviews the findings regarding campaign contributions to women candidates, and proposes an agenda for future research on money and women's candidacies for office.
Stefaan Fiers and André Krouwel
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- April 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199252015
- eISBN:
- 9780191602375
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199252017.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Historically, both Belgium and the Netherlands are archetypes of ‘consociational democracies’. These are characterized by broad multi-party coalitions, numerous power-sharing devices, and fragile ...
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Historically, both Belgium and the Netherlands are archetypes of ‘consociational democracies’. These are characterized by broad multi-party coalitions, numerous power-sharing devices, and fragile checks and balances in order to ensure due influence for all relevant parties and minority groups. Hence, the overarching logic of these consensus democracies seems to represent an obstacle to a process of presidentialization.However, we argue that the need for strong leadership resulted in more prominent and powerful positions for the (parliamentary) party leaders and Prime Ministers. We present evidence of a process of presidentialization that gained momentum a decade earlier in the Netherlands (from the 1970s onwards) than it did in Belgium (from the 1980s).It is interesting to note that the increased autonomy of Prime Ministers is not due to constitutional amendments, but tends to be linked to the increased decision-making role for the inner cabinet, the professionalization of the Prime Minister’s Office, and the growing attention the audiovisual media give to the Prime Minister.Similarly, parliamentary party leaders in The Netherlands and extra-parliamentary party leaders in Belgium grew stronger through an accumulation of power and resources at the leader’s office, personalized campaigning and a centralization of control over inner party selection procedures, and party leadership selection.Less
Historically, both Belgium and the Netherlands are archetypes of ‘consociational democracies’. These are characterized by broad multi-party coalitions, numerous power-sharing devices, and fragile checks and balances in order to ensure due influence for all relevant parties and minority groups. Hence, the overarching logic of these consensus democracies seems to represent an obstacle to a process of presidentialization.
However, we argue that the need for strong leadership resulted in more prominent and powerful positions for the (parliamentary) party leaders and Prime Ministers. We present evidence of a process of presidentialization that gained momentum a decade earlier in the Netherlands (from the 1970s onwards) than it did in Belgium (from the 1980s).
It is interesting to note that the increased autonomy of Prime Ministers is not due to constitutional amendments, but tends to be linked to the increased decision-making role for the inner cabinet, the professionalization of the Prime Minister’s Office, and the growing attention the audiovisual media give to the Prime Minister.
Similarly, parliamentary party leaders in The Netherlands and extra-parliamentary party leaders in Belgium grew stronger through an accumulation of power and resources at the leader’s office, personalized campaigning and a centralization of control over inner party selection procedures, and party leadership selection.
James A. Gardner
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195392616
- eISBN:
- 9780199855438
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195392616.003.0007
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
Reform efforts aimed solely at elevating the democratic quality of campaigns are unlikely by themselves to have much success. At the same time, there is ample justification for attempting to gain ...
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Reform efforts aimed solely at elevating the democratic quality of campaigns are unlikely by themselves to have much success. At the same time, there is ample justification for attempting to gain greater control over the campaign environment for a different reason: to improve the accuracy with which elections record public opinion. In addition, the book's argument suggests that we might be well advised to shift priorities by worrying somewhat less than we do about problems of public opinion formation that appear during campaigns, and worrying somewhat more than we do about the problems and dynamics of public opinion formation in civil society.Less
Reform efforts aimed solely at elevating the democratic quality of campaigns are unlikely by themselves to have much success. At the same time, there is ample justification for attempting to gain greater control over the campaign environment for a different reason: to improve the accuracy with which elections record public opinion. In addition, the book's argument suggests that we might be well advised to shift priorities by worrying somewhat less than we do about problems of public opinion formation that appear during campaigns, and worrying somewhat more than we do about the problems and dynamics of public opinion formation in civil society.
Joan E. McLean
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198293484
- eISBN:
- 9780191598944
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198293488.003.0003
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
This chapter reviews existing research about the campaigns of women candidates for public office. McLean proposes an agenda for future research analysing the effects of gender on campaign strategy ...
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This chapter reviews existing research about the campaigns of women candidates for public office. McLean proposes an agenda for future research analysing the effects of gender on campaign strategy and suggests specific questions to be investigated in the areas of campaign decision‐making, staffing patterns, media strategy, campaign fund‐raising, and voter targeting.Less
This chapter reviews existing research about the campaigns of women candidates for public office. McLean proposes an agenda for future research analysing the effects of gender on campaign strategy and suggests specific questions to be investigated in the areas of campaign decision‐making, staffing patterns, media strategy, campaign fund‐raising, and voter targeting.
Stephen Spector
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780195368024
- eISBN:
- 9780199867646
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195368024.003.0010
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society, Judaism
This chapter challenges the idea that George W. Bush’s Middle East policy, from the beginning, represented an unprecedented tilt toward Israel. The Bush administration was not always skewed in that ...
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This chapter challenges the idea that George W. Bush’s Middle East policy, from the beginning, represented an unprecedented tilt toward Israel. The Bush administration was not always skewed in that way. To the contrary, from late summer 2001 until the spring of 2002, U.S. policy hardly gave Jerusalem the unwavering support for which it later became known. This period saw the height of the Al-Aqsa Intifada and Israel’s massive military response, Operation Defensive Shield. Christian Zionist leaders, alarmed by the Palestinian violence and acutely sensitive to the threat to the Israeli Jews, rose to Israel’s support. In rallies and email and telephone campaigns, they pressed the president to stop equivocating and side definitively with Jerusalem’s efforts to root out terrorism. That was Washington’s own policy toward Muslim radicals, they declared, so it would be hypocritical to ask Israel to do otherwise. Bush, they insisted, should allow Prime Minister Ariel Sharon to do that as he saw fit. Gary Bauer and other evangelicals later claimed that their pressure tactics worked: they induced Bush to change his position, giving Sharon free rein in dealing with the Palestinians. Media reports largely accepted that narrative.Less
This chapter challenges the idea that George W. Bush’s Middle East policy, from the beginning, represented an unprecedented tilt toward Israel. The Bush administration was not always skewed in that way. To the contrary, from late summer 2001 until the spring of 2002, U.S. policy hardly gave Jerusalem the unwavering support for which it later became known. This period saw the height of the Al-Aqsa Intifada and Israel’s massive military response, Operation Defensive Shield. Christian Zionist leaders, alarmed by the Palestinian violence and acutely sensitive to the threat to the Israeli Jews, rose to Israel’s support. In rallies and email and telephone campaigns, they pressed the president to stop equivocating and side definitively with Jerusalem’s efforts to root out terrorism. That was Washington’s own policy toward Muslim radicals, they declared, so it would be hypocritical to ask Israel to do otherwise. Bush, they insisted, should allow Prime Minister Ariel Sharon to do that as he saw fit. Gary Bauer and other evangelicals later claimed that their pressure tactics worked: they induced Bush to change his position, giving Sharon free rein in dealing with the Palestinians. Media reports largely accepted that narrative.
Terryl C. Givens
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195167115
- eISBN:
- 9780199785599
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195167115.003.0017
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Film has largely replaced theater as the dramatic medium for Mormon artists. Film was early employed in the anti-Mormon campaign, and Mormons learned early to use it for their own purposes. ...
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Film has largely replaced theater as the dramatic medium for Mormon artists. Film was early employed in the anti-Mormon campaign, and Mormons learned early to use it for their own purposes. Evangelistic (missionary films) and public relations varieties (Homefront series) have given way to a recent generation of talented filmmakers who are creating two kinds: one is an insider genre, while the other explores ways of informing popular film with a Mormon sensibility.Less
Film has largely replaced theater as the dramatic medium for Mormon artists. Film was early employed in the anti-Mormon campaign, and Mormons learned early to use it for their own purposes. Evangelistic (missionary films) and public relations varieties (Homefront series) have given way to a recent generation of talented filmmakers who are creating two kinds: one is an insider genre, while the other explores ways of informing popular film with a Mormon sensibility.
Harold D. Clarke, David Sanders, Marianne C. Stewart, and Paul Whiteley
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- November 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199244881
- eISBN:
- 9780191601521
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/019924488X.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, UK Politics
Political Choice in Britain uses data from the 1964 to 2001 British election studies (BES), 1992 to 2002 monthly Gallup polls, and numerous other national surveys conducted over the past ...
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Political Choice in Britain uses data from the 1964 to 2001 British election studies (BES), 1992 to 2002 monthly Gallup polls, and numerous other national surveys conducted over the past four decades to test the explanatory power of rival sociological and individual rationality models of electoral turnout and party choice. Analyses endorse a valence politics model that challenges the long-dominant social class model. British voters make their choices by evaluating the performance of parties and party leaders in economic and other important policy areas. Although these evaluations may be largely products of events that occur long before an election campaign officially begins, parties’ national and local campaign activities are also influential. Consistent with the valence politics model, partisan attachments display individual- and aggregate-level dynamics that reflect ongoing judgements about the managerial abilities of parties and their leaders. A general incentives model provides the best explanation of turnout. Calculations of the costs and influence-discounted benefits of voting and sense of civic duty are key variables in this model. Significantly, the decline in turnout in recent elections does not reflect more general negative trends in public attitudes about the political system. Voters judge the performance of British democracy in much the same way as they evaluate its parties and politicians. Support at all levels of the political system is a renewable resource, but one that must be renewed.Less
Political Choice in Britain uses data from the 1964 to 2001 British election studies (BES), 1992 to 2002 monthly Gallup polls, and numerous other national surveys conducted over the past four decades to test the explanatory power of rival sociological and individual rationality models of electoral turnout and party choice. Analyses endorse a valence politics model that challenges the long-dominant social class model. British voters make their choices by evaluating the performance of parties and party leaders in economic and other important policy areas. Although these evaluations may be largely products of events that occur long before an election campaign officially begins, parties’ national and local campaign activities are also influential. Consistent with the valence politics model, partisan attachments display individual- and aggregate-level dynamics that reflect ongoing judgements about the managerial abilities of parties and their leaders. A general incentives model provides the best explanation of turnout. Calculations of the costs and influence-discounted benefits of voting and sense of civic duty are key variables in this model. Significantly, the decline in turnout in recent elections does not reflect more general negative trends in public attitudes about the political system. Voters judge the performance of British democracy in much the same way as they evaluate its parties and politicians. Support at all levels of the political system is a renewable resource, but one that must be renewed.
Ali Gheissari and Vali Nasr
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780195189674
- eISBN:
- 9780199784134
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195189671.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter focuses on Iran's prospects for a democratic state. It is argued that the context for the democracy debate in Iran and the drive for democracy's realization have been strengthened by ...
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This chapter focuses on Iran's prospects for a democratic state. It is argued that the context for the democracy debate in Iran and the drive for democracy's realization have been strengthened by demographic changes; decentralization of authority in the form of increased importance of municipal and provincial constituencies; and the decade-long experience with civil society activism, voting, and mobilization of the population during electoral campaigns. However, Iranian politics has not as yet removed the main obstacles to democratization and state-building and the quest for social and individual freedoms have not converged in a linear process of political change. In the absence of a framework that would bind democracy to state-building, the goals of the latter have impeded the development of the former. The struggle between the two will shape state and society and will determine the pace and direction of Iran's progress toward the goal of a democratic state.Less
This chapter focuses on Iran's prospects for a democratic state. It is argued that the context for the democracy debate in Iran and the drive for democracy's realization have been strengthened by demographic changes; decentralization of authority in the form of increased importance of municipal and provincial constituencies; and the decade-long experience with civil society activism, voting, and mobilization of the population during electoral campaigns. However, Iranian politics has not as yet removed the main obstacles to democratization and state-building and the quest for social and individual freedoms have not converged in a linear process of political change. In the absence of a framework that would bind democracy to state-building, the goals of the latter have impeded the development of the former. The struggle between the two will shape state and society and will determine the pace and direction of Iran's progress toward the goal of a democratic state.
Susan E. Scarrow
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198279181
- eISBN:
- 9780191600166
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198279183.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Why would political parties continue to care about membership enrolment in an age of television campaigning and direct‐mail fund‐raising? To answer this question, this book traces organizing ...
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Why would political parties continue to care about membership enrolment in an age of television campaigning and direct‐mail fund‐raising? To answer this question, this book traces organizing strategies employed by British and German membership parties during the past half century. Using careful analysis of historical records and interviews with party officials, the author shows that party organizers have reacted to technological and social developments by modifying their ideas about how members can help parties achieve their goals.Less
Why would political parties continue to care about membership enrolment in an age of television campaigning and direct‐mail fund‐raising? To answer this question, this book traces organizing strategies employed by British and German membership parties during the past half century. Using careful analysis of historical records and interviews with party officials, the author shows that party organizers have reacted to technological and social developments by modifying their ideas about how members can help parties achieve their goals.
Margit Tavits
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199553327
- eISBN:
- 9780191721007
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199553327.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter considers the effect of the selection mechanisms for heads of state on the nature of elections. Using a variety of methodological approaches—case studies, paired comparisons, a natural ...
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This chapter considers the effect of the selection mechanisms for heads of state on the nature of elections. Using a variety of methodological approaches—case studies, paired comparisons, a natural experiment, and statistical analyses, this chapter shows that variation in the contentiousness of presidential elections is unrelated to the mode of election. This nonfinding can be explained by the fact that parties have an incentive to compete for the office in both situations. Specifically, this chapter argues that holding the presidential office is an electoral asset for parties: it boosts parties' vote shares in parliamentary elections—an effect that is present in the case of both directly and indirectly elected presidents. The effect of holding the presidency is substantial—presidential parties gain about 6 percentage points more votes than nonpresidential parties. This result in itself is novel and is likely to be of interest to anyone studying electoral politics. The findings in this chapter also indicate that the presence of a popular incumbent president is the most significant factor decreasing the level of contention and polarization in presidential campaigns.Less
This chapter considers the effect of the selection mechanisms for heads of state on the nature of elections. Using a variety of methodological approaches—case studies, paired comparisons, a natural experiment, and statistical analyses, this chapter shows that variation in the contentiousness of presidential elections is unrelated to the mode of election. This nonfinding can be explained by the fact that parties have an incentive to compete for the office in both situations. Specifically, this chapter argues that holding the presidential office is an electoral asset for parties: it boosts parties' vote shares in parliamentary elections—an effect that is present in the case of both directly and indirectly elected presidents. The effect of holding the presidency is substantial—presidential parties gain about 6 percentage points more votes than nonpresidential parties. This result in itself is novel and is likely to be of interest to anyone studying electoral politics. The findings in this chapter also indicate that the presence of a popular incumbent president is the most significant factor decreasing the level of contention and polarization in presidential campaigns.
Craig L. Symonds (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- March 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780823232864
- eISBN:
- 9780823240777
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Fordham University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5422/fso/9780823232864.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
Despite a wealth of books on the campaigns of the American Civil War, the subject of combined or joint operations has been largely neglected. This revealing book offers ten case studies of combined ...
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Despite a wealth of books on the campaigns of the American Civil War, the subject of combined or joint operations has been largely neglected. This revealing book offers ten case studies of combined army–navy operations by Union forces. Presented in chronological order, each chapter illuminates an aspect of combined operations during a time of changing technology and doctrine. The chapters cover the war along the rebel coast, including the operations in the North Carolina Sounds in 1861, the Union thrusts up the York and James rivers during the Peninsular Campaign in 1862 and 1864, and the various Union efforts to seize rebel seaports from the Texas coast to Charleston and Wilmington in 1863–5. Concluding the volume are two chapters that evaluate the impact of Union combined operations on subsequent doctrine in both the United States and England.Less
Despite a wealth of books on the campaigns of the American Civil War, the subject of combined or joint operations has been largely neglected. This revealing book offers ten case studies of combined army–navy operations by Union forces. Presented in chronological order, each chapter illuminates an aspect of combined operations during a time of changing technology and doctrine. The chapters cover the war along the rebel coast, including the operations in the North Carolina Sounds in 1861, the Union thrusts up the York and James rivers during the Peninsular Campaign in 1862 and 1864, and the various Union efforts to seize rebel seaports from the Texas coast to Charleston and Wilmington in 1863–5. Concluding the volume are two chapters that evaluate the impact of Union combined operations on subsequent doctrine in both the United States and England.
Robert E. Goodin and Michael Saward
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- September 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199547944
- eISBN:
- 9780191720116
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199547944.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics, Political Theory
The democratic aspiration of rule by the people requires that the people know — are told — what they are really voting on. The clarity and consistency of messages from candidates to voters matters ...
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The democratic aspiration of rule by the people requires that the people know — are told — what they are really voting on. The clarity and consistency of messages from candidates to voters matters deeply to the quality of democracy. What sort of a mandate a government can claim, and what a government is entitled to do in office, depends heavily upon how the campaign messages are conveyed. If campaign messages are mixed, sending different signals to different parts of the constituency, then whomever is elected might have a ‘mandate to rule’ but has no strong policy mandate.Less
The democratic aspiration of rule by the people requires that the people know — are told — what they are really voting on. The clarity and consistency of messages from candidates to voters matters deeply to the quality of democracy. What sort of a mandate a government can claim, and what a government is entitled to do in office, depends heavily upon how the campaign messages are conveyed. If campaign messages are mixed, sending different signals to different parts of the constituency, then whomever is elected might have a ‘mandate to rule’ but has no strong policy mandate.
