Ashish Arora and Alfonso Gambardella
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199275601
- eISBN:
- 9780191705823
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199275601.003.0001
- Subject:
- Business and Management, International Business
This chapter introduces the subject of in the book, namely a study of the growth of the software industry in a number of emerging economies such as India, Brazil, China, Ireland, and Israel. A review ...
More
This chapter introduces the subject of in the book, namely a study of the growth of the software industry in a number of emerging economies such as India, Brazil, China, Ireland, and Israel. A review of chapters is provided.Less
This chapter introduces the subject of in the book, namely a study of the growth of the software industry in a number of emerging economies such as India, Brazil, China, Ireland, and Israel. A review of chapters is provided.
Ignacio Cano and Patrícia Salvão Ferreira
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- May 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199291922
- eISBN:
- 9780191603716
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199291926.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This paper evaluates the federal reparations program for fatal victims of political violence in Brazil. The Brazilian reparations program was born of an amnesty movement for political prisoners, ...
More
This paper evaluates the federal reparations program for fatal victims of political violence in Brazil. The Brazilian reparations program was born of an amnesty movement for political prisoners, followed by the discovery of mass graves exposing atrocities of the State. In response to pressure from civil society groups and the media, President Cardoso signed the 1995 Law of Victims of Political Assassination and Disappearance. The paper explores the limitations of the law, its exclusion of many victims of political violence, and the charge that the law transferred the burden of proof to victims’ families. It examines the Commission’s structure and operation, as well as the voting patterns of its members. It provides data concerning the cost of the entire reparations process, and sheds light on the surprising truth-telling function the Commission acquired in a country in which official truth-telling about the years of the dictatorship has yet to take place.Less
This paper evaluates the federal reparations program for fatal victims of political violence in Brazil. The Brazilian reparations program was born of an amnesty movement for political prisoners, followed by the discovery of mass graves exposing atrocities of the State. In response to pressure from civil society groups and the media, President Cardoso signed the 1995 Law of Victims of Political Assassination and Disappearance. The paper explores the limitations of the law, its exclusion of many victims of political violence, and the charge that the law transferred the burden of proof to victims’ families. It examines the Commission’s structure and operation, as well as the voting patterns of its members. It provides data concerning the cost of the entire reparations process, and sheds light on the surprising truth-telling function the Commission acquired in a country in which official truth-telling about the years of the dictatorship has yet to take place.
Peggy Levitt
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780195305418
- eISBN:
- 9780199785094
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195305418.003.0006
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
In the 21st century, many people will live transnational lives, belonging to several societies and cultures at once, and they will use religion to do so. This chapter discusses how immigrants from ...
More
In the 21st century, many people will live transnational lives, belonging to several societies and cultures at once, and they will use religion to do so. This chapter discusses how immigrants from Pakistan, India, Ireland, and Brazil living in the Boston area are reshaping the religious landscape and, by so doing, calling into question fundamental assumptions about nations, immigration, and religion.Less
In the 21st century, many people will live transnational lives, belonging to several societies and cultures at once, and they will use religion to do so. This chapter discusses how immigrants from Pakistan, India, Ireland, and Brazil living in the Boston area are reshaping the religious landscape and, by so doing, calling into question fundamental assumptions about nations, immigration, and religion.
Roberto Mazzoleni and Luciano Martins Costa Póvoa
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199574759
- eISBN:
- 9780191722660
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199574759.003.0009
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Innovation
This chapter discusses Brazil. After a long period of decline, growth spurted during 1950–80 and, in 1968–73, the growth rate reached 11.2 percent. As three case studies illustrate, the patent system ...
More
This chapter discusses Brazil. After a long period of decline, growth spurted during 1950–80 and, in 1968–73, the growth rate reached 11.2 percent. As three case studies illustrate, the patent system mattered little for Brazil's industrial development. The success of two national champions, Embraer (aircraft) and Petrobras (oil drilling), in building world‐class technological capabilities mostly derive from various government policies that promoted them, and the patent system neither helped nor hindered them. In the case of the pharmaceutical industry, where the patent system usually plays a more significant role, the 1969 patent law amendment to help domestic firms was not successful. Thus the chapter argues that a coherent government policy, including education policy and trade policy, rather than intellectual property policy, plays a much more significant role in deciding the rate and direction of the development of technological capabilities.Less
This chapter discusses Brazil. After a long period of decline, growth spurted during 1950–80 and, in 1968–73, the growth rate reached 11.2 percent. As three case studies illustrate, the patent system mattered little for Brazil's industrial development. The success of two national champions, Embraer (aircraft) and Petrobras (oil drilling), in building world‐class technological capabilities mostly derive from various government policies that promoted them, and the patent system neither helped nor hindered them. In the case of the pharmaceutical industry, where the patent system usually plays a more significant role, the 1969 patent law amendment to help domestic firms was not successful. Thus the chapter argues that a coherent government policy, including education policy and trade policy, rather than intellectual property policy, plays a much more significant role in deciding the rate and direction of the development of technological capabilities.
Eduardo Fracchia and Luiz F. Mesquita
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199233755
- eISBN:
- 9780191715549
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199233755.003.0009
- Subject:
- Business and Management, International Business
In the first half of the 1990s, a broad macroeconomic reform took place in Brazil leading to changes in institutions, industries, and firms. Ultimately, the reform opened the local market to foreign ...
More
In the first half of the 1990s, a broad macroeconomic reform took place in Brazil leading to changes in institutions, industries, and firms. Ultimately, the reform opened the local market to foreign firms and gave local firms a strong incentive to go abroad. This chapter discusses Brazilian firms' competitive capacity in the new business environment. The study is based on three levels of analysis — national, industry, and firms — with emphasis on the firm level. The objective is to depict the current situation and discuss how Brazilian firms can be competitive in the global market. The chapter shows how successful Brazilian firms dealt with the new open, transitional, and turbulent environment, and proposes four sets of success factors for Brazilian firms to be competitive. The aim of this chapter is for lessons drawn from the Brazilian environment to be useful to firms in other emerging economies with similar characteristics.Less
In the first half of the 1990s, a broad macroeconomic reform took place in Brazil leading to changes in institutions, industries, and firms. Ultimately, the reform opened the local market to foreign firms and gave local firms a strong incentive to go abroad. This chapter discusses Brazilian firms' competitive capacity in the new business environment. The study is based on three levels of analysis — national, industry, and firms — with emphasis on the firm level. The objective is to depict the current situation and discuss how Brazilian firms can be competitive in the global market. The chapter shows how successful Brazilian firms dealt with the new open, transitional, and turbulent environment, and proposes four sets of success factors for Brazilian firms to be competitive. The aim of this chapter is for lessons drawn from the Brazilian environment to be useful to firms in other emerging economies with similar characteristics.
Jeffrey Kahn
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199246991
- eISBN:
- 9780191599606
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199246998.003.0002
- Subject:
- Political Science, Russian Politics
Theories of federalism are explored in detail, with particular attention to the work of Dahl, Lijphart, Riker, and Wheare. Issues addressed include anti‐majoritarianism, asymmetry, centralization, ...
More
Theories of federalism are explored in detail, with particular attention to the work of Dahl, Lijphart, Riker, and Wheare. Issues addressed include anti‐majoritarianism, asymmetry, centralization, the role of the judiciary and the rule of law, nullification, over‐representation, secessionism, self‐determination, sovereignty, and subsidiarity. A wide variety of federal systems are possible under the rubric of federalism (including confederation, federacy, etc.) and these are explored. Different constitutional and institutional choices have different effects (and paradoxes) for democracy, law, and sovereignty in federal states. The role of ethnic, linguistic, religious, and other social cleavages on the development and stability of federal systems is addressed. Empirical analysis of federalism in Brazil, Spain, Yugoslavia, the United States, and other state systems is provided. The theory of ‘non‐democratic federalism’ is disputed.Less
Theories of federalism are explored in detail, with particular attention to the work of Dahl, Lijphart, Riker, and Wheare. Issues addressed include anti‐majoritarianism, asymmetry, centralization, the role of the judiciary and the rule of law, nullification, over‐representation, secessionism, self‐determination, sovereignty, and subsidiarity. A wide variety of federal systems are possible under the rubric of federalism (including confederation, federacy, etc.) and these are explored. Different constitutional and institutional choices have different effects (and paradoxes) for democracy, law, and sovereignty in federal states. The role of ethnic, linguistic, religious, and other social cleavages on the development and stability of federal systems is addressed. Empirical analysis of federalism in Brazil, Spain, Yugoslavia, the United States, and other state systems is provided. The theory of ‘non‐democratic federalism’ is disputed.
Alexandra Barahona de Brito
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199240906
- eISBN:
- 9780191598869
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199240906.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter examines how Argentina, Brazil, Uruguay and Chile fared with truth and justice policies after the transition from authoritarian rule, looking at the issue from an institutional and ...
More
This chapter examines how Argentina, Brazil, Uruguay and Chile fared with truth and justice policies after the transition from authoritarian rule, looking at the issue from an institutional and political angle, and at the social politics of memory. Efforts to deal with the past and their significance in the overall politics of transition to democracy are shaped by country-specific historical conditions and developments: the nature and legacies of repression and authoritarian rule; and the nature of the transition process and the various political, institutional and legal factors conditioning the post-transitional period, among which are the nature of repression, the presence and strength of a human rights movement, inherited legal or constitutional limitations, relations between political parties and Human Rights Organizations (HROs), the degree of executive or party commitment to policies of truth and justice, the unity of democratic parties, the ability of the military to mobilise against any policies of accountability as well as their relations with the democratic executive, the attitude of the judiciary to past violations, the presence of a strong legislative right, and the degree to which repression penetrated the social fabric. The way in which the first democratically elected authorities deal with the past, together with the relative strength of the human rights movement in the post-transitional period, sets the agenda for the subsequent evolution of the issue; more specifically, the past remains a source of open conflict if there are loopholes in official policies that preclude full closure or amnesty, and if transnational groups or regional and international human rights bodies challenge national policies favouring impunity. The past also remains a source of conflict if there are strong HROs that continue to contest official decisions on how to deal with the past, and have allies in the formal political arena or the courts. Official policies to deal with the past are not of themselves directly relevant to the process of democratisation, and what is more, during the first transitional period, truth and justice policies are unrelated to (or may even place obstacles in the way of) wider institutional reform; the reverse is also true, but whatever the case, the past becomes part of the dynamic of democratic politics. Indeed, although the continued pursuit of truth and justice and its links to wider reforms may be difficult to establish across the board, the politics of memory more widely conceived are important for a process of democratization in all four countries examined here, as it is about how a society interprets and appropriates its past, in an attempt to mould its future, and as such it is an integral part of any political process, including progress towards deeper democracy.Less
This chapter examines how Argentina, Brazil, Uruguay and Chile fared with truth and justice policies after the transition from authoritarian rule, looking at the issue from an institutional and political angle, and at the social politics of memory. Efforts to deal with the past and their significance in the overall politics of transition to democracy are shaped by country-specific historical conditions and developments: the nature and legacies of repression and authoritarian rule; and the nature of the transition process and the various political, institutional and legal factors conditioning the post-transitional period, among which are the nature of repression, the presence and strength of a human rights movement, inherited legal or constitutional limitations, relations between political parties and Human Rights Organizations (HROs), the degree of executive or party commitment to policies of truth and justice, the unity of democratic parties, the ability of the military to mobilise against any policies of accountability as well as their relations with the democratic executive, the attitude of the judiciary to past violations, the presence of a strong legislative right, and the degree to which repression penetrated the social fabric. The way in which the first democratically elected authorities deal with the past, together with the relative strength of the human rights movement in the post-transitional period, sets the agenda for the subsequent evolution of the issue; more specifically, the past remains a source of open conflict if there are loopholes in official policies that preclude full closure or amnesty, and if transnational groups or regional and international human rights bodies challenge national policies favouring impunity. The past also remains a source of conflict if there are strong HROs that continue to contest official decisions on how to deal with the past, and have allies in the formal political arena or the courts. Official policies to deal with the past are not of themselves directly relevant to the process of democratisation, and what is more, during the first transitional period, truth and justice policies are unrelated to (or may even place obstacles in the way of) wider institutional reform; the reverse is also true, but whatever the case, the past becomes part of the dynamic of democratic politics. Indeed, although the continued pursuit of truth and justice and its links to wider reforms may be difficult to establish across the board, the politics of memory more widely conceived are important for a process of democratization in all four countries examined here, as it is about how a society interprets and appropriates its past, in an attempt to mould its future, and as such it is an integral part of any political process, including progress towards deeper democracy.
Andrew Hurrell
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199243754
- eISBN:
- 9780191600333
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199243751.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Develops a series of broad perspectives on the variety of international factors that have impinged domestic political developments, specifically on democratization, in Brazil. It suggests that much ...
More
Develops a series of broad perspectives on the variety of international factors that have impinged domestic political developments, specifically on democratization, in Brazil. It suggests that much of the existing literature, which asserts the primacy of domestic political dynamics and accord only secondary importance to external factors, stands in need of some revision.Less
Develops a series of broad perspectives on the variety of international factors that have impinged domestic political developments, specifically on democratization, in Brazil. It suggests that much of the existing literature, which asserts the primacy of domestic political dynamics and accord only secondary importance to external factors, stands in need of some revision.
Michael Bruno
- Published in print:
- 1993
- Published Online:
- September 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780198286639
- eISBN:
- 9780191603839
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198286635.003.0006
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Macro- and Monetary Economics
This chapter focuses on specific lessons that emerged from some of the more extreme Latin American episodes of high inflation and low growth. It discusses the lessons from Chile’s costly orthodox ...
More
This chapter focuses on specific lessons that emerged from some of the more extreme Latin American episodes of high inflation and low growth. It discusses the lessons from Chile’s costly orthodox stabilization and successful, though slow, process of structural reform. It further considers the reasons for the failures in the case of Argentina and Brazil, and also discusses the 1990-91 turnaround in Argentina. The chapter ends with a comparison of the successful Mexican reform with that of Israel. There was considerable similarity in programmes, but enough differences in underlying institutions and market structure to make this comparison a particularly relevant one.Less
This chapter focuses on specific lessons that emerged from some of the more extreme Latin American episodes of high inflation and low growth. It discusses the lessons from Chile’s costly orthodox stabilization and successful, though slow, process of structural reform. It further considers the reasons for the failures in the case of Argentina and Brazil, and also discusses the 1990-91 turnaround in Argentina. The chapter ends with a comparison of the successful Mexican reform with that of Israel. There was considerable similarity in programmes, but enough differences in underlying institutions and market structure to make this comparison a particularly relevant one.
Erin Metz McDonnell
- Published in print:
- 2020
- Published Online:
- September 2020
- ISBN:
- 9780691197364
- eISBN:
- 9780691200064
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691197364.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Public Policy
Corruption and ineffectiveness are often expected of public servants in developing countries. However, some groups within these states are distinctly more effective and public oriented than the rest. ...
More
Corruption and ineffectiveness are often expected of public servants in developing countries. However, some groups within these states are distinctly more effective and public oriented than the rest. Why? This book explains how a few spectacularly effective state organizations manage to thrive amid general institutional weakness and succeed against impressive odds. Drawing on the Hobbesian image of the state as Leviathan, the book argues that many seemingly weak states actually have a wide range of administrative capacities. Such states are in fact patchworks sewn loosely together from scarce resources into the semblance of unity. The book demonstrates that when the human, cognitive, and material resources of bureaucracy are rare, it is critically important how they are distributed. Too often, scarce bureaucratic resources are scattered throughout the state, yielding little effect. The book reveals how a sufficient concentration of resources clustered within particular pockets of a state can be transformative, enabling distinctively effective organizations to emerge from a sea of ineffectiveness. The book offers a comprehensive analysis of successful statecraft in institutionally challenging environments, drawing on cases from contemporary Ghana and Nigeria, mid-twentieth-century Kenya and Brazil, and China in the early twentieth century. The book explains how these highly effective pockets differ from the Western bureaucracies on which so much state and organizational theory is based, providing a fresh answer to why well-funded global capacity-building reforms fail—and how they can do better.Less
Corruption and ineffectiveness are often expected of public servants in developing countries. However, some groups within these states are distinctly more effective and public oriented than the rest. Why? This book explains how a few spectacularly effective state organizations manage to thrive amid general institutional weakness and succeed against impressive odds. Drawing on the Hobbesian image of the state as Leviathan, the book argues that many seemingly weak states actually have a wide range of administrative capacities. Such states are in fact patchworks sewn loosely together from scarce resources into the semblance of unity. The book demonstrates that when the human, cognitive, and material resources of bureaucracy are rare, it is critically important how they are distributed. Too often, scarce bureaucratic resources are scattered throughout the state, yielding little effect. The book reveals how a sufficient concentration of resources clustered within particular pockets of a state can be transformative, enabling distinctively effective organizations to emerge from a sea of ineffectiveness. The book offers a comprehensive analysis of successful statecraft in institutionally challenging environments, drawing on cases from contemporary Ghana and Nigeria, mid-twentieth-century Kenya and Brazil, and China in the early twentieth century. The book explains how these highly effective pockets differ from the Western bureaucracies on which so much state and organizational theory is based, providing a fresh answer to why well-funded global capacity-building reforms fail—and how they can do better.
Paulo Sérgio Pinheiro
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198781837
- eISBN:
- 9780191598968
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198781830.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Highlights a fundamental contradiction in Brazil's democracy: the coexistence of political rights with pervasive human rights abuse. Political violence, condoned by the state, inhibits the extension ...
More
Highlights a fundamental contradiction in Brazil's democracy: the coexistence of political rights with pervasive human rights abuse. Political violence, condoned by the state, inhibits the extension of citizenship rights. Brazilian Human Rights NGOs have made significant gains in combating societal and state violence. However, NGOs and other civil society actors are limited in their ability to curb the use of extra‐legal force by the extensive corruption within the state's judicial and security systems and by the lack of accountability in its political society. The ability to extend and to consolidate democracy in Brazil is blocked by the persistence of authoritarian practice within society and state.Less
Highlights a fundamental contradiction in Brazil's democracy: the coexistence of political rights with pervasive human rights abuse. Political violence, condoned by the state, inhibits the extension of citizenship rights. Brazilian Human Rights NGOs have made significant gains in combating societal and state violence. However, NGOs and other civil society actors are limited in their ability to curb the use of extra‐legal force by the extensive corruption within the state's judicial and security systems and by the lack of accountability in its political society. The ability to extend and to consolidate democracy in Brazil is blocked by the persistence of authoritarian practice within society and state.
William Nylen
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198781837
- eISBN:
- 9780191598968
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198781830.003.0017
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
In the 1980s, the Workers Party in Brazil faced an institutional challenge: to adapt its orthodox socialism to the realities of governance without loosing its commitment to a transformative socialist ...
More
In the 1980s, the Workers Party in Brazil faced an institutional challenge: to adapt its orthodox socialism to the realities of governance without loosing its commitment to a transformative socialist agenda. This study analyses the process of party building through three experiences with local governance by the PT in the north‐eastern state of Ceará. Strict adherence to the party line generated the spectacular failure of the first PT administration in the area and led to a more pragmatic vision within the party to winning and maintaining electoral power. The PT constructed new public support and made significant electoral gains, based on a platform calling for the provision of credible public services and a responsive and participatory governance process. The failure and success of PT governments in this region have contributed to an internal learning process and institutional debates at both the regional and national levels.Less
In the 1980s, the Workers Party in Brazil faced an institutional challenge: to adapt its orthodox socialism to the realities of governance without loosing its commitment to a transformative socialist agenda. This study analyses the process of party building through three experiences with local governance by the PT in the north‐eastern state of Ceará. Strict adherence to the party line generated the spectacular failure of the first PT administration in the area and led to a more pragmatic vision within the party to winning and maintaining electoral power. The PT constructed new public support and made significant electoral gains, based on a platform calling for the provision of credible public services and a responsive and participatory governance process. The failure and success of PT governments in this region have contributed to an internal learning process and institutional debates at both the regional and national levels.
Kathryn Hochstetler
- Published in print:
- 1997
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198781837
- eISBN:
- 9780191598968
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198781830.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Perceptions of the political importance of social movements and popular organizations often err by seeing only one of their many possible roles. An analysis of the evolution of the Brazilian ...
More
Perceptions of the political importance of social movements and popular organizations often err by seeing only one of their many possible roles. An analysis of the evolution of the Brazilian environmental movement in the 1980s, as they themselves perceive it and through its impact on Brazilian politics, shows how the myriad groups went through different combinations of four important political roles. Although with less impact on the first of these—state transformation (the usual focus of analysis)—the environmental groups showed significant activity in other roles: representation of popular interests, cultural politics, and action in the informal polity.Less
Perceptions of the political importance of social movements and popular organizations often err by seeing only one of their many possible roles. An analysis of the evolution of the Brazilian environmental movement in the 1980s, as they themselves perceive it and through its impact on Brazilian politics, shows how the myriad groups went through different combinations of four important political roles. Although with less impact on the first of these—state transformation (the usual focus of analysis)—the environmental groups showed significant activity in other roles: representation of popular interests, cultural politics, and action in the informal polity.
Ashish Arora and Alfonso Gambardella (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199275601
- eISBN:
- 9780191705823
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199275601.001.0001
- Subject:
- Business and Management, International Business
In 1980, the Indian software industry was practically non-existent. By the 1990s, the industry was one of the largest employers in manufacturing. Similar patterns of growth can be found in other ...
More
In 1980, the Indian software industry was practically non-existent. By the 1990s, the industry was one of the largest employers in manufacturing. Similar patterns of growth can be found in other emerging economies. Given that the software industry is commonly viewed as a high-tech industry, how is it that such spectacular growth has occurred in countries where high-tech industries would not seem likely to develop? This book examines the reasons behind this phenomenon, and asks whether it suggests a new model of economic development. The contributors explore the implications of the rise of these newcomers to the software market for the global industry, and whether there are things to be learned about the role of human capital in economic growth, firm formation and capabilities, business and managerial models, and industry structure.Less
In 1980, the Indian software industry was practically non-existent. By the 1990s, the industry was one of the largest employers in manufacturing. Similar patterns of growth can be found in other emerging economies. Given that the software industry is commonly viewed as a high-tech industry, how is it that such spectacular growth has occurred in countries where high-tech industries would not seem likely to develop? This book examines the reasons behind this phenomenon, and asks whether it suggests a new model of economic development. The contributors explore the implications of the rise of these newcomers to the software market for the global industry, and whether there are things to be learned about the role of human capital in economic growth, firm formation and capabilities, business and managerial models, and industry structure.
Scott B. Martin
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199241149
- eISBN:
- 9780191598920
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199241147.003.0004
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
Moves toward highly flexible labour systems in production have occurred through the world economy under the combined weight of globalized markets and production networks, liberalized national ...
More
Moves toward highly flexible labour systems in production have occurred through the world economy under the combined weight of globalized markets and production networks, liberalized national economic policies, and the rise of new corporate philosophies and organizational forms transcending traditional Fordist mass production. This essay offers an alternative perspective in contrast to those who critique this ‘lean and mean’ capitalist order of high exploitation and unilateral managerial domination as well as those who defend the potential for improved equity and empowerment under post‐Fordist production arrangements. The study suggests that the impact of flexible production is highly contingent upon the concrete social relations in which the transition takes place at the level of particular work sites and particular local and regional agglomerations of firms (sectors, clusters, and chains). An examination of two plants located within the quintessential globalized industry of auto assembly and manufacture in two large developing countries, Mexico and Brazil, yields the conclusion that the highly varying impacts of ‘flexibilization’ on systems of worker rights and collective representation in the workplace (‘labour regimes’) stem from the distinct nature of the transition mode to flexibility in different subnational settings. The central explanation for the contrasting transition modes towards high labour flexibility across the two plants is that, the capacity of firms and worker representatives to transcend zero‐sum conflicts over flexibility and forge innovative new practices, hinges upon the character of the social network ties in which, together and separately, they are embedded at the time when exogenous pressures for greater flexibility are experienced. Such ties condition their styles of communication, behaviour, and interaction as well as the informational and other resources available to them.Less
Moves toward highly flexible labour systems in production have occurred through the world economy under the combined weight of globalized markets and production networks, liberalized national economic policies, and the rise of new corporate philosophies and organizational forms transcending traditional Fordist mass production. This essay offers an alternative perspective in contrast to those who critique this ‘lean and mean’ capitalist order of high exploitation and unilateral managerial domination as well as those who defend the potential for improved equity and empowerment under post‐Fordist production arrangements. The study suggests that the impact of flexible production is highly contingent upon the concrete social relations in which the transition takes place at the level of particular work sites and particular local and regional agglomerations of firms (sectors, clusters, and chains). An examination of two plants located within the quintessential globalized industry of auto assembly and manufacture in two large developing countries, Mexico and Brazil, yields the conclusion that the highly varying impacts of ‘flexibilization’ on systems of worker rights and collective representation in the workplace (‘labour regimes’) stem from the distinct nature of the transition mode to flexibility in different subnational settings. The central explanation for the contrasting transition modes towards high labour flexibility across the two plants is that, the capacity of firms and worker representatives to transcend zero‐sum conflicts over flexibility and forge innovative new practices, hinges upon the character of the social network ties in which, together and separately, they are embedded at the time when exogenous pressures for greater flexibility are experienced. Such ties condition their styles of communication, behaviour, and interaction as well as the informational and other resources available to them.
Argelina Cheibub Figueiredo
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199256372
- eISBN:
- 9780191602368
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199256373.003.0006
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter examines role of Congress as an agency of horizontal accountability in Brazil. It is argued that although Congress’ direct oversight role is diminished, its indirect role remains ...
More
This chapter examines role of Congress as an agency of horizontal accountability in Brazil. It is argued that although Congress’ direct oversight role is diminished, its indirect role remains critical. The information it provides through its oversight mechanisms is essential for groups in society to activate other accountability mechanisms, which in turn strengthens the mechanisms of vertical accountability established between voters and the government.Less
This chapter examines role of Congress as an agency of horizontal accountability in Brazil. It is argued that although Congress’ direct oversight role is diminished, its indirect role remains critical. The information it provides through its oversight mechanisms is essential for groups in society to activate other accountability mechanisms, which in turn strengthens the mechanisms of vertical accountability established between voters and the government.
Maria Tereza Sadek and Rosângela Batista Cavalcanti
- Published in print:
- 2003
- Published Online:
- April 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780199256372
- eISBN:
- 9780191602368
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199256373.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This chapter examines the performance of the Public Prosecution — a Brazilian institution tasked with exercising oversight and control over public administration — and its impact on democracy. It is ...
More
This chapter examines the performance of the Public Prosecution — a Brazilian institution tasked with exercising oversight and control over public administration — and its impact on democracy. It is argued that the institution is still attempting to define itself both internally and externally. Work by the Public Prosecution has generated significant response from groups who feel that their interests are being threatened. Amendments have been proposed in Congress to restrict the Public Prosecution’s autonomy.Less
This chapter examines the performance of the Public Prosecution — a Brazilian institution tasked with exercising oversight and control over public administration — and its impact on democracy. It is argued that the institution is still attempting to define itself both internally and externally. Work by the Public Prosecution has generated significant response from groups who feel that their interests are being threatened. Amendments have been proposed in Congress to restrict the Public Prosecution’s autonomy.
Antonio J. Junqueira Botelho, Giancarlo Stefanuto, and Francisco Veloso
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- September 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199275601
- eISBN:
- 9780191705823
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199275601.003.0005
- Subject:
- Business and Management, International Business
Starting in the early 1990s, a growing and increasingly open Brazilian economy spurred extraordinary development in the domestic IT and software sectors. Firms across the economy invested in IT and ...
More
Starting in the early 1990s, a growing and increasingly open Brazilian economy spurred extraordinary development in the domestic IT and software sectors. Firms across the economy invested in IT and created demand for the nascent software industry. However, the market incentives drove a number of software firms towards serving numerous regional clients, instead of the riskier strategy of investing in product development or pursuing service exports. As a result, Brazilian companies matured more slowly compared to India and other developing countries emerging as lead players in the international software market. Industry prospects changed with the emergence of lead domestic client sectors in banking and telecom, and with the growth of competition, coupled with a strong entrepreneurial culture. These observations demonstrate that there are alternative paths to those followed by India, Ireland, and Israel in the acquisition of competencies in the software industry.Less
Starting in the early 1990s, a growing and increasingly open Brazilian economy spurred extraordinary development in the domestic IT and software sectors. Firms across the economy invested in IT and created demand for the nascent software industry. However, the market incentives drove a number of software firms towards serving numerous regional clients, instead of the riskier strategy of investing in product development or pursuing service exports. As a result, Brazilian companies matured more slowly compared to India and other developing countries emerging as lead players in the international software market. Industry prospects changed with the emergence of lead domestic client sectors in banking and telecom, and with the growth of competition, coupled with a strong entrepreneurial culture. These observations demonstrate that there are alternative paths to those followed by India, Ireland, and Israel in the acquisition of competencies in the software industry.
Brigitte Granville
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691145402
- eISBN:
- 9781400846443
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691145402.003.0005
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Finance, Accounting, and Banking
This chapter analyzes the impact of low inflation. It argues that despite repeated efforts by governing authorities to initiate anti-inflationary policies, long-lasting stabilization can prove ...
More
This chapter analyzes the impact of low inflation. It argues that despite repeated efforts by governing authorities to initiate anti-inflationary policies, long-lasting stabilization can prove elusive. Reducing inflation is one thing, but keeping it down is the real challenge. The chapter highlights the experiences of some Latin American countries in the 1970s and 1980s, Russia in the 1990s, and Argentina in the 2000s. One typical mistake was to choose the exchange rate as the nominal anchor, which allows the inflation rate to be reduced quickly, but its effect is temporary, as governments often use lower inflation as a reason to delay the necessary fiscal tightening, eventually leading to the collapse of the exchange rate peg and inflation striking back with a vengeance.Less
This chapter analyzes the impact of low inflation. It argues that despite repeated efforts by governing authorities to initiate anti-inflationary policies, long-lasting stabilization can prove elusive. Reducing inflation is one thing, but keeping it down is the real challenge. The chapter highlights the experiences of some Latin American countries in the 1970s and 1980s, Russia in the 1990s, and Argentina in the 2000s. One typical mistake was to choose the exchange rate as the nominal anchor, which allows the inflation rate to be reduced quickly, but its effect is temporary, as governments often use lower inflation as a reason to delay the necessary fiscal tightening, eventually leading to the collapse of the exchange rate peg and inflation striking back with a vengeance.
Barry Ames and Timothy J. Power
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199289653
- eISBN:
- 9780191710964
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199289653.003.0007
- Subject:
- Political Science, Comparative Politics
This chapter analyzes the historical development and contemporary functionality of the Brazilian party system, emphasizing the post-1985 democratic regime. Environmental factors such as ...
More
This chapter analyzes the historical development and contemporary functionality of the Brazilian party system, emphasizing the post-1985 democratic regime. Environmental factors such as authoritarianism, federalism, presidentialism, statism, corporatism, personalism, and clientelism have all exercised strong anti-party effects in Brazil. The current party system is depicted as highly fragmented, highly competitive, highly volatile, and weakly institutionalized. The system is also extremely uneven in terms of parties' commitments to ideology and organization — the major exception being the Workers' Party (PT), which finally captured the presidency in 2002. The primary explanatory focus is on the electoral system used for the lower house (open-list proportional representation or OLPR), but the analysis also illustrates how OLPR interacts with various structural, historical, and institutional variables in Brazil. The chapter concludes by explaining how the party system persistently undermines the possibilities for governability in Brazil.Less
This chapter analyzes the historical development and contemporary functionality of the Brazilian party system, emphasizing the post-1985 democratic regime. Environmental factors such as authoritarianism, federalism, presidentialism, statism, corporatism, personalism, and clientelism have all exercised strong anti-party effects in Brazil. The current party system is depicted as highly fragmented, highly competitive, highly volatile, and weakly institutionalized. The system is also extremely uneven in terms of parties' commitments to ideology and organization — the major exception being the Workers' Party (PT), which finally captured the presidency in 2002. The primary explanatory focus is on the electoral system used for the lower house (open-list proportional representation or OLPR), but the analysis also illustrates how OLPR interacts with various structural, historical, and institutional variables in Brazil. The chapter concludes by explaining how the party system persistently undermines the possibilities for governability in Brazil.
