Sarah Azaransky
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199744817
- eISBN:
- 9780199897308
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199744817.001.0001
- Subject:
- Religion, Religion and Society
Pauli Murray (1910–85) was a poet, lawyer, activist, and priest, as well as a significant figure in the civil rights and women's movements. Throughout her careers and activism, Murray espoused faith ...
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Pauli Murray (1910–85) was a poet, lawyer, activist, and priest, as well as a significant figure in the civil rights and women's movements. Throughout her careers and activism, Murray espoused faith in an American democracy that is partially present and yet to come. In the 1940s Murray was in the vanguard of black activists to use nonviolent direct action. A decade before the Montgomery bus boycott, Murray organized sit-ins of segregated restaurants in Washington D.C. and was arrested for sitting in the front section of a bus in Virginia. Murray pioneered the category Jane Crow to describe discrimination she experienced as a result of racism and sexism. She used Jane Crow in the 1960s to expand equal protection provisions for African American women. A co-founder of the National Organization of Women, Murray insisted on the interrelation of all human rights. Her professional and personal relationships included major figures in the ongoing struggle for civil rights for all Americans, including Thurgood Marshall and Eleanor Roosevelt. In seminary in the 1970s, Murray developed a black feminist critique of emerging black male and white feminist theologies. After becoming the first African American woman Episcopal priest in 1977, Murray emphasized the particularity of African American women's experiences, while proclaiming a universal message of salvation. This book examines Murray's substantial body of published writings as well personal letters, journals, and unpublished manuscripts. The book traces the development of Murray's thought over fifty years, ranging from her theologically rich democratic criticism of the 1930s to her democratically inflected sermons of the 1980s.Less
Pauli Murray (1910–85) was a poet, lawyer, activist, and priest, as well as a significant figure in the civil rights and women's movements. Throughout her careers and activism, Murray espoused faith in an American democracy that is partially present and yet to come. In the 1940s Murray was in the vanguard of black activists to use nonviolent direct action. A decade before the Montgomery bus boycott, Murray organized sit-ins of segregated restaurants in Washington D.C. and was arrested for sitting in the front section of a bus in Virginia. Murray pioneered the category Jane Crow to describe discrimination she experienced as a result of racism and sexism. She used Jane Crow in the 1960s to expand equal protection provisions for African American women. A co-founder of the National Organization of Women, Murray insisted on the interrelation of all human rights. Her professional and personal relationships included major figures in the ongoing struggle for civil rights for all Americans, including Thurgood Marshall and Eleanor Roosevelt. In seminary in the 1970s, Murray developed a black feminist critique of emerging black male and white feminist theologies. After becoming the first African American woman Episcopal priest in 1977, Murray emphasized the particularity of African American women's experiences, while proclaiming a universal message of salvation. This book examines Murray's substantial body of published writings as well personal letters, journals, and unpublished manuscripts. The book traces the development of Murray's thought over fifty years, ranging from her theologically rich democratic criticism of the 1930s to her democratically inflected sermons of the 1980s.
Kimberley Johnson
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780195387421
- eISBN:
- 9780199776771
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195387421.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, American Politics
Historians of the Civil Rights era typically treat the key events of the 1950s Brown v. Board of Education — sit-ins, bus boycotts, and marches — as contributing toward a revolutionary social ...
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Historians of the Civil Rights era typically treat the key events of the 1950s Brown v. Board of Education — sit-ins, bus boycotts, and marches — as contributing toward a revolutionary social upheaval that upended a rigid caste system. While the 1950s was a watershed era in Southern and civil rights history, the tendency has been to paint the preceding Jim Crow era as a brutal system that featured none of the progressive reform impulses so apparent at the federal level and in the North. As the author shows in this reappraisal of the Jim Crow era, this argument is too simplistic, and is true to neither the 1950s nor the long era of Jim Crow that finally solidified in 1910. Focusing on the political development of the South between 1910 and 1954, this book considers the genuine efforts by white and black progressives to reform the system without destroying it. These reformers assumed that the system was there to stay, and therefore felt that they had to work within it in order to modernize the South. Consequently, white progressives tried to install a better — meaning more equitable — separate-but-equal system, and elite black reformers focused on ameliorative (rather than confrontational) solutions that would improve the lives of African Americans. The book concentrates on local and state reform efforts throughout the South in areas like schooling, housing, and labor. Many of the reforms made a difference, but they had the ironic impact of generating more demand for social change among blacks. The author is able to show how demands slowly rose over time, and how the system laid the seeds of its own destruction. The reformers' commitment to a system that was less unequal — albeit not truly equal — and more like the North, led to significant policy changes over time. As this book demonstrates, our lack of knowledge about the cumulative policy transformations resulting from the Jim Crow reform impulse, impoverishes our understanding of the Civil Rights revolution. Reforming Jim Crow aims to rectify that.Less
Historians of the Civil Rights era typically treat the key events of the 1950s Brown v. Board of Education — sit-ins, bus boycotts, and marches — as contributing toward a revolutionary social upheaval that upended a rigid caste system. While the 1950s was a watershed era in Southern and civil rights history, the tendency has been to paint the preceding Jim Crow era as a brutal system that featured none of the progressive reform impulses so apparent at the federal level and in the North. As the author shows in this reappraisal of the Jim Crow era, this argument is too simplistic, and is true to neither the 1950s nor the long era of Jim Crow that finally solidified in 1910. Focusing on the political development of the South between 1910 and 1954, this book considers the genuine efforts by white and black progressives to reform the system without destroying it. These reformers assumed that the system was there to stay, and therefore felt that they had to work within it in order to modernize the South. Consequently, white progressives tried to install a better — meaning more equitable — separate-but-equal system, and elite black reformers focused on ameliorative (rather than confrontational) solutions that would improve the lives of African Americans. The book concentrates on local and state reform efforts throughout the South in areas like schooling, housing, and labor. Many of the reforms made a difference, but they had the ironic impact of generating more demand for social change among blacks. The author is able to show how demands slowly rose over time, and how the system laid the seeds of its own destruction. The reformers' commitment to a system that was less unequal — albeit not truly equal — and more like the North, led to significant policy changes over time. As this book demonstrates, our lack of knowledge about the cumulative policy transformations resulting from the Jim Crow reform impulse, impoverishes our understanding of the Civil Rights revolution. Reforming Jim Crow aims to rectify that.
Oscar Gelderblom
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691142883
- eISBN:
- 9781400848591
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691142883.003.0007
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Economic History
This chapter examines the various ways in which the merchants of the Low Countries dealt with losses from violent assaults. It shows the importance of urban competition, not only for specific groups ...
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This chapter examines the various ways in which the merchants of the Low Countries dealt with losses from violent assaults. It shows the importance of urban competition, not only for specific groups like the German Hanse, but also for the merchant community at large that used the cities' increasingly sophisticated commodity and financial markets to share, spread, and transfer the commercial risks created by Europe's political and legal fragmentation. The chapter first considers how collective action was used by merchants to discipline rulers, as exemplified by the boycotts of Bruges, mostly by the German Hanse but sometimes also by English and Spanish traders, between 1270 and 1310. It then explores court proceedings and spreading of risks as a means for merchants to deal with losses and to organize compensation.Less
This chapter examines the various ways in which the merchants of the Low Countries dealt with losses from violent assaults. It shows the importance of urban competition, not only for specific groups like the German Hanse, but also for the merchant community at large that used the cities' increasingly sophisticated commodity and financial markets to share, spread, and transfer the commercial risks created by Europe's political and legal fragmentation. The chapter first considers how collective action was used by merchants to discipline rulers, as exemplified by the boycotts of Bruges, mostly by the German Hanse but sometimes also by English and Spanish traders, between 1270 and 1310. It then explores court proceedings and spreading of risks as a means for merchants to deal with losses and to organize compensation.
John M. Giggie
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- January 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780195304039
- eISBN:
- 9780199866885
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195304039.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century, History of Religion
The conclusion explores the legacies of religious change among Delta blacks, including those who left for Chicago as part of the Great Migration of African American southerners northward beginning in ...
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The conclusion explores the legacies of religious change among Delta blacks, including those who left for Chicago as part of the Great Migration of African American southerners northward beginning in the mid-1910s. It tracks the explosive career of Rosetta Tharpe, a Gospel and blues singer from the Arkansas Delta who embodied the new intersection between the sacred and commercial world. It also reveals how key features of modern black sacred life in Chicago actually took root during in the rural South the post-Reconstruction era, especially black nationalism and Garveyism, the linking of spiritual identity and consumption, and civil rights protests that focused on boycotting racist stores.Less
The conclusion explores the legacies of religious change among Delta blacks, including those who left for Chicago as part of the Great Migration of African American southerners northward beginning in the mid-1910s. It tracks the explosive career of Rosetta Tharpe, a Gospel and blues singer from the Arkansas Delta who embodied the new intersection between the sacred and commercial world. It also reveals how key features of modern black sacred life in Chicago actually took root during in the rural South the post-Reconstruction era, especially black nationalism and Garveyism, the linking of spiritual identity and consumption, and civil rights protests that focused on boycotting racist stores.
Virgil K.Y. Ho
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- February 2006
- ISBN:
- 9780199282715
- eISBN:
- 9780191603037
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199282714.003.0003
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Economic History
The Cantonese displayed acceptance of Westerners and their cultures in the late imperial and Republican period, in spite of their reputation for being xenophobic and anti-foreign since the days of ...
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The Cantonese displayed acceptance of Westerners and their cultures in the late imperial and Republican period, in spite of their reputation for being xenophobic and anti-foreign since the days of the Opium War. Many people in Canton adopted an unmistakably pro-West attitude, from popular favourable perceptions of such foreign ‘imperialist enclaves’ as Hong Kong and Shameen to the advocacy for total Westernization by senior academics from a Canton university. Despite its much propagated anti-imperialist stance, the local nationalist government was, in reality, highly conciliatory when dealing with foreign powers.Less
The Cantonese displayed acceptance of Westerners and their cultures in the late imperial and Republican period, in spite of their reputation for being xenophobic and anti-foreign since the days of the Opium War. Many people in Canton adopted an unmistakably pro-West attitude, from popular favourable perceptions of such foreign ‘imperialist enclaves’ as Hong Kong and Shameen to the advocacy for total Westernization by senior academics from a Canton university. Despite its much propagated anti-imperialist stance, the local nationalist government was, in reality, highly conciliatory when dealing with foreign powers.
Harumi Goto Shibata
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- July 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780198292715
- eISBN:
- 9780191602580
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198292715.003.0006
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, South and East Asia
This chapter examines the boycott movements in China. It traces the history of anti-Japanese boycotts during the period from 1928 to 1931 when the Nationalist government began implementing its ...
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This chapter examines the boycott movements in China. It traces the history of anti-Japanese boycotts during the period from 1928 to 1931 when the Nationalist government began implementing its program for import-substitution industrialization. Seen in the context of Sino-foreign business rivalries, the boycotts functioned to promote industrialization. In some cases, though not in others, the boycotts were more effective than the imposition of tariffs, as the former could be targeted against those goods which were manufactured in foreign-owned factories in China (such as Japanese mills in Shanghai) as well as against imported goods. Japanese and British businessmen's reaction to the boycott movements indirectly confirms that the economic aspects of this movement were important.Less
This chapter examines the boycott movements in China. It traces the history of anti-Japanese boycotts during the period from 1928 to 1931 when the Nationalist government began implementing its program for import-substitution industrialization. Seen in the context of Sino-foreign business rivalries, the boycotts functioned to promote industrialization. In some cases, though not in others, the boycotts were more effective than the imposition of tariffs, as the former could be targeted against those goods which were manufactured in foreign-owned factories in China (such as Japanese mills in Shanghai) as well as against imported goods. Japanese and British businessmen's reaction to the boycott movements indirectly confirms that the economic aspects of this movement were important.
G. A. Cohen
Michael Otsuka (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691148809
- eISBN:
- 9781400845323
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691148809.003.0003
- Subject:
- Philosophy, Political Philosophy
This chapter discusses academic boycotts in the context of the 1985 ban of South Africa and Namibian participants from attending a World Archaeological Congress (WAC) gathering at Southampton. It ...
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This chapter discusses academic boycotts in the context of the 1985 ban of South Africa and Namibian participants from attending a World Archaeological Congress (WAC) gathering at Southampton. It argues that a policy of selective academic boycott expresses condemnation of the apartheid regime. For some people, however, the fact itself, together with the desirability of showing where we stand, of not condoning apartheid through silence, justifies a boycott policy. Here, the chapter emphasizes that the only responsible way to assess any policy towards South Africa is strategically: that is, with reference to the policy's probable impact on the struggle for liberation.Less
This chapter discusses academic boycotts in the context of the 1985 ban of South Africa and Namibian participants from attending a World Archaeological Congress (WAC) gathering at Southampton. It argues that a policy of selective academic boycott expresses condemnation of the apartheid regime. For some people, however, the fact itself, together with the desirability of showing where we stand, of not condoning apartheid through silence, justifies a boycott policy. Here, the chapter emphasizes that the only responsible way to assess any policy towards South Africa is strategically: that is, with reference to the policy's probable impact on the struggle for liberation.
John D. Inazu
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780226365459
- eISBN:
- 9780226365596
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226365596.001.0001
- Subject:
- Law, Constitutional and Administrative Law
Confident Pluralism argues that we can and must live together peaceably in spite of deep and sometimes irresolvable differences over politics, religion, sexuality, and other important matters. We can ...
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Confident Pluralism argues that we can and must live together peaceably in spite of deep and sometimes irresolvable differences over politics, religion, sexuality, and other important matters. We can do so in two important ways. The first is by insisting upon constitutional commitments in three areas of the law: (1) protecting the voluntary groups of civil society through the rights of assembly and association; (2) facilitating and enabling dissent, disagreement, and diversity in public forums; and (3) ensuring that generally available government funding is not limited by government orthodoxy. The second way to pursue Confident Pluralism is by embodying its aspirations of tolerance, humility, and patience in three civic practices: (1) our speech; (2) our collective action (protests, strikes, and boycotts); and (3) our relationships across difference. Confident Pluralism suggests that when it comes to these civic practices, it is often better to tolerate than to protest, better to project humility than defensiveness, and better to wait patiently for the fruits of persuasion than to force the consequences of coercion. Confident Pluralism will not give us the American Dream. But it might help avoid the American NightmareLess
Confident Pluralism argues that we can and must live together peaceably in spite of deep and sometimes irresolvable differences over politics, religion, sexuality, and other important matters. We can do so in two important ways. The first is by insisting upon constitutional commitments in three areas of the law: (1) protecting the voluntary groups of civil society through the rights of assembly and association; (2) facilitating and enabling dissent, disagreement, and diversity in public forums; and (3) ensuring that generally available government funding is not limited by government orthodoxy. The second way to pursue Confident Pluralism is by embodying its aspirations of tolerance, humility, and patience in three civic practices: (1) our speech; (2) our collective action (protests, strikes, and boycotts); and (3) our relationships across difference. Confident Pluralism suggests that when it comes to these civic practices, it is often better to tolerate than to protest, better to project humility than defensiveness, and better to wait patiently for the fruits of persuasion than to force the consequences of coercion. Confident Pluralism will not give us the American Dream. But it might help avoid the American Nightmare
Robert Tobin
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199641567
- eISBN:
- 9780191738418
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199641567.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter addresses the conservatism that continued to dominate Irish society during the 1950s and the shift that began to take place in the course of the 1960s. It assesses Butler's efforts to ...
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This chapter addresses the conservatism that continued to dominate Irish society during the 1950s and the shift that began to take place in the course of the 1960s. It assesses Butler's efforts to balance his cherished sense of autonomy as a landowning Protestant intellectual with his sense of obligation to participate fully in Irish civic life. It documents the ostracism Butler suffered as a result of the Papal Nuncio Incident and the negative response he received from some of his fellow Protestants for his outspokenness. It records Protestant resentment over the Ne Temere Decree and recounts events surrounding the Fethard‐on‐Sea Boycott of 1957. It assesses Butler's continuing commitment to non‐sectarian nationalism as the South began to liberalize religiously and socially, while the North was overtaken by the violence of the modern Troubles.Less
This chapter addresses the conservatism that continued to dominate Irish society during the 1950s and the shift that began to take place in the course of the 1960s. It assesses Butler's efforts to balance his cherished sense of autonomy as a landowning Protestant intellectual with his sense of obligation to participate fully in Irish civic life. It documents the ostracism Butler suffered as a result of the Papal Nuncio Incident and the negative response he received from some of his fellow Protestants for his outspokenness. It records Protestant resentment over the Ne Temere Decree and recounts events surrounding the Fethard‐on‐Sea Boycott of 1957. It assesses Butler's continuing commitment to non‐sectarian nationalism as the South began to liberalize religiously and socially, while the North was overtaken by the violence of the modern Troubles.
Peter D.G. Thomas
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201427
- eISBN:
- 9780191674877
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201427.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, American History: early to 18th Century
The British legislation of 1774 united an America divided by the Boston Tea Party. The policy it embodied has often been condemned as foolish by historians blessed with the wisdom ...
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The British legislation of 1774 united an America divided by the Boston Tea Party. The policy it embodied has often been condemned as foolish by historians blessed with the wisdom of hindsight. Such facile criticism overlooks the dilemma that British Prime Minister Lord North's administration could not have ignored such defiance, and yet that any retaliation would be resented. Indeed, the policy was a moderate one, and attacked by many in Britain for that reason. But it would be foolish to attribute American resistance to incitement from Britain, despite the opinions to that effect voiced by colonial officials and British politicians both before and after 1773. The much-publicized role of Boston as the first martyr of American liberty did not lead to the colonial response that the town sought. Boston wanted the immediate action of a trade boycott. It obtained instead the potential support of a Congress. Benjamin Franklin was deluding both himself and his American correspondents by assertions that a colonial trade boycott would produce a change in British government policy.Less
The British legislation of 1774 united an America divided by the Boston Tea Party. The policy it embodied has often been condemned as foolish by historians blessed with the wisdom of hindsight. Such facile criticism overlooks the dilemma that British Prime Minister Lord North's administration could not have ignored such defiance, and yet that any retaliation would be resented. Indeed, the policy was a moderate one, and attacked by many in Britain for that reason. But it would be foolish to attribute American resistance to incitement from Britain, despite the opinions to that effect voiced by colonial officials and British politicians both before and after 1773. The much-publicized role of Boston as the first martyr of American liberty did not lead to the colonial response that the town sought. Boston wanted the immediate action of a trade boycott. It obtained instead the potential support of a Congress. Benjamin Franklin was deluding both himself and his American correspondents by assertions that a colonial trade boycott would produce a change in British government policy.
Edlie L. Wong
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9781479868001
- eISBN:
- 9781479899043
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9781479868001.003.0005
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Cultural Studies
Chapter 4 engages a range of Chinese literary productions, including Lin Shu’s translation of Harriet Beecher Stowe’s Uncle Tom’s Cabin, the boycott novel The Bitter Society, and Chinese American ...
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Chapter 4 engages a range of Chinese literary productions, including Lin Shu’s translation of Harriet Beecher Stowe’s Uncle Tom’s Cabin, the boycott novel The Bitter Society, and Chinese American Edith Maude Eaton’s writings on the North American Chinese. It situates these readings in two overlapping contexts: the 1905 Chinese boycott of U.S. goods protesting the extension of Chinese exclusion laws to Hawaii and the Philippines and the infamous immigration case of United States v. Ju Toy, which denied a citizen of Chinese descent access to courts to challenge immigration admission decisions. By reading Chinese immigration case law and U.S. foreign policy with and against the reform-based fictions of writers of Chinese descent in the U.S. and abroad, chapter 4 illuminates how the growth of U.S. immigration administration and the rise of the modern bureaucratic state reshaped the meaning of race, citizenship, and nation after colonial expansion into the Asia Pacific.Less
Chapter 4 engages a range of Chinese literary productions, including Lin Shu’s translation of Harriet Beecher Stowe’s Uncle Tom’s Cabin, the boycott novel The Bitter Society, and Chinese American Edith Maude Eaton’s writings on the North American Chinese. It situates these readings in two overlapping contexts: the 1905 Chinese boycott of U.S. goods protesting the extension of Chinese exclusion laws to Hawaii and the Philippines and the infamous immigration case of United States v. Ju Toy, which denied a citizen of Chinese descent access to courts to challenge immigration admission decisions. By reading Chinese immigration case law and U.S. foreign policy with and against the reform-based fictions of writers of Chinese descent in the U.S. and abroad, chapter 4 illuminates how the growth of U.S. immigration administration and the rise of the modern bureaucratic state reshaped the meaning of race, citizenship, and nation after colonial expansion into the Asia Pacific.
Timothy Whelan
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- September 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199585489
- eISBN:
- 9780191728969
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199585489.003.0003
- Subject:
- Religion, History of Christianity
This chapter explores the work of Martha Gurney (1733–1816), a staunch Baptist and the leading woman bookseller and publisher in London in the last quarter of the eighteenth century, during the first ...
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This chapter explores the work of Martha Gurney (1733–1816), a staunch Baptist and the leading woman bookseller and publisher in London in the last quarter of the eighteenth century, during the first decade of the abolitionist movement in England. The chapter examines the fourteen abolitionist pamphlets Gurney published or sold between 1787 and 1794 and their place within the abolitionist movement, with special attention to An Address to the People of Great Britain, on the Propriety of Abstaining from West-India Produce (1791) by William Fox. The Address, the most widely distributed pamphlet of the eighteenth century, created widespread support for a nationwide boycott of sugar from the West Indies. Though Gurney and her pamphleteers were unable to persuade parliament to end the slave trade at that time, they laid the groundwork for the later work of Elizabeth Heyrick and the boycott movement of the 1820s.Less
This chapter explores the work of Martha Gurney (1733–1816), a staunch Baptist and the leading woman bookseller and publisher in London in the last quarter of the eighteenth century, during the first decade of the abolitionist movement in England. The chapter examines the fourteen abolitionist pamphlets Gurney published or sold between 1787 and 1794 and their place within the abolitionist movement, with special attention to An Address to the People of Great Britain, on the Propriety of Abstaining from West-India Produce (1791) by William Fox. The Address, the most widely distributed pamphlet of the eighteenth century, created widespread support for a nationwide boycott of sugar from the West Indies. Though Gurney and her pamphleteers were unable to persuade parliament to end the slave trade at that time, they laid the groundwork for the later work of Elizabeth Heyrick and the boycott movement of the 1820s.
David Christian
- Published in print:
- 1990
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198222866
- eISBN:
- 9780191678516
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198222866.003.0011
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
At first the working class assault on the tax farm, which began in September 1858, was peaceful and disciplined, taking the form of organized boycotts of vodka. In September 1858, consumers in the ...
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At first the working class assault on the tax farm, which began in September 1858, was peaceful and disciplined, taking the form of organized boycotts of vodka. In September 1858, consumers in the townships and villages of Catholic Lithuania began, with the support of the local Catholic clergy, to take oaths of abstention from vodka. By the end of 1858, the boycotts had spread from the Catholic provinces of Lithuania far to the East into the Orthodox provinces of Great Russia; and in the first months of 1859, they spread throughout much of European Russia. In May 1859, the protests turned violent. What had started out as a non-violent, even rather respectable, movement of protest was now beginning to look like an incipient peasant insurrection. For 1859, Soviet historians have listed as many as 636 incidents involving either boycotts or riots against tax farms in a year in which there were altogether 938 separate reports of peasant insubordination.Less
At first the working class assault on the tax farm, which began in September 1858, was peaceful and disciplined, taking the form of organized boycotts of vodka. In September 1858, consumers in the townships and villages of Catholic Lithuania began, with the support of the local Catholic clergy, to take oaths of abstention from vodka. By the end of 1858, the boycotts had spread from the Catholic provinces of Lithuania far to the East into the Orthodox provinces of Great Russia; and in the first months of 1859, they spread throughout much of European Russia. In May 1859, the protests turned violent. What had started out as a non-violent, even rather respectable, movement of protest was now beginning to look like an incipient peasant insurrection. For 1859, Soviet historians have listed as many as 636 incidents involving either boycotts or riots against tax farms in a year in which there were altogether 938 separate reports of peasant insubordination.
Marion A. Kaplan
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195130928
- eISBN:
- 9780199854486
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195130928.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
The chapter explores the public life and experiences of Jews from 1933 to 1938. The Nazi government mobilized the considerable powers of the state to ostracize the Jews and lower their social, ...
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The chapter explores the public life and experiences of Jews from 1933 to 1938. The Nazi government mobilized the considerable powers of the state to ostracize the Jews and lower their social, economic, and legal status within the state. Examples include the boycott of Jewish goods and businesses, the confiscation of their wealth, and the passing of the Nuremberg Laws. The chapter opens with an account of the violent consolidation of the German state under the newly-elected Nazi regime, which did not single out the Jews initially and focused on obliterating the communist threat in general. Through the use of propaganda and the redefinition of racial status as Aryan, the Jews increasingly felt the ostracism in their daily lives which affected their sources of food, shelter, and entertainment and forever damaged their relationships with other Germans. The unevenness in German responses also sowed confusion and ambivalence among the Jews.Less
The chapter explores the public life and experiences of Jews from 1933 to 1938. The Nazi government mobilized the considerable powers of the state to ostracize the Jews and lower their social, economic, and legal status within the state. Examples include the boycott of Jewish goods and businesses, the confiscation of their wealth, and the passing of the Nuremberg Laws. The chapter opens with an account of the violent consolidation of the German state under the newly-elected Nazi regime, which did not single out the Jews initially and focused on obliterating the communist threat in general. Through the use of propaganda and the redefinition of racial status as Aryan, the Jews increasingly felt the ostracism in their daily lives which affected their sources of food, shelter, and entertainment and forever damaged their relationships with other Germans. The unevenness in German responses also sowed confusion and ambivalence among the Jews.
Caroline Heldman
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- May 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781501709203
- eISBN:
- 9781501709470
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9781501709203.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
This book is the first to analyze the democratic effects of consumer activism, defined as boycotting, socially responsible investing, social media campaigns, and direct consumer actions. America has ...
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This book is the first to analyze the democratic effects of consumer activism, defined as boycotting, socially responsible investing, social media campaigns, and direct consumer actions. America has had a long and unique history of consumer activism, starting with the Boston Tea Party. Since the founding, activism in the marketplace has been used as a political tool for those who are politically disenfranchised, including the colonists who lacked formal representation in the British parliament, women before suffrage rights, and Black Americans during Jim Crow. More recently, consumer activism has become a countervailing force against overbearing corporate power in politics. This book blends democratic theory with data, historical analysis, and an examination of consumer campaigns for civil rights, environmental conservation, animal rights, gender justice, LGBT rights, and conservative causes. Consumer activism is a democratizing force that improves political participation, self-governance, government accountability, and corporate political accountability.Less
This book is the first to analyze the democratic effects of consumer activism, defined as boycotting, socially responsible investing, social media campaigns, and direct consumer actions. America has had a long and unique history of consumer activism, starting with the Boston Tea Party. Since the founding, activism in the marketplace has been used as a political tool for those who are politically disenfranchised, including the colonists who lacked formal representation in the British parliament, women before suffrage rights, and Black Americans during Jim Crow. More recently, consumer activism has become a countervailing force against overbearing corporate power in politics. This book blends democratic theory with data, historical analysis, and an examination of consumer campaigns for civil rights, environmental conservation, animal rights, gender justice, LGBT rights, and conservative causes. Consumer activism is a democratizing force that improves political participation, self-governance, government accountability, and corporate political accountability.
Julie L. Holcomb
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780801452086
- eISBN:
- 9781501706073
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Cornell University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7591/cornell/9780801452086.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century
How can the simple choice of a men's suit be a moral statement and a political act? When the suit is made of free-labor wool rather than slave-grown cotton. This book traces the genealogy of the ...
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How can the simple choice of a men's suit be a moral statement and a political act? When the suit is made of free-labor wool rather than slave-grown cotton. This book traces the genealogy of the boycott of slave labor from its seventeenth-century Quaker origins through its late nineteenth-century decline. In their failures and in their successes, in their resilience and their persistence, antislavery consumers help us understand the possibilities and the limitations of moral commerce. The Quakers' antislavery rhetoric began with protests against the slave trade before expanding to include boycotts of the use and products of slave labor. For more than 100 years, British and American abolitionists highlighted consumers' complicity in sustaining slavery. The boycott of slave labor was the first consumer movement to transcend the boundaries of nation, gender, and race in an effort by reformers to change the conditions of production. The movement attracted a broad cross-section of abolitionists. The men and women who boycotted slave labor created diverse, biracial networks that worked to reorganize the transatlantic economy on an ethical basis. Even when they acted locally, supporters embraced a global vision, mobilizing the boycott as a powerful force that could transform the marketplace. For supporters of the boycott, the abolition of slavery was a step toward a broader goal of a just and humane economy. The boycott failed to overcome the power structures that kept slave labor in place; nonetheless, the movement's historic successes and failures have important implications for modern consumers.Less
How can the simple choice of a men's suit be a moral statement and a political act? When the suit is made of free-labor wool rather than slave-grown cotton. This book traces the genealogy of the boycott of slave labor from its seventeenth-century Quaker origins through its late nineteenth-century decline. In their failures and in their successes, in their resilience and their persistence, antislavery consumers help us understand the possibilities and the limitations of moral commerce. The Quakers' antislavery rhetoric began with protests against the slave trade before expanding to include boycotts of the use and products of slave labor. For more than 100 years, British and American abolitionists highlighted consumers' complicity in sustaining slavery. The boycott of slave labor was the first consumer movement to transcend the boundaries of nation, gender, and race in an effort by reformers to change the conditions of production. The movement attracted a broad cross-section of abolitionists. The men and women who boycotted slave labor created diverse, biracial networks that worked to reorganize the transatlantic economy on an ethical basis. Even when they acted locally, supporters embraced a global vision, mobilizing the boycott as a powerful force that could transform the marketplace. For supporters of the boycott, the abolition of slavery was a step toward a broader goal of a just and humane economy. The boycott failed to overcome the power structures that kept slave labor in place; nonetheless, the movement's historic successes and failures have important implications for modern consumers.
Donald G. Godfrey
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252038280
- eISBN:
- 9780252096150
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252038280.001.0001
- Subject:
- Film, Television and Radio, Film
This is the first biography of the important but long-forgotten American inventor Charles Francis Jenkins (1867–1934). The book documents the life of Jenkins from his childhood in Indiana and early ...
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This is the first biography of the important but long-forgotten American inventor Charles Francis Jenkins (1867–1934). The book documents the life of Jenkins from his childhood in Indiana and early life in the West to his work as a prolific inventor whose productivity was cut short by an early death. Jenkins was an inventor who made a difference. As one of America's greatest independent inventors, Jenkins' passion was to meet the needs of his day and the future. In 1895 he produced the first film projector able to show a motion picture on a large screen, coincidentally igniting the first film boycott among his Quaker viewers when the film he screened showed a woman's ankle. Jenkins produced the first American television pictures in 1923, and developed the only fully operating broadcast television station in Washington, D.C. transmitting to ham operators from coast to coast as well as programming for his local audience. This biography raises the profile of C. Francis Jenkins from his former place in the footnotes to his rightful position as a true pioneer of today's film and television. Along the way, it provides a window into the earliest days of both motion pictures and television as well as the now-vanished world of the independent inventor.Less
This is the first biography of the important but long-forgotten American inventor Charles Francis Jenkins (1867–1934). The book documents the life of Jenkins from his childhood in Indiana and early life in the West to his work as a prolific inventor whose productivity was cut short by an early death. Jenkins was an inventor who made a difference. As one of America's greatest independent inventors, Jenkins' passion was to meet the needs of his day and the future. In 1895 he produced the first film projector able to show a motion picture on a large screen, coincidentally igniting the first film boycott among his Quaker viewers when the film he screened showed a woman's ankle. Jenkins produced the first American television pictures in 1923, and developed the only fully operating broadcast television station in Washington, D.C. transmitting to ham operators from coast to coast as well as programming for his local audience. This biography raises the profile of C. Francis Jenkins from his former place in the footnotes to his rightful position as a true pioneer of today's film and television. Along the way, it provides a window into the earliest days of both motion pictures and television as well as the now-vanished world of the independent inventor.
Janet Weaver
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780252041211
- eISBN:
- 9780252099809
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5622/illinois/9780252041211.003.0016
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Latin American Studies
This chapter explores how Mexican Americans in Iowa supported the national boycott of California table grapes in the 1960s while concurrently fighting for the rights of Tejano migrant workers ...
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This chapter explores how Mexican Americans in Iowa supported the national boycott of California table grapes in the 1960s while concurrently fighting for the rights of Tejano migrant workers employed seasonally in Iowa’s agricultural industry. Their advocacy for legislative change through community-based coalitions illuminates the collaborative efforts of members of organizations such as migrant agencies, unions, and the League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC) in securing passage of Iowa’s first migrant worker legislation.Less
This chapter explores how Mexican Americans in Iowa supported the national boycott of California table grapes in the 1960s while concurrently fighting for the rights of Tejano migrant workers employed seasonally in Iowa’s agricultural industry. Their advocacy for legislative change through community-based coalitions illuminates the collaborative efforts of members of organizations such as migrant agencies, unions, and the League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC) in securing passage of Iowa’s first migrant worker legislation.
Joseph R. Fitzgerald
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780813176499
- eISBN:
- 9780813176529
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Kentucky
- DOI:
- 10.5810/kentucky/9780813176499.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, Social History
This chapter discusses Richardson’s decision to boycott a referendum vote initiated by white Cambridge residents to maintain segregated public accommodations. She argued that the referendum was a ...
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This chapter discusses Richardson’s decision to boycott a referendum vote initiated by white Cambridge residents to maintain segregated public accommodations. She argued that the referendum was a tyrannical action by the white majority over the black minority and that it undermined the latter’s constitutional rights. She advocated a boycott of the vote, and most black voters agreed with her. Black and white critics of the boycott alleged that Richardson behaved irresponsibly by encouraging voters to stay away from the polls, a stance they considered unnecessarily radical and ultimately counterproductive to the national civil rights movement. The chapter also covers Richardson’s participation in the March on Washington and one of the speeches she gave a few weeks before the march in which she outlined in detail her social, economic, and political philosophies concerning black liberation.Less
This chapter discusses Richardson’s decision to boycott a referendum vote initiated by white Cambridge residents to maintain segregated public accommodations. She argued that the referendum was a tyrannical action by the white majority over the black minority and that it undermined the latter’s constitutional rights. She advocated a boycott of the vote, and most black voters agreed with her. Black and white critics of the boycott alleged that Richardson behaved irresponsibly by encouraging voters to stay away from the polls, a stance they considered unnecessarily radical and ultimately counterproductive to the national civil rights movement. The chapter also covers Richardson’s participation in the March on Washington and one of the speeches she gave a few weeks before the march in which she outlined in detail her social, economic, and political philosophies concerning black liberation.
Jennifer Earl and Katrina Kimport
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- August 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780262015103
- eISBN:
- 9780262295352
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- The MIT Press
- DOI:
- 10.7551/mitpress/9780262015103.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Technology and Society
Attention has been paid to the emergence of “Internet activism,” but scholars and pundits disagree about whether online political activity is different in kind from more traditional forms of ...
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Attention has been paid to the emergence of “Internet activism,” but scholars and pundits disagree about whether online political activity is different in kind from more traditional forms of activism. Does the global reach and blazing speed of the Internet affect the essential character or dynamics of online political protest? This book examines key characteristics of Web activism, and investigates their impacts on organization and participation. It argues that the Web offers two key affordances relevant to activism: Sharply reduced costs for creating, organizing, and participating in protest; and the decreased need for activists to be physically together in order to act together. A rally can be organized and demonstrators recruited entirely online, without the cost of printing and mailing; an activist can create an online petition in minutes and gather e-signatures from coast to coast using only his or her laptop. Drawing on evidence from samples of online petitions, boycotts, and letter-writing and e-mailing campaigns, the authors show that the more these affordances are leveraged, the more transformative the changes to organizing and participating in protest; the less these affordances are leveraged, the more superficial the changes. The rally organizers, for example, can save money on communication and coordination, but the project of staging the rally remains essentially the same. Tools that allow a single activist to create and circulate a petition entirely online, however, enable more radical changes in the process. The transformative nature of these changes demonstrates the need to revisit long-standing theoretical assumptions about social movements.Less
Attention has been paid to the emergence of “Internet activism,” but scholars and pundits disagree about whether online political activity is different in kind from more traditional forms of activism. Does the global reach and blazing speed of the Internet affect the essential character or dynamics of online political protest? This book examines key characteristics of Web activism, and investigates their impacts on organization and participation. It argues that the Web offers two key affordances relevant to activism: Sharply reduced costs for creating, organizing, and participating in protest; and the decreased need for activists to be physically together in order to act together. A rally can be organized and demonstrators recruited entirely online, without the cost of printing and mailing; an activist can create an online petition in minutes and gather e-signatures from coast to coast using only his or her laptop. Drawing on evidence from samples of online petitions, boycotts, and letter-writing and e-mailing campaigns, the authors show that the more these affordances are leveraged, the more transformative the changes to organizing and participating in protest; the less these affordances are leveraged, the more superficial the changes. The rally organizers, for example, can save money on communication and coordination, but the project of staging the rally remains essentially the same. Tools that allow a single activist to create and circulate a petition entirely online, however, enable more radical changes in the process. The transformative nature of these changes demonstrates the need to revisit long-standing theoretical assumptions about social movements.
