David Coen and Charles Dannreuther
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199252091
- eISBN:
- 9780191599224
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199252092.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, European Union
This chapter explores the issue of Europeanization primarily at the horizontal level of European Union (EU) policy formulation and the adaptation and Europeanization of large and small business ...
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This chapter explores the issue of Europeanization primarily at the horizontal level of European Union (EU) policy formulation and the adaptation and Europeanization of large and small business interests in the new opportunity structures of Brussels. The movement of business and other societal interests towards the European level has long been associated with a neofunctional perspective on European integration and societal change. Business interests have always been associated with the changes in policy and polity described by the term Europeanization, begging the question of how does the study of ‘Europeanization’ add to the understanding of European business lobbying. To answer this, the first section of the chapter, ‘Europeanization and the Application to EU Public Policy’ defines what Europeanization is understand to be, and set outs a number of European policy-making process propositions to be explored empirically in the next section ‘The Europeanization of Business Interests in a Differentiated Policy Process’. This section looks at how institutional and organizational capabilities have affected representative ability over time, how firms of all sizes have developed ‘venue shopping’ strategies in a multilevel governance structure, and, finally (in resource dependency terms), how firm size affects the distinct rules and norms of interest representation with the European Commission.Less
This chapter explores the issue of Europeanization primarily at the horizontal level of European Union (EU) policy formulation and the adaptation and Europeanization of large and small business interests in the new opportunity structures of Brussels. The movement of business and other societal interests towards the European level has long been associated with a neofunctional perspective on European integration and societal change. Business interests have always been associated with the changes in policy and polity described by the term Europeanization, begging the question of how does the study of ‘Europeanization’ add to the understanding of European business lobbying. To answer this, the first section of the chapter, ‘Europeanization and the Application to EU Public Policy’ defines what Europeanization is understand to be, and set outs a number of European policy-making process propositions to be explored empirically in the next section ‘The Europeanization of Business Interests in a Differentiated Policy Process’. This section looks at how institutional and organizational capabilities have affected representative ability over time, how firms of all sizes have developed ‘venue shopping’ strategies in a multilevel governance structure, and, finally (in resource dependency terms), how firm size affects the distinct rules and norms of interest representation with the European Commission.
Steven A. Bank
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195326192
- eISBN:
- 9780199775811
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195326192.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Legal History
The U.S. corporate income tax — and in particular the double taxation of corporate income — has long been one of the most criticized and stubbornly persistent aspects of the federal revenue system. ...
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The U.S. corporate income tax — and in particular the double taxation of corporate income — has long been one of the most criticized and stubbornly persistent aspects of the federal revenue system. Unlike in most other industrialized countries, corporate income is taxed twice, first at the entity level and again at the shareholder level when distributed as a dividend. The conventional wisdom has been that this double taxation was part of the system's original design over a century ago and has survived despite withering opposition from business interests. In both cases, history tells another tale. Double taxation as it is known today did not appear until several decades after the corporate income tax was first adopted. Moreover, it was embraced by corporate representatives at the outset and in subsequent years businesses have been far more ambivalent about its existence than is popularly assumed. From Sword to Shield: The Transformation of the Corporate Income Tax, 1861 to Present is the first historical account of the evolution of the corporate income tax in America. It explains the origins of corporate income tax and the political, economic, and social forces that transformed it from a sword against evasion of the individual income tax to a shield against government and shareholder interference with the management of corporate funds.Less
The U.S. corporate income tax — and in particular the double taxation of corporate income — has long been one of the most criticized and stubbornly persistent aspects of the federal revenue system. Unlike in most other industrialized countries, corporate income is taxed twice, first at the entity level and again at the shareholder level when distributed as a dividend. The conventional wisdom has been that this double taxation was part of the system's original design over a century ago and has survived despite withering opposition from business interests. In both cases, history tells another tale. Double taxation as it is known today did not appear until several decades after the corporate income tax was first adopted. Moreover, it was embraced by corporate representatives at the outset and in subsequent years businesses have been far more ambivalent about its existence than is popularly assumed. From Sword to Shield: The Transformation of the Corporate Income Tax, 1861 to Present is the first historical account of the evolution of the corporate income tax in America. It explains the origins of corporate income tax and the political, economic, and social forces that transformed it from a sword against evasion of the individual income tax to a shield against government and shareholder interference with the management of corporate funds.
Vineeta Yadav
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- May 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199735907
- eISBN:
- 9780199894789
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199735907.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter presents a theoretical framework that analyzes how differences in the lobbying strategies of business interest groups emerge from differences in their legislative institutions, ...
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This chapter presents a theoretical framework that analyzes how differences in the lobbying strategies of business interest groups emerge from differences in their legislative institutions, establishes the link between these institutionally inspired lobbying strategies and patterns of corrupt behaviors, and analyzes which of these patterns is more likely to lead to higher political and general corruption. It argues that countries with legislative institutions that incentivize lobbying directed at political parties will experience higher corruption than those countries that incentivize lobbying directed at individual legislators. This is the central hypothesis of this book.Less
This chapter presents a theoretical framework that analyzes how differences in the lobbying strategies of business interest groups emerge from differences in their legislative institutions, establishes the link between these institutionally inspired lobbying strategies and patterns of corrupt behaviors, and analyzes which of these patterns is more likely to lead to higher political and general corruption. It argues that countries with legislative institutions that incentivize lobbying directed at political parties will experience higher corruption than those countries that incentivize lobbying directed at individual legislators. This is the central hypothesis of this book.
Jacques Werner
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- February 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199578184
- eISBN:
- 9780191722561
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199578184.003.0006
- Subject:
- Law, Human Rights and Immigration, Public International Law
This chapter explains why investor-state arbitration is often wrongfully likened to international commercial arbitration among private parties. Investor-state arbitrations involve not only private ...
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This chapter explains why investor-state arbitration is often wrongfully likened to international commercial arbitration among private parties. Investor-state arbitrations involve not only private business interests but also public policies of the host state and citizen rights. Arbitral awards on investor-state disputes risk lacking credibility and democratic acceptability if they overrule, in non-transparent proceedings, democratically legitimate government decisions on grounds of investor-state contracts. Similar to the introduction of appellate review in the GATT/WTO dispute settlement system, the transparency, legitimacy, and legal coherence of investor-state arbitration could be enhanced by introduction of an appellate instance.Less
This chapter explains why investor-state arbitration is often wrongfully likened to international commercial arbitration among private parties. Investor-state arbitrations involve not only private business interests but also public policies of the host state and citizen rights. Arbitral awards on investor-state disputes risk lacking credibility and democratic acceptability if they overrule, in non-transparent proceedings, democratically legitimate government decisions on grounds of investor-state contracts. Similar to the introduction of appellate review in the GATT/WTO dispute settlement system, the transparency, legitimacy, and legal coherence of investor-state arbitration could be enhanced by introduction of an appellate instance.
Kay Lehman Schlozman, Sidney Verba, and Henry E. Brady
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691154848
- eISBN:
- 9781400841912
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691154848.003.0012
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter examines the evolution of the Washington pressure community, assessing changes in the number and distribution of active organizations over a twenty-five-year span. Of special concern is ...
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This chapter examines the evolution of the Washington pressure community, assessing changes in the number and distribution of active organizations over a twenty-five-year span. Of special concern is whether these patterns—in particular, the strong representation of business interests in contrast to the economic interests of less economically advantaged—are unique to a 2001 analysis or are a persistent aspect of organized interest representation in Washington. The chapter reveals how most of the organizations new to the pressure community are not organizations that never existed before; rather, they are organizations that have been outside of politics and, for reasons that are less well studied, are activated into politics. Thus the shape of the pressure community is influenced by a number of factors—of which an important one, but far from the only one, is the set of processes by which new political organizations come into being.Less
This chapter examines the evolution of the Washington pressure community, assessing changes in the number and distribution of active organizations over a twenty-five-year span. Of special concern is whether these patterns—in particular, the strong representation of business interests in contrast to the economic interests of less economically advantaged—are unique to a 2001 analysis or are a persistent aspect of organized interest representation in Washington. The chapter reveals how most of the organizations new to the pressure community are not organizations that never existed before; rather, they are organizations that have been outside of politics and, for reasons that are less well studied, are activated into politics. Thus the shape of the pressure community is influenced by a number of factors—of which an important one, but far from the only one, is the set of processes by which new political organizations come into being.
Kevin Farnsworth
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9781861344748
- eISBN:
- 9781447301998
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781861344748.003.0005
- Subject:
- Sociology, Comparative and Historical Sociology
This chapter considers the national picture, examining the role that business has played in British social policy since 1979. It focuses on the views of organised business on social policy and its ...
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This chapter considers the national picture, examining the role that business has played in British social policy since 1979. It focuses on the views of organised business on social policy and its influence on the policy process and institutions of the welfare state. It also considers the role played by central government in creating a more influential and prominent role for business interests, and the private sector more generally, in social policy development and delivery. The chapter looks primarily at the Confederation of British Industry (CBI), the most important of the UK's business interest associations (BIAs), although the views of other BIAs, including the Institute of Directors (IoD) and the Engineering Employers Federation (EEF), are considered where appropriate. As the UK's only peak-level BIA, the CBI incorporates a national membership of firms of different sizes, originating from a range of different sectors, as well as smaller business associations.Less
This chapter considers the national picture, examining the role that business has played in British social policy since 1979. It focuses on the views of organised business on social policy and its influence on the policy process and institutions of the welfare state. It also considers the role played by central government in creating a more influential and prominent role for business interests, and the private sector more generally, in social policy development and delivery. The chapter looks primarily at the Confederation of British Industry (CBI), the most important of the UK's business interest associations (BIAs), although the views of other BIAs, including the Institute of Directors (IoD) and the Engineering Employers Federation (EEF), are considered where appropriate. As the UK's only peak-level BIA, the CBI incorporates a national membership of firms of different sizes, originating from a range of different sectors, as well as smaller business associations.
Lyn Spillman
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- February 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226769561
- eISBN:
- 9780226769554
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226769554.003.0004
- Subject:
- Sociology, Occupations, Professions, and Work
This chapter builds on the insights of neoinstitutionalist theory, which has suggested a cultural role for business associations in the production and reproduction of “industry interests.” Arguing ...
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This chapter builds on the insights of neoinstitutionalist theory, which has suggested a cultural role for business associations in the production and reproduction of “industry interests.” Arguing that recent neoinstitutionalist analysis has been overly preoccupied with questions about change and relies on unexamined assumptions about how orientations for economic action are reproduced and inculcated, the chapter shows how business associations routinely produce and reproduce cognitive categories, networks, and industry fields. This account also shows that recent work by economic sociologists on the importance of cognition, networks, and fields for economic action helps understand mechanisms of institutional production and reproduction.Less
This chapter builds on the insights of neoinstitutionalist theory, which has suggested a cultural role for business associations in the production and reproduction of “industry interests.” Arguing that recent neoinstitutionalist analysis has been overly preoccupied with questions about change and relies on unexamined assumptions about how orientations for economic action are reproduced and inculcated, the chapter shows how business associations routinely produce and reproduce cognitive categories, networks, and industry fields. This account also shows that recent work by economic sociologists on the importance of cognition, networks, and fields for economic action helps understand mechanisms of institutional production and reproduction.
Nadia Ramsis Farah
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9789774162176
- eISBN:
- 9781617970337
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- American University in Cairo Press
- DOI:
- 10.5743/cairo/9789774162176.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Political Economy
This new study deals with the unfolding of the great political and economic transformations of the modern Egyptian state from the appointment of Muhammad Ali as governor of Egypt in 1805 to the era ...
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This new study deals with the unfolding of the great political and economic transformations of the modern Egyptian state from the appointment of Muhammad Ali as governor of Egypt in 1805 to the era of President Mubarak, with a special focus on the period 1990–2005, which witnessed a rigorous implementation of structural adjustment policies, the acceleration of economic privatization and liberalization, the emergence of a group of neoliberals within the ruling National Democratic Party, and the consolidation of business interests and representation in parliament and government. The book asserts that the modernization process in Egypt over the last two centuries has been determined by power relations and their articulation, and so it investigates in depth the impact of power relations on development strategies, on political liberalization, on politicized Islam as a hegemonic ideology adopted by the state since the beginning of the 1970s, and on gender relations in development.Less
This new study deals with the unfolding of the great political and economic transformations of the modern Egyptian state from the appointment of Muhammad Ali as governor of Egypt in 1805 to the era of President Mubarak, with a special focus on the period 1990–2005, which witnessed a rigorous implementation of structural adjustment policies, the acceleration of economic privatization and liberalization, the emergence of a group of neoliberals within the ruling National Democratic Party, and the consolidation of business interests and representation in parliament and government. The book asserts that the modernization process in Egypt over the last two centuries has been determined by power relations and their articulation, and so it investigates in depth the impact of power relations on development strategies, on political liberalization, on politicized Islam as a hegemonic ideology adopted by the state since the beginning of the 1970s, and on gender relations in development.
Kevin Farnsworth
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9781861344748
- eISBN:
- 9781447301998
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Policy Press
- DOI:
- 10.1332/policypress/9781861344748.003.0008
- Subject:
- Sociology, Comparative and Historical Sociology
This book has set out to investigate the importance of business to contemporary developments in social policy. This chapter presents the key developments of forms of influence, with a discussion of ...
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This book has set out to investigate the importance of business to contemporary developments in social policy. This chapter presents the key developments of forms of influence, with a discussion of their implications for present and future social policy. First, globalisation has increased corporate structural power and this, in turn, has had an impact on the capacity of the UK to formulate and deliver social policy. Second, globalisation has also increased both the capacity and reasons for business to organise internationally. Third, nationally organised business has become increasingly important to the shaping of social policy debate and delivery. Fourth, local business organisations and individual firms play an increasingly important role in the delivery of social provision. And last of all, business interest in and views on social policy are variable.Less
This book has set out to investigate the importance of business to contemporary developments in social policy. This chapter presents the key developments of forms of influence, with a discussion of their implications for present and future social policy. First, globalisation has increased corporate structural power and this, in turn, has had an impact on the capacity of the UK to formulate and deliver social policy. Second, globalisation has also increased both the capacity and reasons for business to organise internationally. Third, nationally organised business has become increasingly important to the shaping of social policy debate and delivery. Fourth, local business organisations and individual firms play an increasingly important role in the delivery of social provision. And last of all, business interest in and views on social policy are variable.
Lyn Spillman
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- February 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226769561
- eISBN:
- 9780226769554
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226769554.003.0007
- Subject:
- Sociology, Occupations, Professions, and Work
This chapter analyzes the fact that intraindustry strategies of action are just as frequently seen in a more disinterested way as a matter of technical excellence and “professionalism.” It shows ...
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This chapter analyzes the fact that intraindustry strategies of action are just as frequently seen in a more disinterested way as a matter of technical excellence and “professionalism.” It shows businesspeople preoccupied with issues generated by the technical division of labor—the intrinsic technical features in an arena of production or line of work. Few scholars have taken account of the fact that business associations are as likely to be oriented to their members' interests in “professionalism” as they are to their collective business interests. The chapter argues that the theoretical distinctions usually made between “professions” and other work worlds cannot be sustained. The argument concludes with an extended illustration from the International Society of Certified Electronics Technicians.Less
This chapter analyzes the fact that intraindustry strategies of action are just as frequently seen in a more disinterested way as a matter of technical excellence and “professionalism.” It shows businesspeople preoccupied with issues generated by the technical division of labor—the intrinsic technical features in an arena of production or line of work. Few scholars have taken account of the fact that business associations are as likely to be oriented to their members' interests in “professionalism” as they are to their collective business interests. The chapter argues that the theoretical distinctions usually made between “professions” and other work worlds cannot be sustained. The argument concludes with an extended illustration from the International Society of Certified Electronics Technicians.
Andrew Bearpark and Sabrina Schulz
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199228485
- eISBN:
- 9780191711435
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199228485.003.0014
- Subject:
- Law, Public International Law
Any attempt to regulate this rapidly developing sector will have to take into account what new fields of activity will become more important in the years ahead. This chapter considers the future of ...
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Any attempt to regulate this rapidly developing sector will have to take into account what new fields of activity will become more important in the years ahead. This chapter considers the future of the market. It acknowledges that a delicate balance must be struck between legitimate business interests and those of the public, and turns to the regulatory tool favoured by the industry itself: self-regulation. It argues that this is both a realistic approach to current regulatory gaps and will be embraced as a competitive advantage for those firms accepting self-regulation, using the example of the British market as a case study.Less
Any attempt to regulate this rapidly developing sector will have to take into account what new fields of activity will become more important in the years ahead. This chapter considers the future of the market. It acknowledges that a delicate balance must be struck between legitimate business interests and those of the public, and turns to the regulatory tool favoured by the industry itself: self-regulation. It argues that this is both a realistic approach to current regulatory gaps and will be embraced as a competitive advantage for those firms accepting self-regulation, using the example of the British market as a case study.
Peter Robb
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780198075127
- eISBN:
- 9780199080878
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198075127.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, Social History
This chapter outlines Richard Blechynden's efforts to provide his sons with employment. It was necessitated by his growing family and responsibilities. To add to that, Richard's businesses also ...
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This chapter outlines Richard Blechynden's efforts to provide his sons with employment. It was necessitated by his growing family and responsibilities. To add to that, Richard's businesses also encountered difficulties. The discussion records his use of influence to secure a job for Arthur to a position to suit his business interests. In such efforts, one can see a major example of his paternal ambition and his concern with his children's immediate and future well-being, but also their character. This chapter also considers Blechynden's professional competence and moral turpitude.Less
This chapter outlines Richard Blechynden's efforts to provide his sons with employment. It was necessitated by his growing family and responsibilities. To add to that, Richard's businesses also encountered difficulties. The discussion records his use of influence to secure a job for Arthur to a position to suit his business interests. In such efforts, one can see a major example of his paternal ambition and his concern with his children's immediate and future well-being, but also their character. This chapter also considers Blechynden's professional competence and moral turpitude.
Michael Littlewood
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9789622090996
- eISBN:
- 9789882207455
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Hong Kong University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5790/hongkong/9789622090996.001.0001
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, South and East Asia
This book tells an instructive tale of Hong Kong's tax system from 1940 (when taxes on income were first introduced in the territory) until the present day. For Hong Kong's own historians and ...
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This book tells an instructive tale of Hong Kong's tax system from 1940 (when taxes on income were first introduced in the territory) until the present day. For Hong Kong's own historians and political scientists, it supplies cogent but previously neglected evidence of the influence of the territory's business interests. For students of British imperialism, it provides a compelling case-study of relations between London and a recalcitrant colony. For Hong Kong's own tax professionals, it corrects the notion that the territory's tax system was the product of governmental design. And for tax theorists and taxpayers everywhere, it suggests how it might be possible to structure a combination of very light taxes and very low public spending so as to win broad popular support.Less
This book tells an instructive tale of Hong Kong's tax system from 1940 (when taxes on income were first introduced in the territory) until the present day. For Hong Kong's own historians and political scientists, it supplies cogent but previously neglected evidence of the influence of the territory's business interests. For students of British imperialism, it provides a compelling case-study of relations between London and a recalcitrant colony. For Hong Kong's own tax professionals, it corrects the notion that the territory's tax system was the product of governmental design. And for tax theorists and taxpayers everywhere, it suggests how it might be possible to structure a combination of very light taxes and very low public spending so as to win broad popular support.
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- June 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780804774451
- eISBN:
- 9780804779036
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Stanford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.11126/stanford/9780804774451.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, Latin American History
This chapter examines the impact of World War 1 on Viscount Cowdray's business interests in Mexico. It describes the events which led Cowdray to withdraw from the direct management of the Tehuantepec ...
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This chapter examines the impact of World War 1 on Viscount Cowdray's business interests in Mexico. It describes the events which led Cowdray to withdraw from the direct management of the Tehuantepec Railway and to sell the controlling interest in El Aguila to the Shell Group in May 1919. It also discusses why the oil fields managed to retain an important degree of immunity from the bitter civil war which raged throughout Mexico between 1914 and 1920.Less
This chapter examines the impact of World War 1 on Viscount Cowdray's business interests in Mexico. It describes the events which led Cowdray to withdraw from the direct management of the Tehuantepec Railway and to sell the controlling interest in El Aguila to the Shell Group in May 1919. It also discusses why the oil fields managed to retain an important degree of immunity from the bitter civil war which raged throughout Mexico between 1914 and 1920.
Roger W. Shuy
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- December 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780190270643
- eISBN:
- 9780190270667
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190270643.003.0009
- Subject:
- Linguistics, Sociolinguistics / Anthropological Linguistics
Marc Whitacre of Archer Daniels Midland reported to the government that his company was involved in price-fixing. He then began tape-recording his meetings with his boss, Michael Andreas, and other ...
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Marc Whitacre of Archer Daniels Midland reported to the government that his company was involved in price-fixing. He then began tape-recording his meetings with his boss, Michael Andreas, and other lysine manufacturers. A 1993 meeting with Japanese lysine manufacturers was thought to contain the critical evidence of price-fixing. The parties talked about the growth of volume and possible legal problems of competition. The Japanese introduced the topic of possible allocation of market shares, moving the conversation into legally questionable territory. Andreas’s schema of the meeting changed when topics of the potential allocation and sharing market growth were raised. No agreement to allocate lysine was made during this meeting. This smoking gun evidence was produced by the Japanese executives, not by Andreas. This was about all that could be used to defend ADM, however, since during later tape-recorded meetings the speech act of agreeing was clearly made by all parties.Less
Marc Whitacre of Archer Daniels Midland reported to the government that his company was involved in price-fixing. He then began tape-recording his meetings with his boss, Michael Andreas, and other lysine manufacturers. A 1993 meeting with Japanese lysine manufacturers was thought to contain the critical evidence of price-fixing. The parties talked about the growth of volume and possible legal problems of competition. The Japanese introduced the topic of possible allocation of market shares, moving the conversation into legally questionable territory. Andreas’s schema of the meeting changed when topics of the potential allocation and sharing market growth were raised. No agreement to allocate lysine was made during this meeting. This smoking gun evidence was produced by the Japanese executives, not by Andreas. This was about all that could be used to defend ADM, however, since during later tape-recorded meetings the speech act of agreeing was clearly made by all parties.
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- March 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226768335
- eISBN:
- 9780226768366
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226768366.003.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Legal Profession and Ethics
This introductory chapter sets out the book's purpose, which is to provide a window into the world of lawyers for conservative causes and probes the little discussed cultural conflict among them. It ...
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This introductory chapter sets out the book's purpose, which is to provide a window into the world of lawyers for conservative causes and probes the little discussed cultural conflict among them. It shows how lawyers for the various constituencies of the conservative alliance established highly specialized legal advocacy organizations to challenge the Left's vision of lawyers' proper roles and to reshape public policy. It analyzes their characteristics, values, professional identities, and strategies and the extent to which they, and the organizations they serve, operate as a coordinated whole. The lawyers examined here serve several strands of the conservative alliance that has coalesced behind the Republican Party during the past few decades. Most prominent among those elements are social conservatives, libertarians, and business interests. The book shows that there are striking differences among the lawyers who serve the primary constituencies of the conservative coalition. An overview of the subsequent chapters is also presented.Less
This introductory chapter sets out the book's purpose, which is to provide a window into the world of lawyers for conservative causes and probes the little discussed cultural conflict among them. It shows how lawyers for the various constituencies of the conservative alliance established highly specialized legal advocacy organizations to challenge the Left's vision of lawyers' proper roles and to reshape public policy. It analyzes their characteristics, values, professional identities, and strategies and the extent to which they, and the organizations they serve, operate as a coordinated whole. The lawyers examined here serve several strands of the conservative alliance that has coalesced behind the Republican Party during the past few decades. Most prominent among those elements are social conservatives, libertarians, and business interests. The book shows that there are striking differences among the lawyers who serve the primary constituencies of the conservative coalition. An overview of the subsequent chapters is also presented.
Dirk Peters
- Published in print:
- 2019
- Published Online:
- September 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780198843047
- eISBN:
- 9780191878947
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/oso/9780198843047.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This chapter traces how the seemingly united front against the G7 by rising powers and civil society actors broke apart in the early 2010s. While rising power criticism of the G7 waned after the ...
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This chapter traces how the seemingly united front against the G7 by rising powers and civil society actors broke apart in the early 2010s. While rising power criticism of the G7 waned after the first G20 summits, civil society organizations (CSOs) maintained their critical stance and extended it to the G20. The chapter argues that, from the beginning, contestation by the two sets of actors had focused on different issues. Opposition by rising powers was driven mainly by their own exclusion from the governance club. In contrast, many civil society actors rejected not only the exclusiveness of the G7 on a much more fundamental level but also the idea of liberal macroeconomic coordination as such (policy content). To demonstrate this, the chapter develops a framework for analysis, based on the introductory chapter to this volume. It, then, describes the G7 and its post-Cold War development and analyses the key institutional bones of contention for the BRICS states and for important non-state actors. The analysis shows that rising power governments always had been much closer to business actors and G7 members than to CSOs in their vision for macroeconomic governance. The upgrading of the G20 brought the divergence of positions between the BRICS and CSOs clearly to light as it satisfied the BRICS’ desire for inclusion and left CSOs alone with their more fundamental critique of liberal governance through small groups of powerful states.Less
This chapter traces how the seemingly united front against the G7 by rising powers and civil society actors broke apart in the early 2010s. While rising power criticism of the G7 waned after the first G20 summits, civil society organizations (CSOs) maintained their critical stance and extended it to the G20. The chapter argues that, from the beginning, contestation by the two sets of actors had focused on different issues. Opposition by rising powers was driven mainly by their own exclusion from the governance club. In contrast, many civil society actors rejected not only the exclusiveness of the G7 on a much more fundamental level but also the idea of liberal macroeconomic coordination as such (policy content). To demonstrate this, the chapter develops a framework for analysis, based on the introductory chapter to this volume. It, then, describes the G7 and its post-Cold War development and analyses the key institutional bones of contention for the BRICS states and for important non-state actors. The analysis shows that rising power governments always had been much closer to business actors and G7 members than to CSOs in their vision for macroeconomic governance. The upgrading of the G20 brought the divergence of positions between the BRICS and CSOs clearly to light as it satisfied the BRICS’ desire for inclusion and left CSOs alone with their more fundamental critique of liberal governance through small groups of powerful states.
Norman A. Kutcher
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- January 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780520297524
- eISBN:
- 9780520969841
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of California Press
- DOI:
- 10.1525/california/9780520297524.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, Asian History
When the Qianlong emperor came to the throne, he abrogated his father’s compassionate and rational system for eunuch management. Qianlong saw his father’s innovations as a dangerous departure from ...
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When the Qianlong emperor came to the throne, he abrogated his father’s compassionate and rational system for eunuch management. Qianlong saw his father’s innovations as a dangerous departure from the gold standard of eunuch management. Qianlong would lower eunuchs’ status, cut their salaries, eviscerate their system of ranks, and reduce their education levels. In so doing, he came to perpetuate a series of myths about his eunuchs meant to perpetuate the notion that he was strict on them. He asserted that they only performed menial tasks, never left the palace, had no wives or children, were few in number in his palaces, and were carefully watched over by him personally. In truth, he was quietly allowing them new opportunities to come and go as they pleased, and to develop business interests on the outside. He did this because he faced a growing shortage of eunuchs to staff his ever-burgeoning number of palaces, including Yuanming Yuan.Less
When the Qianlong emperor came to the throne, he abrogated his father’s compassionate and rational system for eunuch management. Qianlong saw his father’s innovations as a dangerous departure from the gold standard of eunuch management. Qianlong would lower eunuchs’ status, cut their salaries, eviscerate their system of ranks, and reduce their education levels. In so doing, he came to perpetuate a series of myths about his eunuchs meant to perpetuate the notion that he was strict on them. He asserted that they only performed menial tasks, never left the palace, had no wives or children, were few in number in his palaces, and were carefully watched over by him personally. In truth, he was quietly allowing them new opportunities to come and go as they pleased, and to develop business interests on the outside. He did this because he faced a growing shortage of eunuchs to staff his ever-burgeoning number of palaces, including Yuanming Yuan.
Iain Whyte
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9781846316968
- eISBN:
- 9781846317057
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Liverpool University Press
- DOI:
- 10.5949/UPO9781846317057
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
In 1833 Thomas Fowell Buxton, the parliamentary successor to William Wilberforce, proposed a toast to ‘the anti-slavery tutor of us all – Mr Macaulay’. Yet Zachary Macaulay's considerable ...
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In 1833 Thomas Fowell Buxton, the parliamentary successor to William Wilberforce, proposed a toast to ‘the anti-slavery tutor of us all – Mr Macaulay’. Yet Zachary Macaulay's considerable contribution to the ending of slavery in the British Empire has received scant recognition by historians. This book focuses on Macaulay's involvement with slavery and anti-slavery but also examines the people and events that influenced him. It traces his Scottish roots and his torrid account of years as a young overseer on a Jamaican plantation. Macaulay's accidental stumbling into the anti-slavery circle through a family marriage led to formative years in the government of the free colony of Sierra Leone dealing with settlers, slave traders, local chiefs and a French invasion. His return to Britain in 1799 began nearly forty years of campaigning to get rid of what he described as ‘this foul stain on the nation’. James Stephen rated Macaulay as the most feared and hated foe of slave interests. Macaulay's weaknesses and failures are explored alongside his unswerving commitment to the cause to which he gave his energy and sacrificed his business interests, and which he saw as a natural result of his strong religious faith. This book is the result of extensive research of Macaulay's own prolific writings and seeks to illustrate the man behind them, his passions and his prejudices, his steely resolve and his personal shyness and, above all, his willingness to work unremittingly in the background, generating the power to drive the engine of anti-slavery to victory.Less
In 1833 Thomas Fowell Buxton, the parliamentary successor to William Wilberforce, proposed a toast to ‘the anti-slavery tutor of us all – Mr Macaulay’. Yet Zachary Macaulay's considerable contribution to the ending of slavery in the British Empire has received scant recognition by historians. This book focuses on Macaulay's involvement with slavery and anti-slavery but also examines the people and events that influenced him. It traces his Scottish roots and his torrid account of years as a young overseer on a Jamaican plantation. Macaulay's accidental stumbling into the anti-slavery circle through a family marriage led to formative years in the government of the free colony of Sierra Leone dealing with settlers, slave traders, local chiefs and a French invasion. His return to Britain in 1799 began nearly forty years of campaigning to get rid of what he described as ‘this foul stain on the nation’. James Stephen rated Macaulay as the most feared and hated foe of slave interests. Macaulay's weaknesses and failures are explored alongside his unswerving commitment to the cause to which he gave his energy and sacrificed his business interests, and which he saw as a natural result of his strong religious faith. This book is the result of extensive research of Macaulay's own prolific writings and seeks to illustrate the man behind them, his passions and his prejudices, his steely resolve and his personal shyness and, above all, his willingness to work unremittingly in the background, generating the power to drive the engine of anti-slavery to victory.