Karen W. Tice
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- May 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199842780
- eISBN:
- 9780199933440
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199842780.003.0003
- Subject:
- Sociology, Gender and Sexuality
This chapter begins with two in-depth case studies of a historically black university and a predominantly white university in the South from the 1920s through the 1980s, to examine generational and ...
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This chapter begins with two in-depth case studies of a historically black university and a predominantly white university in the South from the 1920s through the 1980s, to examine generational and racialized differences in the investment, meanings, and performance of gendered and classed distinction and desirability, the impact of shifting patterns of racial integration and segregation, the policing of student bodies through etiquette and grooming, the proliferation of campus queen contests as hundreds of college women represented their dorms and departments wearing tiaras, and the commercialization and export of collegiate beauty queens to local businesses and festivals. These studies also illuminate the changing contours of campus pageants, including the impact of civil rights organizing, black power student movements, and second wave feminism. A third case study examines the protracted racial turmoil that ensued at Indiana University when African American students repeatedly challenged normative iterations of beauty in student pageant rituals.Less
This chapter begins with two in-depth case studies of a historically black university and a predominantly white university in the South from the 1920s through the 1980s, to examine generational and racialized differences in the investment, meanings, and performance of gendered and classed distinction and desirability, the impact of shifting patterns of racial integration and segregation, the policing of student bodies through etiquette and grooming, the proliferation of campus queen contests as hundreds of college women represented their dorms and departments wearing tiaras, and the commercialization and export of collegiate beauty queens to local businesses and festivals. These studies also illuminate the changing contours of campus pageants, including the impact of civil rights organizing, black power student movements, and second wave feminism. A third case study examines the protracted racial turmoil that ensued at Indiana University when African American students repeatedly challenged normative iterations of beauty in student pageant rituals.
Kristopher A. Teters
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9781469638867
- eISBN:
- 9781469638881
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469638867.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Military History
While many western Union officers came to support emancipation and even the enlistment of black troops, their racial attitudes changed very little. On the whole, officers continued to view black ...
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While many western Union officers came to support emancipation and even the enlistment of black troops, their racial attitudes changed very little. On the whole, officers continued to view black people as inferior, exotic, incapable, and even subhuman. Interactions with former slaves reinforced racial stereotypes. This intense prejudice was especially prominent in the Midwest where there were many discriminatory laws. Freeing the slaves, which many officers only supported as a practical necessity to win the war, was very different from seeing black people as anything close to equal with white people. But experiences with black men and women, particularly servants with whom Federals formed long-lasting personal bonds, often tempered racial prejudices on an individual level. Black men and women who assisted the Union army by providing information, resources, and aid in dangerous circumstances also won positive comments from officers. This softening of racial attitudes, however, almost never extended to the black population as a whole, and even ardent supporters of emancipation showed little sympathy for expanding black rights. The Civil War had eliminated slavery but had hardly solved the problem of racial prejudice.Less
While many western Union officers came to support emancipation and even the enlistment of black troops, their racial attitudes changed very little. On the whole, officers continued to view black people as inferior, exotic, incapable, and even subhuman. Interactions with former slaves reinforced racial stereotypes. This intense prejudice was especially prominent in the Midwest where there were many discriminatory laws. Freeing the slaves, which many officers only supported as a practical necessity to win the war, was very different from seeing black people as anything close to equal with white people. But experiences with black men and women, particularly servants with whom Federals formed long-lasting personal bonds, often tempered racial prejudices on an individual level. Black men and women who assisted the Union army by providing information, resources, and aid in dangerous circumstances also won positive comments from officers. This softening of racial attitudes, however, almost never extended to the black population as a whole, and even ardent supporters of emancipation showed little sympathy for expanding black rights. The Civil War had eliminated slavery but had hardly solved the problem of racial prejudice.
Tianna S. Paschel
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780691169385
- eISBN:
- 9781400881079
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691169385.003.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Race and Ethnicity
This chapter first sets out the book's purpose, which is to analyze the process through which blackness became legitimated as a category of political contestation in the eyes of the state and other ...
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This chapter first sets out the book's purpose, which is to analyze the process through which blackness became legitimated as a category of political contestation in the eyes of the state and other powerful political actors in Latin America, specifically Colombia and Brazil. The author does this by examining archives and conducting ethnographic fieldwork over nearly eight years in the style of what scholars across disciplines have called “political ethnography.” The discussions then turn to a comparison of race relations in Latin America and the United States in the twentieth century; the adoption of specific policies for black populations in Latin America; ethno-racial policy in Latin America; and why Colombia and Brazil are obvious choices for an analysis of black rights in Latin America. An overview of the subsequent chapters is also presented.Less
This chapter first sets out the book's purpose, which is to analyze the process through which blackness became legitimated as a category of political contestation in the eyes of the state and other powerful political actors in Latin America, specifically Colombia and Brazil. The author does this by examining archives and conducting ethnographic fieldwork over nearly eight years in the style of what scholars across disciplines have called “political ethnography.” The discussions then turn to a comparison of race relations in Latin America and the United States in the twentieth century; the adoption of specific policies for black populations in Latin America; ethno-racial policy in Latin America; and why Colombia and Brazil are obvious choices for an analysis of black rights in Latin America. An overview of the subsequent chapters is also presented.
Tianna S. Paschel
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780691169385
- eISBN:
- 9781400881079
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691169385.003.0007
- Subject:
- Sociology, Race and Ethnicity
This chapter examines the extent to which Brazilian and Colombian states have implemented ethno-racial reforms and explores the ways in which these policies have changed these societies. It pays ...
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This chapter examines the extent to which Brazilian and Colombian states have implemented ethno-racial reforms and explores the ways in which these policies have changed these societies. It pays special attention to the political conditions that shape these states' decisions to make good on their promises or not. More specifically, it shows how implementation has depended heavily on the ways in which activists navigate their domestic political fields, including how they negotiate their newly gained access to the state. It is also profoundly shaped by the emergence of reactionary movements. Indeed, as the dominant classes became increasingly aware of what was at stake with these rights and policies—land, natural resources, seats in congress, and university slots that could maintain or secure one's place within the middle class—they sought to dismantle them, sometimes through violent means.Less
This chapter examines the extent to which Brazilian and Colombian states have implemented ethno-racial reforms and explores the ways in which these policies have changed these societies. It pays special attention to the political conditions that shape these states' decisions to make good on their promises or not. More specifically, it shows how implementation has depended heavily on the ways in which activists navigate their domestic political fields, including how they negotiate their newly gained access to the state. It is also profoundly shaped by the emergence of reactionary movements. Indeed, as the dominant classes became increasingly aware of what was at stake with these rights and policies—land, natural resources, seats in congress, and university slots that could maintain or secure one's place within the middle class—they sought to dismantle them, sometimes through violent means.
Preston H. Smith
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- August 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780816637027
- eISBN:
- 9781452945811
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Minnesota Press
- DOI:
- 10.5749/minnesota/9780816637027.003.0010
- Subject:
- Political Science, Public Policy
This chapter examines the makeup of the black real estate industry and its political agenda, along with that of black federal housing officials, of private enterprise as the legitimate provider of ...
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This chapter examines the makeup of the black real estate industry and its political agenda, along with that of black federal housing officials, of private enterprise as the legitimate provider of housing for U.S. citizens. It details how the positions of black real estate and financial firms on housing policy after 1940, both in Chicago and nationally, facilitated their participation in the real estate business, and examines whether this participation was guided by racial democratic goals. The focus on government recognition privileged the role of black housing officials in an emerging black housing policy network, which included black civil rights leaders and black real estate elites.Less
This chapter examines the makeup of the black real estate industry and its political agenda, along with that of black federal housing officials, of private enterprise as the legitimate provider of housing for U.S. citizens. It details how the positions of black real estate and financial firms on housing policy after 1940, both in Chicago and nationally, facilitated their participation in the real estate business, and examines whether this participation was guided by racial democratic goals. The focus on government recognition privileged the role of black housing officials in an emerging black housing policy network, which included black civil rights leaders and black real estate elites.
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- February 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780226660714
- eISBN:
- 9780226660738
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226660738.003.0002
- Subject:
- Education, Educational Policy and Politics
This chapter describes the start of the black civil rights movement for equal education in Harlem, which had a significant impact on teacher unionism. It is observed that in the 1930s both the ...
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This chapter describes the start of the black civil rights movement for equal education in Harlem, which had a significant impact on teacher unionism. It is observed that in the 1930s both the teacher unions and black civil rights movement took a new form in terms of political context. The riot of 1935 in Harlem and the formation of organization of parents and activists led the unionists to respond to new social and political causes. This chapter signifies that race politics was central to the competing political ideologies that resulted from the 1935 split of the Teachers Union into the communist Teachers Union and the socialist Teachers Guild. Thus, by World War II, both unions had a position in the schools of Harlem that were linked to the views about teachers, political action, and building “a new social order” by the schools.Less
This chapter describes the start of the black civil rights movement for equal education in Harlem, which had a significant impact on teacher unionism. It is observed that in the 1930s both the teacher unions and black civil rights movement took a new form in terms of political context. The riot of 1935 in Harlem and the formation of organization of parents and activists led the unionists to respond to new social and political causes. This chapter signifies that race politics was central to the competing political ideologies that resulted from the 1935 split of the Teachers Union into the communist Teachers Union and the socialist Teachers Guild. Thus, by World War II, both unions had a position in the schools of Harlem that were linked to the views about teachers, political action, and building “a new social order” by the schools.
Tianna S. Paschel
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780691169385
- eISBN:
- 9781400881079
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691169385.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Race and Ethnicity
After decades of denying racism and underplaying cultural diversity, Latin American states began adopting transformative ethno-racial legislation in the late 1980s. In addition to symbolic ...
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After decades of denying racism and underplaying cultural diversity, Latin American states began adopting transformative ethno-racial legislation in the late 1980s. In addition to symbolic recognition of indigenous peoples and black populations, governments in the region created a more pluralistic model of citizenship and made significant reforms in the areas of land, health, education, and development policy. This book explores this shift from color blindness to ethno-racial legislation in two of the most important cases in the region: Colombia and Brazil. Drawing on archival and ethnographic research, the book shows how, over a short period, black movements and their claims went from being marginalized to become institutionalized into the law, state bureaucracies, and mainstream politics. The strategic actions of a small group of black activists—working in the context of domestic unrest and the international community's growing interest in ethno-racial issues—successfully brought about change. The book also examines the consequences of these reforms, including the institutionalization of certain ideas of blackness, the reconfiguration of black movement organizations, and the unmaking of black rights in the face of reactionary movements. This book offers important insights into the changing landscape of race and Latin American politics and provokes readers to adopt a more transnational and flexible understanding of social movements.Less
After decades of denying racism and underplaying cultural diversity, Latin American states began adopting transformative ethno-racial legislation in the late 1980s. In addition to symbolic recognition of indigenous peoples and black populations, governments in the region created a more pluralistic model of citizenship and made significant reforms in the areas of land, health, education, and development policy. This book explores this shift from color blindness to ethno-racial legislation in two of the most important cases in the region: Colombia and Brazil. Drawing on archival and ethnographic research, the book shows how, over a short period, black movements and their claims went from being marginalized to become institutionalized into the law, state bureaucracies, and mainstream politics. The strategic actions of a small group of black activists—working in the context of domestic unrest and the international community's growing interest in ethno-racial issues—successfully brought about change. The book also examines the consequences of these reforms, including the institutionalization of certain ideas of blackness, the reconfiguration of black movement organizations, and the unmaking of black rights in the face of reactionary movements. This book offers important insights into the changing landscape of race and Latin American politics and provokes readers to adopt a more transnational and flexible understanding of social movements.
Catherine R. Squires
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- March 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780814762899
- eISBN:
- 9780814770788
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- NYU Press
- DOI:
- 10.18574/nyu/9780814762899.003.0003
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Media Studies
This chapter examines the strategy of replacing race with religion, an ostensibly more legitimate collective identity. It highlights specialty conservative Christian media created to reach out to ...
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This chapter examines the strategy of replacing race with religion, an ostensibly more legitimate collective identity. It highlights specialty conservative Christian media created to reach out to African Americans. These media appeals to black voters often attempt to rewrite black Civil Rights movements as primarily spiritual and Christian-oriented, thereby suggesting an impetus for Christian fellowship with whites in the present. Displacing the political and racial elements of these movements is suspect, however, and requires significant forgetting and forgiveness on the part of African Americans, who are encouraged to overlook the racially divisive strategies employed in the recent past by the same organizations and individuals authoring these media appeals. The chapter specifically analyzes one such appeal, the program Justice Sunday III, and concludes with a study of African American Christians who watched segments of the program.Less
This chapter examines the strategy of replacing race with religion, an ostensibly more legitimate collective identity. It highlights specialty conservative Christian media created to reach out to African Americans. These media appeals to black voters often attempt to rewrite black Civil Rights movements as primarily spiritual and Christian-oriented, thereby suggesting an impetus for Christian fellowship with whites in the present. Displacing the political and racial elements of these movements is suspect, however, and requires significant forgetting and forgiveness on the part of African Americans, who are encouraged to overlook the racially divisive strategies employed in the recent past by the same organizations and individuals authoring these media appeals. The chapter specifically analyzes one such appeal, the program Justice Sunday III, and concludes with a study of African American Christians who watched segments of the program.
Tianna S. Paschel
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780691169385
- eISBN:
- 9781400881079
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691169385.003.0008
- Subject:
- Sociology, Race and Ethnicity
This chapter moves toward a broader discussion of the contributions this book offers to the study social movements and to scholars of race and ethnicity. The book developed a political fields ...
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This chapter moves toward a broader discussion of the contributions this book offers to the study social movements and to scholars of race and ethnicity. The book developed a political fields approach in order to make three substantive arguments about the causes and consequences of the shift to ethno-racial legislation in Colombia and Brazil over the last three decades. The first argument is that the interplay between global factors and national political developments—paired with the strategic action of small black movements—best explains why Colombia and Brazil adopted these historic reforms. The second argument is that black rights and policies in Colombia and Brazil unfolded in two distinct moments of alignment, each of which corresponded with a different notion of blackness. The third and final empirical argument is that while there is no doubt that black movements in Colombia and Brazil have both been successful in pressuring the state to make both symbolic and substantive reforms, their struggles have led to only partial victories.Less
This chapter moves toward a broader discussion of the contributions this book offers to the study social movements and to scholars of race and ethnicity. The book developed a political fields approach in order to make three substantive arguments about the causes and consequences of the shift to ethno-racial legislation in Colombia and Brazil over the last three decades. The first argument is that the interplay between global factors and national political developments—paired with the strategic action of small black movements—best explains why Colombia and Brazil adopted these historic reforms. The second argument is that black rights and policies in Colombia and Brazil unfolded in two distinct moments of alignment, each of which corresponded with a different notion of blackness. The third and final empirical argument is that while there is no doubt that black movements in Colombia and Brazil have both been successful in pressuring the state to make both symbolic and substantive reforms, their struggles have led to only partial victories.
Susan D. Carle
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- January 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780199945740
- eISBN:
- 9780199369843
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199945740.003.0014
- Subject:
- History, American History: 19th Century, Social History
This concluding chapter assesses the questions with which the book's narrative starts. It analyzes the complex political, legal, and social factors that influenced the way in which early ...
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This concluding chapter assesses the questions with which the book's narrative starts. It analyzes the complex political, legal, and social factors that influenced the way in which early twentieth-century national racial justice organizing developed as it did and assesses the balance between private institution building and demands for full citizenship inclusion that characterized activism during the period, suggesting that activists' work in the intersections of the public/private divide presents an area of legal civil rights history deserving far greater attention. Finally, the conclusion situates the book's narrative within the broader historiography of civil rights activism in the United States.Less
This concluding chapter assesses the questions with which the book's narrative starts. It analyzes the complex political, legal, and social factors that influenced the way in which early twentieth-century national racial justice organizing developed as it did and assesses the balance between private institution building and demands for full citizenship inclusion that characterized activism during the period, suggesting that activists' work in the intersections of the public/private divide presents an area of legal civil rights history deserving far greater attention. Finally, the conclusion situates the book's narrative within the broader historiography of civil rights activism in the United States.
Faye E. Dudden
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- March 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780199772636
- eISBN:
- 9780190254476
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:osobl/9780199772636.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, American History: Civil War
This chapter examines black rights and women's rights during the Civil War. It considers how Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony reshaped their movement, and how their focus on the vote put ...
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This chapter examines black rights and women's rights during the Civil War. It considers how Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony reshaped their movement, and how their focus on the vote put them into closer alignment with advocates of political rights for free black men. It also discusses the two women's lobbying for woman suffrage and how they effectively placed their cause alongside black suffrage; Stanton's speech on woman suffrage which she delivered to the New York legislature in 1860; and the creation of the Women's Loyal National League by Stanton and Anthony. The chapter concludes by analyzing how the Civil War affected American politics and created the kinds of opportunities politically minded radicals like Stanton and Frederick Douglass had been hoping for.Less
This chapter examines black rights and women's rights during the Civil War. It considers how Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony reshaped their movement, and how their focus on the vote put them into closer alignment with advocates of political rights for free black men. It also discusses the two women's lobbying for woman suffrage and how they effectively placed their cause alongside black suffrage; Stanton's speech on woman suffrage which she delivered to the New York legislature in 1860; and the creation of the Women's Loyal National League by Stanton and Anthony. The chapter concludes by analyzing how the Civil War affected American politics and created the kinds of opportunities politically minded radicals like Stanton and Frederick Douglass had been hoping for.
Charlotte Brooks
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- September 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780226193564
- eISBN:
- 9780226193731
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226193731.003.0006
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
Chapter Six examines Chinese American political activity in the 1960s against the backdrop of the black civil rights movement, growing Asian American socioeconomic mobility, the Vietnam War, changes ...
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Chapter Six examines Chinese American political activity in the 1960s against the backdrop of the black civil rights movement, growing Asian American socioeconomic mobility, the Vietnam War, changes in US immigration policy, and the intergenerational tensions that the Asian American movement helped provoke. During this period, activist Chinese Americans youths increasingly rejected moderate politics and condemned as reactionaries the same community liberals who had long struggled against Chinatown conservatives.Less
Chapter Six examines Chinese American political activity in the 1960s against the backdrop of the black civil rights movement, growing Asian American socioeconomic mobility, the Vietnam War, changes in US immigration policy, and the intergenerational tensions that the Asian American movement helped provoke. During this period, activist Chinese Americans youths increasingly rejected moderate politics and condemned as reactionaries the same community liberals who had long struggled against Chinatown conservatives.
Kwame Dixon and John Burdick
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- September 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780813037561
- eISBN:
- 9780813043098
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Florida
- DOI:
- 10.5744/florida/9780813037561.003.0007
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Latin American Studies
This chapter explores the struggle for land rights in Colombia as well as the ways grassroots activists are using new laws to challenge social discrimination.
This chapter explores the struggle for land rights in Colombia as well as the ways grassroots activists are using new laws to challenge social discrimination.
Will Guzmán
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252038921
- eISBN:
- 9780252096884
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252038921.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter recounts how Nixon helped lay the foundation for Black voting rights in the South as the central plaintiff in two landmark U.S. Supreme Court cases: Nixon v. Herndon (1927) and Nixon v. ...
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This chapter recounts how Nixon helped lay the foundation for Black voting rights in the South as the central plaintiff in two landmark U.S. Supreme Court cases: Nixon v. Herndon (1927) and Nixon v. Condon (1932), and the little-discussed case of Nixon v. McCann (1934), Nixon's third attempt to dismantle the all-white Democratic primary. Nixon, along with the NAACP, helped set legal precedent that ultimately led to the dismantling of all-white primaries throughout the entire South. The political and social climate at the local, state, and national levels during the 1920s, as well as the 1923 Texas law that barred African Americans from voting in the Democratic primaries, compelled Nixon and the NAACP to take action. As these changes were brewing in the South, many—such as the Ku Klux Klan—would come to see them as a threat.Less
This chapter recounts how Nixon helped lay the foundation for Black voting rights in the South as the central plaintiff in two landmark U.S. Supreme Court cases: Nixon v. Herndon (1927) and Nixon v. Condon (1932), and the little-discussed case of Nixon v. McCann (1934), Nixon's third attempt to dismantle the all-white Democratic primary. Nixon, along with the NAACP, helped set legal precedent that ultimately led to the dismantling of all-white primaries throughout the entire South. The political and social climate at the local, state, and national levels during the 1920s, as well as the 1923 Texas law that barred African Americans from voting in the Democratic primaries, compelled Nixon and the NAACP to take action. As these changes were brewing in the South, many—such as the Ku Klux Klan—would come to see them as a threat.
Wanda A. Hendricks
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252038112
- eISBN:
- 9780252095870
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252038112.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter examines Fannie Barrier Williams' move to Chicago with her husband S. Laing Williams and how she built a strong local coalition that eased her entry into the segregated world of the ...
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This chapter examines Fannie Barrier Williams' move to Chicago with her husband S. Laing Williams and how she built a strong local coalition that eased her entry into the segregated world of the white female club movement. It first considers how the Williams couple's introduction to Chicago's black community allowed Fannie secure a place in the privileged and cultured circle of black midwestern aristocracy. It then discusses Barrier Williams' meeting with Mary Jones, who together with her late husband John Jones advocated for black rights that benefited late-nineteenth-century migrants like Barrier Williams. It also eplores Barrier Williams' transition into the culture of the new generation of elite blacks, who faced far less racism than the so-called old guard had, and her involvement with the Prudence Crandall Literary Club and the Illinois Woman's Alliance. Finally, it describes the interracial cooperation that was displayed with the creation of the Provident Hospital and reflected the progressive nature of the Midwest.Less
This chapter examines Fannie Barrier Williams' move to Chicago with her husband S. Laing Williams and how she built a strong local coalition that eased her entry into the segregated world of the white female club movement. It first considers how the Williams couple's introduction to Chicago's black community allowed Fannie secure a place in the privileged and cultured circle of black midwestern aristocracy. It then discusses Barrier Williams' meeting with Mary Jones, who together with her late husband John Jones advocated for black rights that benefited late-nineteenth-century migrants like Barrier Williams. It also eplores Barrier Williams' transition into the culture of the new generation of elite blacks, who faced far less racism than the so-called old guard had, and her involvement with the Prudence Crandall Literary Club and the Illinois Woman's Alliance. Finally, it describes the interracial cooperation that was displayed with the creation of the Provident Hospital and reflected the progressive nature of the Midwest.
Eric S. Yellin
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- July 2014
- ISBN:
- 9781469607207
- eISBN:
- 9781469608020
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469607207.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter discusses political patronage and how essential it was to black rights and mobility in Republican Washington. The job security of African American civil servants depended upon a ...
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This chapter discusses political patronage and how essential it was to black rights and mobility in Republican Washington. The job security of African American civil servants depended upon a Republican patronage network of black and white politicians born during Reconstruction. Patronage was more than a party scheme for black Americans; it represented the right to a decent livelihood and social mobility. Black men and women worked hard to succeed in federal offices, and they managed their political affiliations carefully and skillfully to ensure that their efforts would be rewarded. Connections to important people and politicians created a web that could keep vulnerable citizens from falling victim to the hardening bigotry in turn-of-the-century America. This chapter explores the nineteenth-century origins of those connections and their functioning into the early years of the new century. It makes apparent the political system that created black Washington's opportunities and would become the target of white progressive reformers.Less
This chapter discusses political patronage and how essential it was to black rights and mobility in Republican Washington. The job security of African American civil servants depended upon a Republican patronage network of black and white politicians born during Reconstruction. Patronage was more than a party scheme for black Americans; it represented the right to a decent livelihood and social mobility. Black men and women worked hard to succeed in federal offices, and they managed their political affiliations carefully and skillfully to ensure that their efforts would be rewarded. Connections to important people and politicians created a web that could keep vulnerable citizens from falling victim to the hardening bigotry in turn-of-the-century America. This chapter explores the nineteenth-century origins of those connections and their functioning into the early years of the new century. It makes apparent the political system that created black Washington's opportunities and would become the target of white progressive reformers.
John Arena
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- August 2015
- ISBN:
- 9780816677467
- eISBN:
- 9781452948102
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Minnesota Press
- DOI:
- 10.5749/minnesota/9780816677467.001.0001
- Subject:
- Sociology, Urban and Rural Studies
In the early 1980s the tenant leaders of New Orleans St. Thomas public housing development and their community activist allies were militant, uncompromising defenders of the city’s public housing ...
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In the early 1980s the tenant leaders of New Orleans St. Thomas public housing development and their community activist allies were militant, uncompromising defenders of the city’s public housing communities. They led sit-ins, spoke out at public hearings, and denounced attempts by developers to seize their homes and disperse their communities. Yet ten years later, the St. Thomas community leaders and their activist allies forged a partnership with the city’s most powerful real estate developer to privatize the development and create a new racially integrated, “mixed-income” community that would drastically reduce the number of affordable apartments. From protesting federal and local government initiatives to scale back public housing, tenant leaders and advisors were now cooperating with a planning effort to privatize and downsize their communities. Arena argues that the insertion of radical public housing leaders and their activist allies into a government and foundation-funded non-profit-complex is key to understanding this unexpected political transformation. The new political allegiances and financial benefits of the non-profit model moved these activists into a strategy of insider-negotiations that prioritized the profit-making agenda of real estate interests above the housing and other material needs of black public housing residents. White developers and the city’s black political elite embraced and cultivated this new found political “realism” because of the legitimation it provided for the regressive policies of poor people removal and massive downsizing of public housing.Less
In the early 1980s the tenant leaders of New Orleans St. Thomas public housing development and their community activist allies were militant, uncompromising defenders of the city’s public housing communities. They led sit-ins, spoke out at public hearings, and denounced attempts by developers to seize their homes and disperse their communities. Yet ten years later, the St. Thomas community leaders and their activist allies forged a partnership with the city’s most powerful real estate developer to privatize the development and create a new racially integrated, “mixed-income” community that would drastically reduce the number of affordable apartments. From protesting federal and local government initiatives to scale back public housing, tenant leaders and advisors were now cooperating with a planning effort to privatize and downsize their communities. Arena argues that the insertion of radical public housing leaders and their activist allies into a government and foundation-funded non-profit-complex is key to understanding this unexpected political transformation. The new political allegiances and financial benefits of the non-profit model moved these activists into a strategy of insider-negotiations that prioritized the profit-making agenda of real estate interests above the housing and other material needs of black public housing residents. White developers and the city’s black political elite embraced and cultivated this new found political “realism” because of the legitimation it provided for the regressive policies of poor people removal and massive downsizing of public housing.
Michael A. Chaney
- Published in print:
- 2017
- Published Online:
- September 2018
- ISBN:
- 9781496810250
- eISBN:
- 9781496810298
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781496810250.003.0006
- Subject:
- Literature, Comics Studies
This chapter examines how history operates in autographic texts as a domain of lost experience and community through an analysis of Mat Johnson and Warren Pleece's Incognegro: A Graphic Novel (2008) ...
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This chapter examines how history operates in autographic texts as a domain of lost experience and community through an analysis of Mat Johnson and Warren Pleece's Incognegro: A Graphic Novel (2008) and John Lewis's memoir March (2013). Both Incognegro and March are graphic histories that revisit historical trauma, while, paradoxically, translating the tribulations of a people into the triumphal story of an exceptional individual. The chapter shows how Incognegro renovates traumatic black history via comic book conventions of the superhero and the form's potential to situate its viewing subjects within a politics of space that governs scenes of lynching. It also explains how March, a retelling of an epochal demand for black civil rights, visualizes precarious identification with the mute and illegible objects of traumatic history. Whereas Incognegro seeks impossible communion with violated subjects of race history, March proposes unexpected unions with animal subjects that invoke the slave past.Less
This chapter examines how history operates in autographic texts as a domain of lost experience and community through an analysis of Mat Johnson and Warren Pleece's Incognegro: A Graphic Novel (2008) and John Lewis's memoir March (2013). Both Incognegro and March are graphic histories that revisit historical trauma, while, paradoxically, translating the tribulations of a people into the triumphal story of an exceptional individual. The chapter shows how Incognegro renovates traumatic black history via comic book conventions of the superhero and the form's potential to situate its viewing subjects within a politics of space that governs scenes of lynching. It also explains how March, a retelling of an epochal demand for black civil rights, visualizes precarious identification with the mute and illegible objects of traumatic history. Whereas Incognegro seeks impossible communion with violated subjects of race history, March proposes unexpected unions with animal subjects that invoke the slave past.
Tianna S. Paschel
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780691169385
- eISBN:
- 9781400881079
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691169385.003.0002
- Subject:
- Sociology, Race and Ethnicity
This chapter analyzes the historical context of the domestic fields in which black movements emerged. It aims to highlight the magnitude of this shift from mestizaje to black rights, and to explain ...
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This chapter analyzes the historical context of the domestic fields in which black movements emerged. It aims to highlight the magnitude of this shift from mestizaje to black rights, and to explain why different conceptions of blackness became institutionalized in each case. It also situates the race-making ideologies of Colombia and Brazil within a broader political field. It shows that in both Colombia and Brazil, mestizaje ideologies brought with them the idea that the prevalence of race mixture at once produced, and evinced, a society in which race was not a problem. Even while dominant nationalist discourse was full of contradictions, the political fields of both Colombia and Brazil came to stigmatize critique of the ethno-racial order as irrelevant and as inherently unpatriotic. This ideological constraint, however, did not mean that discourses of race mixture were completely hegemonic or static over time.Less
This chapter analyzes the historical context of the domestic fields in which black movements emerged. It aims to highlight the magnitude of this shift from mestizaje to black rights, and to explain why different conceptions of blackness became institutionalized in each case. It also situates the race-making ideologies of Colombia and Brazil within a broader political field. It shows that in both Colombia and Brazil, mestizaje ideologies brought with them the idea that the prevalence of race mixture at once produced, and evinced, a society in which race was not a problem. Even while dominant nationalist discourse was full of contradictions, the political fields of both Colombia and Brazil came to stigmatize critique of the ethno-racial order as irrelevant and as inherently unpatriotic. This ideological constraint, however, did not mean that discourses of race mixture were completely hegemonic or static over time.
Wanda A. Hendricks
- Published in print:
- 2013
- Published Online:
- April 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780252038112
- eISBN:
- 9780252095870
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of Illinois Press
- DOI:
- 10.5406/illinois/9780252038112.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This book examines the complexities of Fannie Barrier Williams's life and how she developed intellectual insights into the intersectionality of privilege, race, labor, and gender by crossing regional ...
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This book examines the complexities of Fannie Barrier Williams's life and how she developed intellectual insights into the intersectionality of privilege, race, labor, and gender by crossing regional borders. It explores how Barrier Williams's emergence as an activist influenced the Progressive Era, the women's club movement, the social and economic impact of industrialization on the black community, and the contours of the challenges to racism and discrimination. It shows how Barrier Williams successfully navigated between black and white worlds by gaining a reputation among blacks as a champion of black rights and among whites as a resilient and cooperative leader. It also considers how Barrier Williams' progressive accomplishments in Chicago and her personal connections in both the Northeast and the South endeared her to the national community of black women. The book argues that Barrier Williams' cross-regional mobility enabled her to determine how she lived, as well as the ways she engaged with the black and white communities and how she formulated her ideas.Less
This book examines the complexities of Fannie Barrier Williams's life and how she developed intellectual insights into the intersectionality of privilege, race, labor, and gender by crossing regional borders. It explores how Barrier Williams's emergence as an activist influenced the Progressive Era, the women's club movement, the social and economic impact of industrialization on the black community, and the contours of the challenges to racism and discrimination. It shows how Barrier Williams successfully navigated between black and white worlds by gaining a reputation among blacks as a champion of black rights and among whites as a resilient and cooperative leader. It also considers how Barrier Williams' progressive accomplishments in Chicago and her personal connections in both the Northeast and the South endeared her to the national community of black women. The book argues that Barrier Williams' cross-regional mobility enabled her to determine how she lived, as well as the ways she engaged with the black and white communities and how she formulated her ideas.
