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A Question of Access or Mobilization? Understanding Inefficacious Job Referral Networks among the Black Poor

Sandra Susan Smith

in Social Capital: An International Research Program

This chapter studies the inefficiency of job referral networks that exist among the black poor. It first tries to determine if there are any deficiencies in access, and then considers the willingness ... More

This chapter studies the inefficiency of job referral networks that exist among the black poor. It first tries to determine if there are any deficiencies in access, and then considers the willingness of different parties involved to take part in these job referral networks. The chapter also examines two approaches that would help in the understanding of these inefficacious job referral networks.Less

The Founding Fathers

in Black Poor and White Philanthropists: London's Blacks and the Foundation of the Sierra Leone Settlement 1786–1791

A small but notable number of black people lived in Britain during the latter part of the eighteenth century, most of them concentrated in London. Some of these blacks, known as the Black Poor, would ... More

A small but notable number of black people lived in Britain during the latter part of the eighteenth century, most of them concentrated in London. Some of these blacks, known as the Black Poor, would embark on an expedition in April 1787 to establish a settlement in West Africa. The expedition was organised by a small group of white philanthropists and backed by the British government. White interest in a West African settlement was driven by a number of historical factors that reflect the varying attitudes to Africa which were prevalent in late eighteenth-century Britain. The Atlantic slave trade provided the main contact between Britain and Black Africa during the period. This chapter provides a background on the Black Poor in London and the role of the Society of Friends, or Quakers, in the conception of the plan to build a settlement in West Africa. In particular, it looks at the important roles played by John Fothergill, Henry Smeathman, and Granville Sharp.Less

The Sierra Leone Proposal

in Black Poor and White Philanthropists: London's Blacks and the Foundation of the Sierra Leone Settlement 1786–1791

In January 1786, a ‘Committee of Gentlemen’ met in London to discuss how to provide relief to the city's poor lascars. That meeting culminated in the creation of the Committee for the Relief of the ... More

In January 1786, a ‘Committee of Gentlemen’ met in London to discuss how to provide relief to the city's poor lascars. That meeting culminated in the creation of the Committee for the Relief of the Black Poor, whose members included philanthropists and abolitionists as well as men of reputable standing in the business community. Among them were George Peters, Thomas Boddington, John Julius Angerstein, Robert Melville, Montagu Burgoyne, Benjamin Johnson, and Jonas Hanway. Another group with an interest in London's blacks was composed of the West India planters. This chapter provides an overview of the Committee for the Relief of the Black Poor in London and some of its prominent members. It then examines the Committee's proposal to settle the city's blacks overseas, which eventually became the Sierra Leone expedition of 1786–1787, and the British government's support for the plan to build a settlement in West Africa.Less

Emigration or Deportation?

in Black Poor and White Philanthropists: London's Blacks and the Foundation of the Sierra Leone Settlement 1786–1791

London's Black Poor were initially eager to join the Sierra Leone expedition, but many had had second thoughts by November 1786. Those who were chosen were so slow to embark because of the rumour ... More

London's Black Poor were initially eager to join the Sierra Leone expedition, but many had had second thoughts by November 1786. Those who were chosen were so slow to embark because of the rumour that they would be sent to Botany Bay, or that the settlement was intended as a penal colony, a rumour which was confirmed by Granville Sharp as the most important factor that made the Black Poor hesitant to board the ships which would take them to their destination. This chapter examines the rumour as well as the problems that beset the planned expedition, including the disputes involving Gustavus Vassa, the Commissary, and John Irwin, the Superintendent, when the ships reached Plymouth. It also explores the question of whether the voyage was a voluntary emigration on the part of the blacks or whether it constituted a deportation.Less

Forgeries of History: The Poor White Study

Tiffany Willoughby-Herard

in Waste of a White Skin

“Forgeries of History: The Poor White Study” dispenses with the key frames put forward within the Poor White Study in order to situate the failure of domestic policy in South Africa to shore up white ... More

“Forgeries of History: The Poor White Study” dispenses with the key frames put forward within the Poor White Study in order to situate the failure of domestic policy in South Africa to shore up white wages and white quality of life for poor whites. If domestic South African civic associations and state pressure could not secure the global color line, in what ways might other forces—especially race-relations technicians like E. G. Malherbe—catalyze a transformation in the conditions of the South African racial labor hierarchy?Less

Respectability as Public Philosophy

Fredrick C. Harris

in The Price of the Ticket: Barack Obama and Rise and Decline of Black Politics

This chapter examines the ideological discord in black politics in America, with emphasis on the so-called politics of respectability. It begins by explaining how black middle-class ideology has ... More

This chapter examines the ideological discord in black politics in America, with emphasis on the so-called politics of respectability. It begins by explaining how black middle-class ideology has emerged as a public philosophy aimed directly at policing the black poor. It then discusses the role of the civil rights movement—and especially the Black Power movement—in bringing into question the wisdom of the politics of respectability as a strategy for black progress. It also places Barack Obama's “tough love” speeches to blacks within the context of the politics of respectability and concludes by analyzing how the rhetoric of respectability helped him capture the support of both white working-class voters and moderate voters.Less

Fighting for the High Ground

Robert R. Korstad

in To Right These Wrongs: The North Carolina Fund and the Battle to End Poverty and Inequality in 1960s America

This chapter discusses the North Carolina Fund's considerable success in organizing the black poor in Durham and the Choanoke region. However, the fact remained that a majority of the poor—in North ... More

This chapter discusses the North Carolina Fund's considerable success in organizing the black poor in Durham and the Choanoke region. However, the fact remained that a majority of the poor—in North Carolina and the nation—were white. From the outset, the architects of the War on Poverty had wanted desperately to include that constituency. One reason was practical: the sheer number of poor whites meant that their participation in a campaign against poverty would yield the greatest returns in the form of economic development and value added to human capital. Another reason was decidedly tactical: Lyndon Johnson and allies such as Terry Sanford knew that the War on Poverty would fail if it became too closely identified with the black freedom struggle. In hopes of holding on to conservative southern Democrats, Johnson distanced himself from the agenda of civil rights and characterized his assault on poverty as a means of creating “opportunity for all.”Less

Introduction

in Black Poor and White Philanthropists: London's Blacks and the Foundation of the Sierra Leone Settlement 1786–1791

The Sierra Leone expedition of 1786–1787, which saw a group of black people from London build a settlement in West Africa, is considered one of the most controversial episodes in the history of ... More

The Sierra Leone expedition of 1786–1787, which saw a group of black people from London build a settlement in West Africa, is considered one of the most controversial episodes in the history of blacks in Britain. It raises a number of important questions, such as how these black people had come to Britain, how they were perceived by the native white population, or why some of them left Britain and founded a new community in Africa. The settlement established by these so-called ‘Black Poor’ from London would become Freetown, the current capital of the modern state of Sierra Leone. Its history has long been interpreted in the context of the movement for the abolition of the slave trade, a notion challenged by Eric Williams in his 1944 book Capitalism and Slavery. This book explores the different interpretations regarding the settlement formed by London's Black Poor and the role of the Sierra Leone Company in running the settlement.Less

The Province of Freedom

in Black Poor and White Philanthropists: London's Blacks and the Foundation of the Sierra Leone Settlement 1786–1791

On May 10, 1787, the Sierra Leone expedition reached ‘Frenchman's Bay’, Sierra Leone. Captain Thomas Boulden Thompson, commander of one of the ships, H. M. S. Nautilus, signed a treaty with the ... More

On May 10, 1787, the Sierra Leone expedition reached ‘Frenchman's Bay’, Sierra Leone. Captain Thomas Boulden Thompson, commander of one of the ships, H. M. S. Nautilus, signed a treaty with the African ruler ‘King Tom’ to purchase the land. This first settlement was called the Province of Freedom. In addition to disease, many practical problems plagued the settlement in its early days. Granville Sharp was not discouraged by the heavy mortality which befell the crew, insisting that it was not caused by the climate. Determined not to abandon the settlement, he began to organise a relief expedition, known as the Myro expedition, to bring more supplies and new settlers to compensate for the deaths of the Black Poor due to disease. Sharp also proposed to form a company to trade with the Sierra Leone settlement, to be called St. George's Bay Company. This chapter examines the establishment of the Province of Freedom and the reasons for its eventual failure.Less

Conclusion

in Black Poor and White Philanthropists: London's Blacks and the Foundation of the Sierra Leone Settlement 1786–1791

Most of the blacks who joined the Sierra Leone expedition of 1786–1787 were those who had served on the British side in its war with America and who had been discharged in England after the war. The ... More

Most of the blacks who joined the Sierra Leone expedition of 1786–1787 were those who had served on the British side in its war with America and who had been discharged in England after the war. The expedition, believed to be a forced deportation of blacks from Britain, gave rise to the notion that ‘racism was a British way of life’. However, there is no concrete evidence that it was a concerted attempt by the British government and Britain's liberal establishment to rid the country of its black population. The Committee for the Relief of the Black Poor and the government, who supported the Sierra Leone venture, seem to have been motivated primarily by humanitarianism, by sympathy for abolitionists, and by gratitude towards the blacks as loyalists. A confluence of factors contributed to the failure of the Province of Freedom, including administrative hold-ups, leadership disputes, and the hesitation by the Black Poor themselves to board the ships. In the end, the re-established settlement became a symbolic representation of the crusade on the abolition of slavery.Less

Conclusion: Legacies

Deirdre Coleman

in Henry Smeathman, the Flycatcher: Natural History, Slavery, and Empire in the Late Eighteenth Century

Smeathman dies in London from a ‘putrid fever’ in July 1786. The Committee for the Black Poor sully his posthumous reputation, possibly because of his support for a mixed-race constitution in Sierra ... More

Smeathman dies in London from a ‘putrid fever’ in July 1786. The Committee for the Black Poor sully his posthumous reputation, possibly because of his support for a mixed-race constitution in Sierra Leone. They fail to see that Smeathman’s scheme for commercial agriculture, powered by the labour of redeemed slaves, presented a small step forward in recasting the relationship between forced labour and empire. Smeathman’s essay on the West African termite has many afterlives, especially in terms of its engravings, but the big book on Africa and the West Indies—his ‘Voyages and Travels’—is never published.Less

Asian Americans in the Age of Neoliberalism: Human Capital and Bad Choices in a.k.a. Don Bonus (1995) and Better Luck Tomorrow (2002)

Helen Heran Jun

in Race for Citizenship: Black Orientalism and Asian Uplift from Pre-Emancipation to Neoliberal America

This chapter engages discourses of Asian American racial difference in the post-civil rights period, by examining its relationship to the rise of neoliberalism as a hegemonic ideology since the ... More

This chapter engages discourses of Asian American racial difference in the post-civil rights period, by examining its relationship to the rise of neoliberalism as a hegemonic ideology since the mid-1960s. It argues that Asian American cultural production is uniquely situated to disclose various contradictions of violent neoliberal mandates of self-development and self-enterprise, by analyzing two Asian American films, Better Luck Tomorrow (2002) and a.k.a. Don Bonus (1995). Engaging with the terms of neoliberal discourse is critical to an adequate understanding of race in a post-civil rights era of multicultural inclusion. In this period, Asian uplift entails the production of Asian Americans as idealized subjects of a neoliberal world order, which not only pathologizes the racialized black poor but also reproduces a neoliberal episteme that has devastated the global South since decolonization.Less

How Shall We Remember New Orleans?: Comparing News Coverage of Post-Katrina New Orleans and the 2008 Midwest Floods

Linda Robertson

in The Neoliberal Deluge: Hurricane Katrina, Late Capitalism, and the Remaking of New Orleans

This chapter examines how the popular imagery of the black urban poor as lazy, lawless, and ungovernable was readily rehearsed in mass media to frame the social crisis and chaos that enveloped New ... More

This chapter examines how the popular imagery of the black urban poor as lazy, lawless, and ungovernable was readily rehearsed in mass media to frame the social crisis and chaos that enveloped New Orleans after Hurricane Katrina. It cites the use of another set of semantic narratives to describe the experiences of white working-class residents affected during the massive 2008 Midwest floods. The chapter first explains what is meant by “framing” in news analysis as well as the semantic conventions and experiential reporting used to construct the memory of the flooding in New Orleans. It then considers how and in what ways the Midwest floods can be compared with what happened in New Orleans and how commentators compared post-Katrina New Orleans with the Midwest floods. It also analyzes how right wing pundits portrayed victims of seasonal flooding as latter-day yeoman—hard-working, virtuous, and independent, suggesting that such rhetorical maneuvers are dangerous and undermine honest discussions of inequality in American life as well as the possibility of developing a sense of shared fate among Americans of different regional, ethnic, and class backgrounds.Less