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This is the exceptional case in that the proposal to include a racial equality clause in the League Covenant was rejected. On the other hand, this is another case where the norm was supported by a leading state (Japan), in conjunction with a wider world society movement. The drafting history casts doubts on Japanese motives for pressing the proposal, but the failure reflects the relative weakness of Japan as a normative sponsor. While opposition to the clause certainly came from Britain, in response to pressure from parts of the empire, President Wilson's own position was ambiguous, and he certainly was not prepared to risk the Treaty of Versailles (and the League Covenant) to include it. There was a widespread pressure to hold a Pan-African Congress at Paris to coincide with the settlement. However, the Japanese delegate Baron Makino expressed a number of interesting normative arguments in support of the clause, appealing to the blurring of the distinction between international and world society brought about by the principle of collective security.

This chapter explores the life of William Hone. It pays particular attention to his thought as a freethinker, parodist, and alleged blasphemer that led to his famous trials. His atheist phase was influenced by Baron d’Holbach’s System of Nature. It then goes on to explore the contours of his reconversion and his later Christian thought.

The conclusion integrates the book's various arguments and findings into the larger historiography on Renaissance Florence and Renaissance political culture. In particular, it considers the influential arguments of Hans Baron, J.G.A. Pocock, and Quentin Skinner, who have all advanced related arguments about the nature, function, and linguistic structure of Florentine republican thought. The conclusion engages and qualifies a number of their points, asking the hitherto unexamined question of how a Florentine elite family understood and responded to humanism and republican thought, rather than exclusively studying humanists and republican theorists, who, though undoubtedly significant, tended not participate in the political life of the Florentine city‐state. It argues that the activities of the Valori family, both in terms of intellectual patronage and actual political policies pursued, constituted a distinctive style of republicanism based on an innovative fusion of classical thought and Christian thinking.

In the 18th century Leufsta Bruk was a bustling factory town, one of the leading producers of bar iron in all of Europe. The entire estate, consisting of foundry, administration buildings, manor house, church, housing for the workers, and the surrounding land, belonged to the Baron Charles De Geer. He commissioned the building of an organ by Johan Niclas Cahman that stands today as one of the largest and best preserved baroque organs in all of Scandinavia. The chapter gives an overview of the forthcoming chapters as they relate to the De Geer family and its Leufsta Bruk estate, and the Cahman organ and its historical context from Axel Unnerbäck.

The system of formal rules by which Scotland was governed had long been a single, national one. Some laws — statutes — received their authority also from parliament, but there was no sense at the outset that this was so for law in general. The general assembly of the church and the privy council have occasionally been claimed as rivalling parliament as legislative bodies, but their measures on closer inspection always turn out to be subordinate to acts of parliament. This chapter discusses the legislative role of the Scottish parliament and traces the unintended rise of a sovereign legislature. Government is broken down into its component parts, from crown and parliament to local commissaries and baron courts. The late 16th century saw regular attempts to codify Scotland's venerated but unusable medieval laws in order to adapt them to current conditions. Meanwhile, parliament began to pass a large volume of legislation. When the codification projects failed, it became clear that the law was fundamentally statutory rather than immemorial.

This chapter looks at traditional local government institutions in Scotland, notably the sheriff, baron, and regality courts controlled by the nobility. These courts gained some new powers but mainly became much more accountable to the centre. Royal authority pervaded the localities of the kingdom. Most Scots were not told what to do by Queen Mary or King James or their regents or councillors personally, but by people acting in their name and carrying symbols of royal authority, such as letters under the royal signet. At the sharp end of law enforcement were the messengers at arms and local courts' officers. They, if anyone, carried the authority of the crown into the localities, as the executive officers of the courts. There were various types of officers: royal heralds and pursuivants, messengers at arms, sheriffs, barons, burghs, and other local courts.

This chapter examines the images, feelings, connotations, and concepts that the word “terreur” evoked during the European Enlightenment. It first looks at a few definitions of terror before discussing the views of Paul-Henri Dietrich, Baron d'Holbach, a wealthy German nobleman who epitomized the Enlightenment war on terror. In particular, it considers Holbach's claim that philosophy is the cure for the psychological suffering caused by fear. It then explores the conception of terror as an attribute of God, which in turn associated it with majesty and justice, along with the practice of characterizing monarchs and nations as terrors. It also analyzes terror's connection to military science and law and punishment, including death penalty. Finally, it assesses the aesthetics of terror. The chapter shows that while the Enlightenment frequently railed against terror, its relationship to terror was highly ambivalent.

Age of the robber barons and role of strong, dominant figures in the development of Wall Street, including Gould, Rockefeller, Pierpont Morgan, and Jacob Schiff. Further development of the markets, increasing in size and activity, and the development of securities houses and investment banks.

London was outraged by Mussolini's bombardment and occupation of Corfu following the murder of the Italian president of the commission delimiting the Graeco‐Albanian border. Curzon and the Foreign Office were particularly concerned to back the League and reaffirm the principles of decent international conduct. Cecil at Geneva was more concerned to work with the French in finding a diplomatic solution. He largely devised the procedure whereby the Allied Conference of Ambassadors took responsibility for the outcome. Although criticized by the press barons Rothermere and Beaverbrook and by Lloyd George, London's support for the League was clearly popular, even if the result appeared disappointing. As a moderate compared to Curzon in this crisis, Cecil could not use the League as an issue against his colleagues. He became politically marginalized, while the 1923 election made support for Geneva essential for all major British statesmen.

This chapter discusses the file note on Japanese intelligence in the United Kingdom and people investigated on suspicion of working for Japanese intelligence, among whom was the 19th Baron Sempill, a veteran of the Royal Naval Air Service who had been employed after the First World War to organize the Japanese Naval Air Service. It discusses Japan's extensive intelligence network throughout the British Empire, which was run mainly through their embassies and consulates, and which acted as collecting points. The consulates were mainly concerned with ship movements and, in the United Kingdom, with bomb-damage reports. The chapter reveals that the Japanese network was an important component of the Axis intelligence system. Apart from direct intelligence, the Japanese Embassy in London had certain connections with British subjects, from whom it obtained valuable information which was transmitted to Tokyo.

Chapter 5 explores the struggle for modern memory in Second World War writing and reconstructs wartime debates about national identity, social reconstruction, decolonization, and popular culture. The wartime culture boom, it contends, produced a cosmopolitan, hybrid aesthetic that challenged conventional constructions of gender and Englishness. The example of the Great War promised major literary creation after a period of delayed recollection, yet as World War Two writers suggested, total warfare threatened both memory and the survival of a common culture. The chapter explores debates about propaganda, pacifism, and the autonomy of high culture in the work of Keith Douglas, Virginia Woolf, Cyril Connolly, Alex Comfort, George Orwell, or Evelyn Waugh. In Alexander Baron's postwar novel, From the City, From the Plough (1949), it traces how the mythic solidarities of the People's War are confront the violence of mechanized warfare, colonialism, and the relentless abstraction of the strategists' view of battle.

This chapter discusses the formation of an Anglo-American Alliance in the cigarette industry during the 1890s. It examines the growth of Bristol-based W. D. and H. O. Wills after it was granted exclusive control of the American-invented Bonsack machine in Britain and of Nottingham-based John Player and Sons with the use of the Elliott machine invented by Bernhard Baron. It also discusses the management and growth strategies of the American Tobacco Co. (ATC) in the cigarette and cigarette plug sectors, which were accomplished through vertical integration, acquisitions, and horizontal integration. ATC's growth was further strengthened with its entry into the British market and the formation of the British American Tobacco Company (BAT Co.).

The chapter discusses the legendary Satchel Paige and his life before and during his baseball heydays. Paige was considered a Babe Ruth of Negro baseball. He did not win every game he was in though he probably had the most wins compared to any other pitcher in history. His appeal was interracial and universal though he never forgot that he was a black man. Tributes were heaped over him by some of the best names in the industry—Dizzy Dean, Joe DiMaggio, Charlie Gehringer, and other major-league stars. The chapter discusses his early years and his numerous conflicts with the law. When he started with the Birmingham Black Barons, he had no other throw but his fastball but it was a fastball like no other. That was the start of his legendary career.