You‐tien Hsing
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199568048
- eISBN:
- 9780191721632
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199568048.003.0007
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Political Economy
Chapter 6 moves to the third type of place examined in this book, the rural edge of the metropolitan region, where the influence of the metropolitan government gives way to ...
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Chapter 6 moves to the third type of place examined in this book, the rural edge of the metropolitan region, where the influence of the metropolitan government gives way to low‐ranking township governments exercising informal power over rural land. Acting as power and property brokers between the state bureaucracy and peasants, township leaders try to avoid scrutiny from above while intensifying downward control over village land to develop illegal industrial, commercial, and residential projects. Townships' power and property brokerage is exemplified by their issuing of homeownership certificates that attract buyers of affordable homes but are not recognized by the state. Townships' limited formal power is secured through construction projects and expanded through the operation of the black market for property.Less
Chapter 6 moves to the third type of place examined in this book, the rural edge of the metropolitan region, where the influence of the metropolitan government gives way to low‐ranking township governments exercising informal power over rural land. Acting as power and property brokers between the state bureaucracy and peasants, township leaders try to avoid scrutiny from above while intensifying downward control over village land to develop illegal industrial, commercial, and residential projects. Townships' power and property brokerage is exemplified by their issuing of homeownership certificates that attract buyers of affordable homes but are not recognized by the state. Townships' limited formal power is secured through construction projects and expanded through the operation of the black market for property.
R. Kenneth Carty
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240562
- eISBN:
- 9780191600296
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240566.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
The electoral explosion that overthrew the established patterns of Canada's national party system in 1993 marked the end of yet another cycle in Canadian party system development, for there had been ...
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The electoral explosion that overthrew the established patterns of Canada's national party system in 1993 marked the end of yet another cycle in Canadian party system development, for there had been similar reshapings in the early 1960s and in the 1920s. In each case, the party transformations were about more than shifting electoral alignments and party fortunes, they also involved radical changes in the organization and activities of the parties concerned. However, although the formal organizational structure of Canadian parties has varied considerably, they have all been essentially cadre‐like in their structure and character, and the core linkage problem has been one of tying an American society to European‐style governing institutions. Electoral realignments have also been cast in geographic rather than social structural terms, and recent decades have seen the disintegration of the party system in a different sense as federal (national) politics has become increasingly disentangled from provincial politics. The introduction discusses these topics; the next three sections cover the same topics as those in the other country case studies in the book, and examine the possible crisis in party legitimacy in Canada, the cadre organizations of the Canadian cadre parties, and the functions of the Canadian cadre parties in a modern polity (governance, political recruitment, interest articulation and aggregation, participatory organizations, and political communication and education).Less
The electoral explosion that overthrew the established patterns of Canada's national party system in 1993 marked the end of yet another cycle in Canadian party system development, for there had been similar reshapings in the early 1960s and in the 1920s. In each case, the party transformations were about more than shifting electoral alignments and party fortunes, they also involved radical changes in the organization and activities of the parties concerned. However, although the formal organizational structure of Canadian parties has varied considerably, they have all been essentially cadre‐like in their structure and character, and the core linkage problem has been one of tying an American society to European‐style governing institutions. Electoral realignments have also been cast in geographic rather than social structural terms, and recent decades have seen the disintegration of the party system in a different sense as federal (national) politics has become increasingly disentangled from provincial politics. The introduction discusses these topics; the next three sections cover the same topics as those in the other country case studies in the book, and examine the possible crisis in party legitimacy in Canada, the cadre organizations of the Canadian cadre parties, and the functions of the Canadian cadre parties in a modern polity (governance, political recruitment, interest articulation and aggregation, participatory organizations, and political communication and education).
Richard S. Katz and Peter Mair
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199246748
- eISBN:
- 9780191599385
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199246742.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Concerned with the development of party organizations in twentieth‐century democracies, and deals specifically with the shifting balance of power between what has earlier been termed the three ...
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Concerned with the development of party organizations in twentieth‐century democracies, and deals specifically with the shifting balance of power between what has earlier been termed the three organizational ‘faces’ of party: the party on the ground, the party in central office, and the party in public office. An evaluation is made of the changing balance among these three faces in the context of four models of party organization: the cadre (or elite) party, which was the dominant form of party organization prior to mass suffrage; the mass party, which emerged with, or in anticipation of and to militate for, mass suffrage, and which was widely regarded, particularly in Europe, as the ‘normal’ or ‘ideal’ form of party organization for most of the twentieth century; the catch‐all party, development towards which was first commented upon in the literature in the 1960s, and which has come to rival the mass party not only in prominence but also in the affections of many analysts; and finally, what is called here the cartel party, a new and emerging model of party organization, which Katz and Mair believe to be increasingly evident among established democracies in recent years. In tracing the shifting balance of power among the three faces and across the four models of party organization, the authors contend that the most recent stage of development has resulted in the ascendancy of the party in public office, and the concomitant ‘relegation’ or subordination of the other two faces. Moreover, while parties on the ground sometimes continue to flourish, they suggest that the ostensible empowerment of party memberships, or even their greater autonomy, may nevertheless, be compatible with an increased privileging of the party in public office. Finally, both the sources and implications of party organizational change are briefly discussed, and it is suggested that there is an association between the most recent shifts in the internal balance of intra‐party power, on the one hand, and the apparent growth in popular feelings of alienation from parties, on the other.Less
Concerned with the development of party organizations in twentieth‐century democracies, and deals specifically with the shifting balance of power between what has earlier been termed the three organizational ‘faces’ of party: the party on the ground, the party in central office, and the party in public office. An evaluation is made of the changing balance among these three faces in the context of four models of party organization: the cadre (or elite) party, which was the dominant form of party organization prior to mass suffrage; the mass party, which emerged with, or in anticipation of and to militate for, mass suffrage, and which was widely regarded, particularly in Europe, as the ‘normal’ or ‘ideal’ form of party organization for most of the twentieth century; the catch‐all party, development towards which was first commented upon in the literature in the 1960s, and which has come to rival the mass party not only in prominence but also in the affections of many analysts; and finally, what is called here the cartel party, a new and emerging model of party organization, which Katz and Mair believe to be increasingly evident among established democracies in recent years. In tracing the shifting balance of power among the three faces and across the four models of party organization, the authors contend that the most recent stage of development has resulted in the ascendancy of the party in public office, and the concomitant ‘relegation’ or subordination of the other two faces. Moreover, while parties on the ground sometimes continue to flourish, they suggest that the ostensible empowerment of party memberships, or even their greater autonomy, may nevertheless, be compatible with an increased privileging of the party in public office. Finally, both the sources and implications of party organizational change are briefly discussed, and it is suggested that there is an association between the most recent shifts in the internal balance of intra‐party power, on the one hand, and the apparent growth in popular feelings of alienation from parties, on the other.
Steven B. Wolinetz
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199246748
- eISBN:
- 9780191599385
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199246742.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
There are good reasons for re‐examining existing classifications of parties and seeing if others can be developed. However, reworking categories is a complex process, requiring further research and ...
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There are good reasons for re‐examining existing classifications of parties and seeing if others can be developed. However, reworking categories is a complex process, requiring further research and interaction between theory and data. This chapter is a preliminary effort, and focuses primarily on parties in established liberal democracies. The first half examines the adequacy of existing party categories in light of the literature in sections entitled: Categories and concepts in the comparative literature; Cadre versus mass parties; and Parties of mass integration, catch‐all parties, and beyond’ (to the cartel party). The second half considers ways in which contemporary parties might be compared in sections entitled: New bases for classification? Vote‐seeking, office‐seeking, and policy‐seeking parties; and Patterns of change in Western European parties.Less
There are good reasons for re‐examining existing classifications of parties and seeing if others can be developed. However, reworking categories is a complex process, requiring further research and interaction between theory and data. This chapter is a preliminary effort, and focuses primarily on parties in established liberal democracies. The first half examines the adequacy of existing party categories in light of the literature in sections entitled: Categories and concepts in the comparative literature; Cadre versus mass parties; and Parties of mass integration, catch‐all parties, and beyond’ (to the cartel party). The second half considers ways in which contemporary parties might be compared in sections entitled: New bases for classification? Vote‐seeking, office‐seeking, and policy‐seeking parties; and Patterns of change in Western European parties.
Gail Kligman and Katherine Verdery
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691149721
- eISBN:
- 9781400840434
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691149721.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter focuses on the Party and Securitate cadres who implemented collectivization, describing aspects of their recruitment, their work, and their life as activists. Party cadres had the task ...
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This chapter focuses on the Party and Securitate cadres who implemented collectivization, describing aspects of their recruitment, their work, and their life as activists. Party cadres had the task of bringing the imported engineering project to life; they were the ones entrusted with the power to construct a new social order and also to construct the very forms of power that would sustain it. The chapter then argues that because the Party achieved power without an adequate number of prepared and ideologically committed cadres, certain compromises followed. First, their work would rely more on force than on persuasion, and therefore peasants would end by joining collectives only pro forma rather than from conviction. Second, the exigencies of cadres' work led them to develop networks, which protected them while making the bureaucratic apparatus more personalistic.Less
This chapter focuses on the Party and Securitate cadres who implemented collectivization, describing aspects of their recruitment, their work, and their life as activists. Party cadres had the task of bringing the imported engineering project to life; they were the ones entrusted with the power to construct a new social order and also to construct the very forms of power that would sustain it. The chapter then argues that because the Party achieved power without an adequate number of prepared and ideologically committed cadres, certain compromises followed. First, their work would rely more on force than on persuasion, and therefore peasants would end by joining collectives only pro forma rather than from conviction. Second, the exigencies of cadres' work led them to develop networks, which protected them while making the bureaucratic apparatus more personalistic.
Frederick Cooper
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691161310
- eISBN:
- 9781400850280
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691161310.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, African History
This chapter discusses the loi-cadre of 1956, which was widely recognized as a turning point in the history of French Africa. The loi-cadre was an attempt to reconfigure the place of Africa in the ...
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This chapter discusses the loi-cadre of 1956, which was widely recognized as a turning point in the history of French Africa. The loi-cadre was an attempt to reconfigure the place of Africa in the French Union, not an attempt to reconfigure the Union. It was a law, not a constitutional revision as had been demanded by most African political leaders. A “loi-cadre” was a particular type of law, sketching only the outlines of reforms, allowing the government to fill in the details via decrees. The government could then implement the principles of the law in its own way and on its own schedule, not subject to the typically glacial pace of legislative action. Ultimately, the loi-cadre made elected assemblies in each territory responsible for the budget and for its own civil service, and it thus broke with the centralizing tendencies of French rule.Less
This chapter discusses the loi-cadre of 1956, which was widely recognized as a turning point in the history of French Africa. The loi-cadre was an attempt to reconfigure the place of Africa in the French Union, not an attempt to reconfigure the Union. It was a law, not a constitutional revision as had been demanded by most African political leaders. A “loi-cadre” was a particular type of law, sketching only the outlines of reforms, allowing the government to fill in the details via decrees. The government could then implement the principles of the law in its own way and on its own schedule, not subject to the typically glacial pace of legislative action. Ultimately, the loi-cadre made elected assemblies in each territory responsible for the budget and for its own civil service, and it thus broke with the centralizing tendencies of French rule.
Frederick Cooper
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691161310
- eISBN:
- 9781400850280
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691161310.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, African History
This chapter begins by considering Léopold Sédar Senghor's argument that French West Africans should unite in a “primary federation” that would in turn be part of a confederation of equal nations, ...
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This chapter begins by considering Léopold Sédar Senghor's argument that French West Africans should unite in a “primary federation” that would in turn be part of a confederation of equal nations, including European France. Not all in Africa agreed with Senghor, but by 1958, the cry of “African Unity” had become practically ubiquitous. However, African political leaders faced a double problem in reconciling African unity with the realities of post-loi-cadre Africa. The tensions between a political reality in which territory played a large part and an ideal of a strong and united Africa taking its place in the world would frame political debates among African political elites for the next several years.Less
This chapter begins by considering Léopold Sédar Senghor's argument that French West Africans should unite in a “primary federation” that would in turn be part of a confederation of equal nations, including European France. Not all in Africa agreed with Senghor, but by 1958, the cry of “African Unity” had become practically ubiquitous. However, African political leaders faced a double problem in reconciling African unity with the realities of post-loi-cadre Africa. The tensions between a political reality in which territory played a large part and an ideal of a strong and united Africa taking its place in the world would frame political debates among African political elites for the next several years.
Alison J. Murray Levine
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781786940414
- eISBN:
- 9781789629408
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.3828/liverpool/9781786940414.003.0008
- Subject:
- Film, Television and Radio, Film
This chapter reflects on the collection of films included in the book, suggesting the terms cadre (frame) and bonne distance (appropriate distance) as productive springboards for this reflection. It ...
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This chapter reflects on the collection of films included in the book, suggesting the terms cadre (frame) and bonne distance (appropriate distance) as productive springboards for this reflection. It suggests directions for future research in the vast and rich archive of contemporary and recent French documentary film.Less
This chapter reflects on the collection of films included in the book, suggesting the terms cadre (frame) and bonne distance (appropriate distance) as productive springboards for this reflection. It suggests directions for future research in the vast and rich archive of contemporary and recent French documentary film.
Jean C. Oi and Steven Goldstein (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781503604001
- eISBN:
- 9781503604551
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9781503604001.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This book describes how one local government in China has governed a much larger and vastly more complex market economy without any outward changes in the formal institutions of government. The ...
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This book describes how one local government in China has governed a much larger and vastly more complex market economy without any outward changes in the formal institutions of government. The chapters document the subtle but profound changes in the way that established governing bodies operate in practice. Drawing on local fieldwork conducted over many years in a single county, the chapters describe the ways that county agencies have evolved through ad hoc bureaucratic adaptations that have profoundly altered the way that government organs operate. This was not a locality that enjoyed remarkable resource endowments or geographical advantages, yet it advanced from average levels of development to become one of the nation’s wealthiest counties. Economic progress was fragile and far from unilinear, however: some townships that made the most rapid early progress have fallen behind, while some of the poorest townships are now among the richest. Chapters on administrative financing, business-government relations, and the non-judicial interpreters of “legality” and the development of law provides new insights into the way that local government has both shaped and responded to these developments. The picture that emerges is one of institutional agility and adaptiveness in a political regime that has proven to be highly resilient in support of local economic advancement.Less
This book describes how one local government in China has governed a much larger and vastly more complex market economy without any outward changes in the formal institutions of government. The chapters document the subtle but profound changes in the way that established governing bodies operate in practice. Drawing on local fieldwork conducted over many years in a single county, the chapters describe the ways that county agencies have evolved through ad hoc bureaucratic adaptations that have profoundly altered the way that government organs operate. This was not a locality that enjoyed remarkable resource endowments or geographical advantages, yet it advanced from average levels of development to become one of the nation’s wealthiest counties. Economic progress was fragile and far from unilinear, however: some townships that made the most rapid early progress have fallen behind, while some of the poorest townships are now among the richest. Chapters on administrative financing, business-government relations, and the non-judicial interpreters of “legality” and the development of law provides new insights into the way that local government has both shaped and responded to these developments. The picture that emerges is one of institutional agility and adaptiveness in a political regime that has proven to be highly resilient in support of local economic advancement.
Alan Forrest
- Published in print:
- 1996
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198206163
- eISBN:
- 9780191676994
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198206163.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
This chapter examines the mobilization of political opinion about the French Revolution in French provinces. The municipal revolution and the elections to departments and districts presupposed an ...
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This chapter examines the mobilization of political opinion about the French Revolution in French provinces. The municipal revolution and the elections to departments and districts presupposed an unprecedented level of political involvement, and the impact of the Revolution at the local level is evaluated. Every department started producing their own educated political cadres and the provincial towns soon mobilized their own battalions to the National Guard and contributed to local federation.Less
This chapter examines the mobilization of political opinion about the French Revolution in French provinces. The municipal revolution and the elections to departments and districts presupposed an unprecedented level of political involvement, and the impact of the Revolution at the local level is evaluated. Every department started producing their own educated political cadres and the provincial towns soon mobilized their own battalions to the National Guard and contributed to local federation.
Patrick Major
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198206934
- eISBN:
- 9780191677397
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198206934.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History, Political History
This chapter discusses the evolution of the organizational structure of the Kommunistische Partei Deutschlands (KPD) in West Germany from a mass ...
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This chapter discusses the evolution of the organizational structure of the Kommunistische Partei Deutschlands (KPD) in West Germany from a mass party to a party of professional revolutionary cadres. Under the exceptional circumstances of late Weimar, the KPD was unable to preserve its mass base under the Nazi regime and it was forced into an ultra-conspiratory role. After emerging from this illegality, the KPD broke off isolation and decided to become not only a proletarian mass party but a Volkspartei with national appeal.Less
This chapter discusses the evolution of the organizational structure of the Kommunistische Partei Deutschlands (KPD) in West Germany from a mass party to a party of professional revolutionary cadres. Under the exceptional circumstances of late Weimar, the KPD was unable to preserve its mass base under the Nazi regime and it was forced into an ultra-conspiratory role. After emerging from this illegality, the KPD broke off isolation and decided to become not only a proletarian mass party but a Volkspartei with national appeal.
Deepak Kumar
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- October 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195687149
- eISBN:
- 9780199081684
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195687149.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, Indian History
Britain formally took over the Indian administration in 1858, when exploratory activities in the country were already past their formative stage. The East India Company had taken the initiative and ...
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Britain formally took over the Indian administration in 1858, when exploratory activities in the country were already past their formative stage. The East India Company had taken the initiative and made some headway in some fields such as medical education and survey operations. In particular, it had realized the importance of survey works for military and revenue considerations. In 1818, the Great Trigonometrical Survey of India was established to supervise all types of survey operations. Between 1861 and 1878, revenue surveys were extensively carried out under a more professional name: the Cadastral Survey. In addition to survey organizations, there were a few other institutions, such as museums, that played a vital role in the imperial economy and the cause of science itself. These scientific organizations and institutions necessitated the recruitment of cadres.Less
Britain formally took over the Indian administration in 1858, when exploratory activities in the country were already past their formative stage. The East India Company had taken the initiative and made some headway in some fields such as medical education and survey operations. In particular, it had realized the importance of survey works for military and revenue considerations. In 1818, the Great Trigonometrical Survey of India was established to supervise all types of survey operations. Between 1861 and 1878, revenue surveys were extensively carried out under a more professional name: the Cadastral Survey. In addition to survey organizations, there were a few other institutions, such as museums, that played a vital role in the imperial economy and the cause of science itself. These scientific organizations and institutions necessitated the recruitment of cadres.
Patrick Gaffney
- Published in print:
- 1994
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520084711
- eISBN:
- 9780520914582
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520084711.001.0001
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Middle Eastern Cultural Anthropology
Muslim preaching has been central in forming public opinion, building grassroots organizations, and developing leadership cadres for the wider Islamist agenda. Based on in-depth field research in ...
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Muslim preaching has been central in forming public opinion, building grassroots organizations, and developing leadership cadres for the wider Islamist agenda. Based on in-depth field research in Egypt, this book focuses on the preacher and the sermon as the single most important medium for propounding the message of Islam. The book draws on social history, political commentary, and theological sources to reveal the subtle connections between religious rhetoric and political dissent. Many of the sermons discussed were given during the rise of Islamic fundamentalism, and the book attempts to describe this militant movement and to compare it with official Islam. Finally, the book presents examples of the sermons, so readers can better understand the full range of contemporary Islamic expression.Less
Muslim preaching has been central in forming public opinion, building grassroots organizations, and developing leadership cadres for the wider Islamist agenda. Based on in-depth field research in Egypt, this book focuses on the preacher and the sermon as the single most important medium for propounding the message of Islam. The book draws on social history, political commentary, and theological sources to reveal the subtle connections between religious rhetoric and political dissent. Many of the sermons discussed were given during the rise of Islamic fundamentalism, and the book attempts to describe this militant movement and to compare it with official Islam. Finally, the book presents examples of the sermons, so readers can better understand the full range of contemporary Islamic expression.
Michael E. Lynch
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- May 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780813177984
- eISBN:
- 9780813177991
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813177984.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, Military History
Almond had taken on one of the most difficult jobs in the Army. He dealt with all the normal challenges a division commander faced, such as housing, feeding, training, and equipping his unit, with ...
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Almond had taken on one of the most difficult jobs in the Army. He dealt with all the normal challenges a division commander faced, such as housing, feeding, training, and equipping his unit, with scarce resources. The 92nd experienced some of the same turbulence other divisions did, including providing cadres of officers and NCOs to other African-American units. The educational limitations of his troops, the prevailing social environment, and growing pressure from the black community and his officers made his task all the more difficult. After several months of training at widely separated locations, Almond was directed to consolidate his unit at remote Fort Huachuca, Arizona. Many of the racial problems he experienced at the smaller bases became magnified as the unit came together as a whole. Brig. Gen. Benjamin O. Davis visited to investigate racial problems.Less
Almond had taken on one of the most difficult jobs in the Army. He dealt with all the normal challenges a division commander faced, such as housing, feeding, training, and equipping his unit, with scarce resources. The 92nd experienced some of the same turbulence other divisions did, including providing cadres of officers and NCOs to other African-American units. The educational limitations of his troops, the prevailing social environment, and growing pressure from the black community and his officers made his task all the more difficult. After several months of training at widely separated locations, Almond was directed to consolidate his unit at remote Fort Huachuca, Arizona. Many of the racial problems he experienced at the smaller bases became magnified as the unit came together as a whole. Brig. Gen. Benjamin O. Davis visited to investigate racial problems.
S.R. Maheshwari
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- October 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780195683769
- eISBN:
- 9780199080373
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195683769.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Indian Politics
This chapter examines the management of civil service personnel in India. It discusses the setting up of the Central Public Service Commission (CPSC) in 1924 and the Ministry of Personnel, Public ...
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This chapter examines the management of civil service personnel in India. It discusses the setting up of the Central Public Service Commission (CPSC) in 1924 and the Ministry of Personnel, Public Grievances and Pensions (MPPGP) in 1985. It highlights the problems associated with cadre management and the appointment of civil servants to ex-cadre posts. It stresses the need to conduct a review of the Indian Administrative Services (IAS) cadres and suggests that individual state governments undertake a cadre review of their own state civil service (PCS) to stop its thoughtless proliferation.Less
This chapter examines the management of civil service personnel in India. It discusses the setting up of the Central Public Service Commission (CPSC) in 1924 and the Ministry of Personnel, Public Grievances and Pensions (MPPGP) in 1985. It highlights the problems associated with cadre management and the appointment of civil servants to ex-cadre posts. It stresses the need to conduct a review of the Indian Administrative Services (IAS) cadres and suggests that individual state governments undertake a cadre review of their own state civil service (PCS) to stop its thoughtless proliferation.
Martin Shipway
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780719089305
- eISBN:
- 9781526135858
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Manchester University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7228/manchester/9780719089305.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Imperialism and Colonialism
The decolonization process in itself was very much characterized by personal decisions and networks between individuals, which in a way can be understood as precursors to the Franco-African links of ...
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The decolonization process in itself was very much characterized by personal decisions and networks between individuals, which in a way can be understood as precursors to the Franco-African links of the post-1960 period. Martin Shipway focuses on these links with regard to the elaboration of the Loi-cadre (or framework law) of 1956 that provided semi-autonomy for France’s African territories and was a milestone on the road to decolonization. Leading colonial officials, such as Governor-General Robert Delavignette and the high commissioners at Dakar and Brazzaville, were involved in this project, while the support of most leading African politicians, such as Léopold Sédar Senghor, was based on certain key conditions. However, according to Shipway, the reform process was most strongly driven by the pragmatism and political dynamism of the Law’s principal architects: Minister of Overseas France and mayor of Marseille, Gaston Defferre, and Ivorian political leader and French Minister of State, Félix Houphouët-Boigny. It shows the political agency of the colonized in a process mediated through the participation of individual actors.Less
The decolonization process in itself was very much characterized by personal decisions and networks between individuals, which in a way can be understood as precursors to the Franco-African links of the post-1960 period. Martin Shipway focuses on these links with regard to the elaboration of the Loi-cadre (or framework law) of 1956 that provided semi-autonomy for France’s African territories and was a milestone on the road to decolonization. Leading colonial officials, such as Governor-General Robert Delavignette and the high commissioners at Dakar and Brazzaville, were involved in this project, while the support of most leading African politicians, such as Léopold Sédar Senghor, was based on certain key conditions. However, according to Shipway, the reform process was most strongly driven by the pragmatism and political dynamism of the Law’s principal architects: Minister of Overseas France and mayor of Marseille, Gaston Defferre, and Ivorian political leader and French Minister of State, Félix Houphouët-Boigny. It shows the political agency of the colonized in a process mediated through the participation of individual actors.
Frances Wong
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9789622091719
- eISBN:
- 9789882206700
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789622091719.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
The May 7th Cadre School was an invention of Mao Zedong. He said all intellectuals must be re-educated by the peasants and the May 7th Cadre Schools were set up all over the countryside for this ...
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The May 7th Cadre School was an invention of Mao Zedong. He said all intellectuals must be re-educated by the peasants and the May 7th Cadre Schools were set up all over the countryside for this purpose. In 1969, Frances Wong was teaching at the Foreign Affairs Institute and in response to Mao Zedong's call for intellectuals to be re-educated by the peasants, the whole institute moved to Shang Gou in Jiangxi Province and a cadre school was set up. After Mao's death in 1974, their eminent leader Deng Xiao-ping took over the reins of China and put forward his famous policy of opening up and economic reforms which saved the country from economic collapse, and for Hong Kong's takeover the unprecedented “one country with two systems” policy. Deng Xiaoping was a pivot in Chinese history propounding his creative and unique policies. He put China back on the right track.Less
The May 7th Cadre School was an invention of Mao Zedong. He said all intellectuals must be re-educated by the peasants and the May 7th Cadre Schools were set up all over the countryside for this purpose. In 1969, Frances Wong was teaching at the Foreign Affairs Institute and in response to Mao Zedong's call for intellectuals to be re-educated by the peasants, the whole institute moved to Shang Gou in Jiangxi Province and a cadre school was set up. After Mao's death in 1974, their eminent leader Deng Xiao-ping took over the reins of China and put forward his famous policy of opening up and economic reforms which saved the country from economic collapse, and for Hong Kong's takeover the unprecedented “one country with two systems” policy. Deng Xiaoping was a pivot in Chinese history propounding his creative and unique policies. He put China back on the right track.
Janja A. Lalich
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780520231948
- eISBN:
- 9780520937512
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520231948.003.0008
- Subject:
- Religion, Religious Studies
This chapter gives an excellent account of the DWP's cadre formation, which represented the living embodiment of the party's goals and ideals. Through the process of cadre transformation as outlined ...
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This chapter gives an excellent account of the DWP's cadre formation, which represented the living embodiment of the party's goals and ideals. Through the process of cadre transformation as outlined and guided by Dixon, the founders and their newly recruited members came to be true revolutionaries, with their own organization and their own revolutionary leadership. The cadre members were bound by a shared political commitment and a vision of the future, and their energies were spent on perfecting themselves in the image of the cadre working feverishly toward building a party that would be new and different, Marxist and feminist, non-dogmatic and American. The cadre was formed of like-minded close friends, spouses, and relatives. Study groups with different areas of focus came to be formed, such as one for factory workers, one for hospital workers, and so on. Militants in those workplaces were to recruit into the study groups from among their coworkers. A double standard took hold in the leadership early on: Dixon was never held accountable in the ways her followers were, nor did she ever live by the organization's rigid rules and norms that she herself put in place. The cadre grew to have 125 to 175 full-time militants, with other levels of general members. As a leftist organization led by women with a unique line on proletarian feminism and a staunch critique of social democracy, the DWP attracted intelligent, hardworking, dedicated women and men who were looking to make a commitment to the cause of social change.Less
This chapter gives an excellent account of the DWP's cadre formation, which represented the living embodiment of the party's goals and ideals. Through the process of cadre transformation as outlined and guided by Dixon, the founders and their newly recruited members came to be true revolutionaries, with their own organization and their own revolutionary leadership. The cadre members were bound by a shared political commitment and a vision of the future, and their energies were spent on perfecting themselves in the image of the cadre working feverishly toward building a party that would be new and different, Marxist and feminist, non-dogmatic and American. The cadre was formed of like-minded close friends, spouses, and relatives. Study groups with different areas of focus came to be formed, such as one for factory workers, one for hospital workers, and so on. Militants in those workplaces were to recruit into the study groups from among their coworkers. A double standard took hold in the leadership early on: Dixon was never held accountable in the ways her followers were, nor did she ever live by the organization's rigid rules and norms that she herself put in place. The cadre grew to have 125 to 175 full-time militants, with other levels of general members. As a leftist organization led by women with a unique line on proletarian feminism and a staunch critique of social democracy, the DWP attracted intelligent, hardworking, dedicated women and men who were looking to make a commitment to the cause of social change.
Thomas L. Ahern
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780813125619
- eISBN:
- 9780813135342
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813125619.003.0014
- Subject:
- History, Military History
The urban focus of the Tet offensive meant that cadre program installations in the province towns got more attention from the enemy than teams operating in the hamlets. According to early reporting ...
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The urban focus of the Tet offensive meant that cadre program installations in the province towns got more attention from the enemy than teams operating in the hamlets. According to early reporting from the field, the only province in which the Viet Cong made pacification operations a major target was Ninh Thuan, on the coast in lower Central Vietnam. Many provincial advisers saw their installations come under determined assault. At My Tho, in the Mekong Delta, the defenders of the agency compound fought off Viet Cong attackers who destroyed the separate Census-Grievance and Revolutionary Development (RD) Cadre offices and seized and damaged the RD warehouse. The military defeat also gravely weakened the communist administrative and political organization, the so-called Viet Cong infrastructure, many of whose members had been reassigned to the local forces participating in the offensive.Less
The urban focus of the Tet offensive meant that cadre program installations in the province towns got more attention from the enemy than teams operating in the hamlets. According to early reporting from the field, the only province in which the Viet Cong made pacification operations a major target was Ninh Thuan, on the coast in lower Central Vietnam. Many provincial advisers saw their installations come under determined assault. At My Tho, in the Mekong Delta, the defenders of the agency compound fought off Viet Cong attackers who destroyed the separate Census-Grievance and Revolutionary Development (RD) Cadre offices and seized and damaged the RD warehouse. The military defeat also gravely weakened the communist administrative and political organization, the so-called Viet Cong infrastructure, many of whose members had been reassigned to the local forces participating in the offensive.
Mun Young Cho
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- August 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780801451652
- eISBN:
- 9780801467431
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801451652.003.0005
- Subject:
- Anthropology, Asian Cultural Anthropology
This chapter examines the ways in which “community” is practiced as a new mode of governing poverty in China's cities, in particular, how urban laid-off workers who have come to serve as Community ...
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This chapter examines the ways in which “community” is practiced as a new mode of governing poverty in China's cities, in particular, how urban laid-off workers who have come to serve as Community cadres are forced to refashion themselves as self-motivating citizen volunteers under the party-state's campaign of building community. By delving into the fragile position of Community cadres, the chapter looks at how the specter of “the people” permeates governmental intervention through “community.” In the decaying urban periphery, state governance through “community” has served two contradictory missions. One is to prompt laid-off workers to govern themselves through voluntary participation in their community—not to depend on the work unit or the government. The other is to rescue these laid-off workers by helping them gain reemployment in the state sector.Less
This chapter examines the ways in which “community” is practiced as a new mode of governing poverty in China's cities, in particular, how urban laid-off workers who have come to serve as Community cadres are forced to refashion themselves as self-motivating citizen volunteers under the party-state's campaign of building community. By delving into the fragile position of Community cadres, the chapter looks at how the specter of “the people” permeates governmental intervention through “community.” In the decaying urban periphery, state governance through “community” has served two contradictory missions. One is to prompt laid-off workers to govern themselves through voluntary participation in their community—not to depend on the work unit or the government. The other is to rescue these laid-off workers by helping them gain reemployment in the state sector.
