Jason McGraw
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- January 2015
- ISBN:
- 9781469617862
- eISBN:
- 9781469617886
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/northcarolina/9781469617862.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, Latin American History
This chapter examines how letrados wrote their ambivalence toward democracy into the public sphere through distinctions of literacy, education, and barbarism, and how their depictions of the folk ...
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This chapter examines how letrados wrote their ambivalence toward democracy into the public sphere through distinctions of literacy, education, and barbarism, and how their depictions of the folk reaffirmed lettered authority over language and law. It was in this milieu that Candelario Obeso engaged his peers in an attempt to validate oral culture and to demand inclusion for black citizens.Less
This chapter examines how letrados wrote their ambivalence toward democracy into the public sphere through distinctions of literacy, education, and barbarism, and how their depictions of the folk reaffirmed lettered authority over language and law. It was in this milieu that Candelario Obeso engaged his peers in an attempt to validate oral culture and to demand inclusion for black citizens.
Brian D. Behnken
- Published in print:
- 2011
- Published Online:
- July 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780807834787
- eISBN:
- 9781469603193
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/9780807877876_behnken.6
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter describes how the black citizens of South Dallas suffered more than fifteen racially motivated bombings in 1950. Like bombings in Birmingham, Alabama, and other southern cities, the ...
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This chapter describes how the black citizens of South Dallas suffered more than fifteen racially motivated bombings in 1950. Like bombings in Birmingham, Alabama, and other southern cities, the terrorist acts in Dallas stemmed from the migration of blacks out of overcrowded segregated neighborhoods and into areas zoned for white use. In South Dallas, however, two of the main suspects were Mexican American men who felt threatened by the encroachment of African American families into white neighborhoods. One of these individuals, Pete Garcia, later admitted that he had painted “For Whites Only” signs in the neighborhood, threatened black home buyers with a knife, and chased two African American real estate agents out of the area.Less
This chapter describes how the black citizens of South Dallas suffered more than fifteen racially motivated bombings in 1950. Like bombings in Birmingham, Alabama, and other southern cities, the terrorist acts in Dallas stemmed from the migration of blacks out of overcrowded segregated neighborhoods and into areas zoned for white use. In South Dallas, however, two of the main suspects were Mexican American men who felt threatened by the encroachment of African American families into white neighborhoods. One of these individuals, Pete Garcia, later admitted that he had painted “For Whites Only” signs in the neighborhood, threatened black home buyers with a knife, and chased two African American real estate agents out of the area.
Françoise N. Hamlin
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- July 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780807835494
- eISBN:
- 9781469601694
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/9780807869857_hamlin.8
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
This chapter examines how Mississippi's black citizens literally and dramatically entered the national struggle over civil rights. In particular, Clarksdale's activists worked to desegregate ...
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This chapter examines how Mississippi's black citizens literally and dramatically entered the national struggle over civil rights. In particular, Clarksdale's activists worked to desegregate Clarksdale itself and they joined statewide campaigns for voting rights, also known as the 1964 Freedom Summer, a massive organizing effort that carried Mississippi into the national conversation in the summer of 1964 in new ways.Less
This chapter examines how Mississippi's black citizens literally and dramatically entered the national struggle over civil rights. In particular, Clarksdale's activists worked to desegregate Clarksdale itself and they joined statewide campaigns for voting rights, also known as the 1964 Freedom Summer, a massive organizing effort that carried Mississippi into the national conversation in the summer of 1964 in new ways.
Danny McKenzie
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- March 2014
- ISBN:
- 9781604731309
- eISBN:
- 9781604733402
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781604731309.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, Political History
This chapter describes Jack Reed’s 1956 speech before an all-black audience at Rust College, a Methodist college in the north Mississippi town of Holly Springs. Reed spoke about his faith and the ...
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This chapter describes Jack Reed’s 1956 speech before an all-black audience at Rust College, a Methodist college in the north Mississippi town of Holly Springs. Reed spoke about his faith and the issue of integration, and concluded with some positive words about the state of Mississippi’s economy and how its improvement would benefit its black citizens.Less
This chapter describes Jack Reed’s 1956 speech before an all-black audience at Rust College, a Methodist college in the north Mississippi town of Holly Springs. Reed spoke about his faith and the issue of integration, and concluded with some positive words about the state of Mississippi’s economy and how its improvement would benefit its black citizens.
Frank R. Parker
- Published in print:
- 1990
- Published Online:
- July 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780807842744
- eISBN:
- 9781469603315
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/9780807869697_parker.9
- Subject:
- History, African-American History
The chapter focuses on efforts executed to clear the structural barriers in Mississippi to blacks exercising their full political rights. To preserve and protect white supremacy, the state ...
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The chapter focuses on efforts executed to clear the structural barriers in Mississippi to blacks exercising their full political rights. To preserve and protect white supremacy, the state legislature imposed several structural barriers to nullify and dilute black votes. One of the main barriers was the multimember legislative districts used as a racial gerrymandering devise to dilute the black vote and which had become a major concern. The continued struggle against this discriminatory barrier resulted in the Mississippi legislative reapportionment litigation, which replaced multimember districts with single-member districts. The single-member districts ultimately enabled and empowered black citizens in the state and also made way for a dramatic upsurge in black political participation. The litigation proved to be an effective tool not only for the political future of black in Mississippi but also it had been on the forefront of the struggle throughout the southern states.Less
The chapter focuses on efforts executed to clear the structural barriers in Mississippi to blacks exercising their full political rights. To preserve and protect white supremacy, the state legislature imposed several structural barriers to nullify and dilute black votes. One of the main barriers was the multimember legislative districts used as a racial gerrymandering devise to dilute the black vote and which had become a major concern. The continued struggle against this discriminatory barrier resulted in the Mississippi legislative reapportionment litigation, which replaced multimember districts with single-member districts. The single-member districts ultimately enabled and empowered black citizens in the state and also made way for a dramatic upsurge in black political participation. The litigation proved to be an effective tool not only for the political future of black in Mississippi but also it had been on the forefront of the struggle throughout the southern states.
Wayne Dawkins
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- March 2014
- ISBN:
- 9781617032585
- eISBN:
- 9781617032592
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University Press of Mississippi
- DOI:
- 10.14325/mississippi/9781617032585.001.0001
- Subject:
- Society and Culture, Media Studies
In 1966, a year after the Voting Rights Act began liberating millions of southern blacks, New Yorkers challenged a political system that weakened their voting power. Andrew W. Cooper (1927–2002), a ...
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In 1966, a year after the Voting Rights Act began liberating millions of southern blacks, New Yorkers challenged a political system that weakened their voting power. Andrew W. Cooper (1927–2002), a beer company employee, sued state officials in a case called Cooper vs. Power. In 1968, the courts agreed that black citizens were denied the right to elect an authentic representative of their community. The 12th Congressional District was redrawn. Shirley Chisholm, a member of Cooper’s political club, ran for the new seat and made history as the first black woman elected to Congress. Cooper became a journalist, a political columnist, then founder of the Trans Urban News Service and the City Sun, a feisty Brooklyn-based weekly that published from 1984 to 1996. Whether the stories were about Mayor Koch or Rev. Al Sharpton, Howard Beach or Crown Heights, Tawana Brawley’s dubious rape allegations, the Daily News Four trial, or Spike Lee’s filmmaking career, his City Sun commanded attention, and moved officials and readers to action. Cooper’s leadership also gave Brooklyn—particularly predominantly black central Brooklyn—an identity. It is no accident that in the twenty-first century the borough crackles with energy. Cooper fought tirelessly for the community’s vitality when it was virtually abandoned by the civic and business establishments in the mid-to-late twentieth century. In addition, scores of journalists trained by Cooper are keeping his spirit alive.Less
In 1966, a year after the Voting Rights Act began liberating millions of southern blacks, New Yorkers challenged a political system that weakened their voting power. Andrew W. Cooper (1927–2002), a beer company employee, sued state officials in a case called Cooper vs. Power. In 1968, the courts agreed that black citizens were denied the right to elect an authentic representative of their community. The 12th Congressional District was redrawn. Shirley Chisholm, a member of Cooper’s political club, ran for the new seat and made history as the first black woman elected to Congress. Cooper became a journalist, a political columnist, then founder of the Trans Urban News Service and the City Sun, a feisty Brooklyn-based weekly that published from 1984 to 1996. Whether the stories were about Mayor Koch or Rev. Al Sharpton, Howard Beach or Crown Heights, Tawana Brawley’s dubious rape allegations, the Daily News Four trial, or Spike Lee’s filmmaking career, his City Sun commanded attention, and moved officials and readers to action. Cooper’s leadership also gave Brooklyn—particularly predominantly black central Brooklyn—an identity. It is no accident that in the twenty-first century the borough crackles with energy. Cooper fought tirelessly for the community’s vitality when it was virtually abandoned by the civic and business establishments in the mid-to-late twentieth century. In addition, scores of journalists trained by Cooper are keeping his spirit alive.
Jennifer E. Brooks
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- July 2014
- ISBN:
- 9780807829110
- eISBN:
- 9781469603599
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of North Carolina Press
- DOI:
- 10.5149/9780807875759_brooks
- Subject:
- History, American History: 20th Century
In the aftermath of World War II, Georgia's veterans—black, white, liberal, reactionary, pro-union, and anti-union—all found that service in the war enhanced their sense of male, political, and ...
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In the aftermath of World War II, Georgia's veterans—black, white, liberal, reactionary, pro-union, and anti-union—all found that service in the war enhanced their sense of male, political, and racial identity, but often in contradictory ways. This book shows how veterans competed in a protracted and sometimes violent struggle to determine the complex character of Georgia's postwar future. It finds that veterans shaped the key events of the era, including the gubernatorial campaigns of both Eugene Talmadge and Herman Talmadge; the defeat of entrenched political machines in Augusta and Savannah; the terrorism perpetrated against black citizens; the CIO's drive to organize the textile South; and the controversies that dominated the 1947 Georgia General Assembly. Progressive black and white veterans forged new grassroots networks to mobilize voters against racial and economic conservatives who opposed their vision of a democratic South. Most white veterans, however, opted to support candidates who favored a conservative program of modernization that aimed to alter the state's economic landscape while sustaining its anti-union and racial traditions. As the book demonstrates, World War II veterans played a pivotal role in shaping the war's political impact on the South, generating a politics of race, anti-unionism, and modernization that stood as the war's most lasting political legacy.Less
In the aftermath of World War II, Georgia's veterans—black, white, liberal, reactionary, pro-union, and anti-union—all found that service in the war enhanced their sense of male, political, and racial identity, but often in contradictory ways. This book shows how veterans competed in a protracted and sometimes violent struggle to determine the complex character of Georgia's postwar future. It finds that veterans shaped the key events of the era, including the gubernatorial campaigns of both Eugene Talmadge and Herman Talmadge; the defeat of entrenched political machines in Augusta and Savannah; the terrorism perpetrated against black citizens; the CIO's drive to organize the textile South; and the controversies that dominated the 1947 Georgia General Assembly. Progressive black and white veterans forged new grassroots networks to mobilize voters against racial and economic conservatives who opposed their vision of a democratic South. Most white veterans, however, opted to support candidates who favored a conservative program of modernization that aimed to alter the state's economic landscape while sustaining its anti-union and racial traditions. As the book demonstrates, World War II veterans played a pivotal role in shaping the war's political impact on the South, generating a politics of race, anti-unionism, and modernization that stood as the war's most lasting political legacy.
