Ian Clark
- Published in print:
- 2007
- Published Online:
- May 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199297009
- eISBN:
- 9780191711428
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199297009.003.0005
- Subject:
- Political Science, International Relations and Politics
This is the exceptional case in that the proposal to include a racial equality clause in the League Covenant was rejected. On the other hand, this is another case where the norm was supported by a ...
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This is the exceptional case in that the proposal to include a racial equality clause in the League Covenant was rejected. On the other hand, this is another case where the norm was supported by a leading state (Japan), in conjunction with a wider world society movement. The drafting history casts doubts on Japanese motives for pressing the proposal, but the failure reflects the relative weakness of Japan as a normative sponsor. While opposition to the clause certainly came from Britain, in response to pressure from parts of the empire, President Wilson's own position was ambiguous, and he certainly was not prepared to risk the Treaty of Versailles (and the League Covenant) to include it. There was a widespread pressure to hold a Pan-African Congress at Paris to coincide with the settlement. However, the Japanese delegate Baron Makino expressed a number of interesting normative arguments in support of the clause, appealing to the blurring of the distinction between international and world society brought about by the principle of collective security.Less
This is the exceptional case in that the proposal to include a racial equality clause in the League Covenant was rejected. On the other hand, this is another case where the norm was supported by a leading state (Japan), in conjunction with a wider world society movement. The drafting history casts doubts on Japanese motives for pressing the proposal, but the failure reflects the relative weakness of Japan as a normative sponsor. While opposition to the clause certainly came from Britain, in response to pressure from parts of the empire, President Wilson's own position was ambiguous, and he certainly was not prepared to risk the Treaty of Versailles (and the League Covenant) to include it. There was a widespread pressure to hold a Pan-African Congress at Paris to coincide with the settlement. However, the Japanese delegate Baron Makino expressed a number of interesting normative arguments in support of the clause, appealing to the blurring of the distinction between international and world society brought about by the principle of collective security.
Timothy Larsen
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- January 2007
- ISBN:
- 9780199287871
- eISBN:
- 9780191713422
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199287871.003.0002
- Subject:
- Religion, Theology
This chapter explores the life of William Hone. It pays particular attention to his thought as a freethinker, parodist, and alleged blasphemer that led to his famous trials. His atheist phase was ...
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This chapter explores the life of William Hone. It pays particular attention to his thought as a freethinker, parodist, and alleged blasphemer that led to his famous trials. His atheist phase was influenced by Baron d’Holbach’s System of Nature. It then goes on to explore the contours of his reconversion and his later Christian thought.Less
This chapter explores the life of William Hone. It pays particular attention to his thought as a freethinker, parodist, and alleged blasphemer that led to his famous trials. His atheist phase was influenced by Baron d’Holbach’s System of Nature. It then goes on to explore the contours of his reconversion and his later Christian thought.
Mark Jurdjevic
- Published in print:
- 2008
- Published Online:
- May 2008
- ISBN:
- 9780199204489
- eISBN:
- 9780191708084
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199204489.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, European Early Modern History
The conclusion integrates the book's various arguments and findings into the larger historiography on Renaissance Florence and Renaissance political culture. In particular, it considers the ...
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The conclusion integrates the book's various arguments and findings into the larger historiography on Renaissance Florence and Renaissance political culture. In particular, it considers the influential arguments of Hans Baron, J.G.A. Pocock, and Quentin Skinner, who have all advanced related arguments about the nature, function, and linguistic structure of Florentine republican thought. The conclusion engages and qualifies a number of their points, asking the hitherto unexamined question of how a Florentine elite family understood and responded to humanism and republican thought, rather than exclusively studying humanists and republican theorists, who, though undoubtedly significant, tended not participate in the political life of the Florentine city‐state. It argues that the activities of the Valori family, both in terms of intellectual patronage and actual political policies pursued, constituted a distinctive style of republicanism based on an innovative fusion of classical thought and Christian thinking.Less
The conclusion integrates the book's various arguments and findings into the larger historiography on Renaissance Florence and Renaissance political culture. In particular, it considers the influential arguments of Hans Baron, J.G.A. Pocock, and Quentin Skinner, who have all advanced related arguments about the nature, function, and linguistic structure of Florentine republican thought. The conclusion engages and qualifies a number of their points, asking the hitherto unexamined question of how a Florentine elite family understood and responded to humanism and republican thought, rather than exclusively studying humanists and republican theorists, who, though undoubtedly significant, tended not participate in the political life of the Florentine city‐state. It argues that the activities of the Valori family, both in terms of intellectual patronage and actual political policies pursued, constituted a distinctive style of republicanism based on an innovative fusion of classical thought and Christian thinking.
Julian Goodare
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199243549
- eISBN:
- 9780191714160
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199243549.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Medieval History
The system of formal rules by which Scotland was governed had long been a single, national one. Some laws — statutes — received their authority also from parliament, but there was no sense at the ...
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The system of formal rules by which Scotland was governed had long been a single, national one. Some laws — statutes — received their authority also from parliament, but there was no sense at the outset that this was so for law in general. The general assembly of the church and the privy council have occasionally been claimed as rivalling parliament as legislative bodies, but their measures on closer inspection always turn out to be subordinate to acts of parliament. This chapter discusses the legislative role of the Scottish parliament and traces the unintended rise of a sovereign legislature. Government is broken down into its component parts, from crown and parliament to local commissaries and baron courts. The late 16th century saw regular attempts to codify Scotland's venerated but unusable medieval laws in order to adapt them to current conditions. Meanwhile, parliament began to pass a large volume of legislation. When the codification projects failed, it became clear that the law was fundamentally statutory rather than immemorial.Less
The system of formal rules by which Scotland was governed had long been a single, national one. Some laws — statutes — received their authority also from parliament, but there was no sense at the outset that this was so for law in general. The general assembly of the church and the privy council have occasionally been claimed as rivalling parliament as legislative bodies, but their measures on closer inspection always turn out to be subordinate to acts of parliament. This chapter discusses the legislative role of the Scottish parliament and traces the unintended rise of a sovereign legislature. Government is broken down into its component parts, from crown and parliament to local commissaries and baron courts. The late 16th century saw regular attempts to codify Scotland's venerated but unusable medieval laws in order to adapt them to current conditions. Meanwhile, parliament began to pass a large volume of legislation. When the codification projects failed, it became clear that the law was fundamentally statutory rather than immemorial.
Julian Goodare
- Published in print:
- 2004
- Published Online:
- January 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199243549
- eISBN:
- 9780191714160
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199243549.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Medieval History
This chapter looks at traditional local government institutions in Scotland, notably the sheriff, baron, and regality courts controlled by the nobility. These courts gained some new powers but mainly ...
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This chapter looks at traditional local government institutions in Scotland, notably the sheriff, baron, and regality courts controlled by the nobility. These courts gained some new powers but mainly became much more accountable to the centre. Royal authority pervaded the localities of the kingdom. Most Scots were not told what to do by Queen Mary or King James or their regents or councillors personally, but by people acting in their name and carrying symbols of royal authority, such as letters under the royal signet. At the sharp end of law enforcement were the messengers at arms and local courts' officers. They, if anyone, carried the authority of the crown into the localities, as the executive officers of the courts. There were various types of officers: royal heralds and pursuivants, messengers at arms, sheriffs, barons, burghs, and other local courts.Less
This chapter looks at traditional local government institutions in Scotland, notably the sheriff, baron, and regality courts controlled by the nobility. These courts gained some new powers but mainly became much more accountable to the centre. Royal authority pervaded the localities of the kingdom. Most Scots were not told what to do by Queen Mary or King James or their regents or councillors personally, but by people acting in their name and carrying symbols of royal authority, such as letters under the royal signet. At the sharp end of law enforcement were the messengers at arms and local courts' officers. They, if anyone, carried the authority of the crown into the localities, as the executive officers of the courts. There were various types of officers: royal heralds and pursuivants, messengers at arms, sheriffs, barons, burghs, and other local courts.
Kerala J. Snyder
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780195144154
- eISBN:
- 9780199849369
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195144154.003.0008
- Subject:
- Music, History, Western
In the 18th century Leufsta Bruk was a bustling factory town, one of the leading producers of bar iron in all of Europe. The entire estate, consisting of foundry, administration buildings, manor ...
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In the 18th century Leufsta Bruk was a bustling factory town, one of the leading producers of bar iron in all of Europe. The entire estate, consisting of foundry, administration buildings, manor house, church, housing for the workers, and the surrounding land, belonged to the Baron Charles De Geer. He commissioned the building of an organ by Johan Niclas Cahman that stands today as one of the largest and best preserved baroque organs in all of Scandinavia. The chapter gives an overview of the forthcoming chapters as they relate to the De Geer family and its Leufsta Bruk estate, and the Cahman organ and its historical context from Axel Unnerbäck.Less
In the 18th century Leufsta Bruk was a bustling factory town, one of the leading producers of bar iron in all of Europe. The entire estate, consisting of foundry, administration buildings, manor house, church, housing for the workers, and the surrounding land, belonged to the Baron Charles De Geer. He commissioned the building of an organ by Johan Niclas Cahman that stands today as one of the largest and best preserved baroque organs in all of Scandinavia. The chapter gives an overview of the forthcoming chapters as they relate to the De Geer family and its Leufsta Bruk estate, and the Cahman organ and its historical context from Axel Unnerbäck.
Ronald Schechter
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691153599
- eISBN:
- 9781400845248
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691153599.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, World Modern History
This chapter examines the images, feelings, connotations, and concepts that the word “terreur” evoked during the European Enlightenment. It first looks at a few definitions of terror before ...
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This chapter examines the images, feelings, connotations, and concepts that the word “terreur” evoked during the European Enlightenment. It first looks at a few definitions of terror before discussing the views of Paul-Henri Dietrich, Baron d'Holbach, a wealthy German nobleman who epitomized the Enlightenment war on terror. In particular, it considers Holbach's claim that philosophy is the cure for the psychological suffering caused by fear. It then explores the conception of terror as an attribute of God, which in turn associated it with majesty and justice, along with the practice of characterizing monarchs and nations as terrors. It also analyzes terror's connection to military science and law and punishment, including death penalty. Finally, it assesses the aesthetics of terror. The chapter shows that while the Enlightenment frequently railed against terror, its relationship to terror was highly ambivalent.Less
This chapter examines the images, feelings, connotations, and concepts that the word “terreur” evoked during the European Enlightenment. It first looks at a few definitions of terror before discussing the views of Paul-Henri Dietrich, Baron d'Holbach, a wealthy German nobleman who epitomized the Enlightenment war on terror. In particular, it considers Holbach's claim that philosophy is the cure for the psychological suffering caused by fear. It then explores the conception of terror as an attribute of God, which in turn associated it with majesty and justice, along with the practice of characterizing monarchs and nations as terrors. It also analyzes terror's connection to military science and law and punishment, including death penalty. Finally, it assesses the aesthetics of terror. The chapter shows that while the Enlightenment frequently railed against terror, its relationship to terror was highly ambivalent.
Charles R. Geisst
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780195130867
- eISBN:
- 9780199871155
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195130863.003.0004
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Economic History, Financial Economics
Age of the robber barons and role of strong, dominant figures in the development of Wall Street, including Gould, Rockefeller, Pierpont Morgan, and Jacob Schiff. Further development of the markets, ...
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Age of the robber barons and role of strong, dominant figures in the development of Wall Street, including Gould, Rockefeller, Pierpont Morgan, and Jacob Schiff. Further development of the markets, increasing in size and activity, and the development of securities houses and investment banks.Less
Age of the robber barons and role of strong, dominant figures in the development of Wall Street, including Gould, Rockefeller, Pierpont Morgan, and Jacob Schiff. Further development of the markets, increasing in size and activity, and the development of securities houses and investment banks.
J. C. Holt
- Published in print:
- 1992
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198203094
- eISBN:
- 9780191675713
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203094.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Medieval History
The Magna Carta, imposed on King John by his barons in 1215, is widely regarded as the foundation of the British constitution. This book studies the origins of the rebellion that culminated in the ...
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The Magna Carta, imposed on King John by his barons in 1215, is widely regarded as the foundation of the British constitution. This book studies the origins of the rebellion that culminated in the events at Runnymede. The book investigates the causes of the baronial revolt, and explores the social and administrative setting of the northern shires and their landed families. The book also draws on recent research on border societies to offer new insights into the organization of the northern barons.Less
The Magna Carta, imposed on King John by his barons in 1215, is widely regarded as the foundation of the British constitution. This book studies the origins of the rebellion that culminated in the events at Runnymede. The book investigates the causes of the baronial revolt, and explores the social and administrative setting of the northern shires and their landed families. The book also draws on recent research on border societies to offer new insights into the organization of the northern barons.
Simon Payling
- Published in print:
- 1991
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198202097
- eISBN:
- 9780191675140
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198202097.001.0001
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Medieval History, Political History
This is a study of the political and social structure of late medieval England. It examines the wealth and political influence of a dozen Nottinghamshire families who dominated their county during ...
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This is a study of the political and social structure of late medieval England. It examines the wealth and political influence of a dozen Nottinghamshire families who dominated their county during the first half of the fifteenth century. The author’s analysis shifts the historical emphasis from the barons at the head of their affinities to the greater gentry as members of well-defined shire establishments. The study reassesses the nature of baronial-gentry relations, and establishes the true extent of the influence of the greater gentry. It is both an addition to local studies and a contribution to the historiographical debate on the role of the gentry in late medieval England.Less
This is a study of the political and social structure of late medieval England. It examines the wealth and political influence of a dozen Nottinghamshire families who dominated their county during the first half of the fifteenth century. The author’s analysis shifts the historical emphasis from the barons at the head of their affinities to the greater gentry as members of well-defined shire establishments. The study reassesses the nature of baronial-gentry relations, and establishes the true extent of the influence of the greater gentry. It is both an addition to local studies and a contribution to the historiographical debate on the role of the gentry in late medieval England.
Peter J. Yearwood
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199226733
- eISBN:
- 9780191710308
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199226733.003.0007
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
London was outraged by Mussolini's bombardment and occupation of Corfu following the murder of the Italian president of the commission delimiting the Graeco‐Albanian border. Curzon and the Foreign ...
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London was outraged by Mussolini's bombardment and occupation of Corfu following the murder of the Italian president of the commission delimiting the Graeco‐Albanian border. Curzon and the Foreign Office were particularly concerned to back the League and reaffirm the principles of decent international conduct. Cecil at Geneva was more concerned to work with the French in finding a diplomatic solution. He largely devised the procedure whereby the Allied Conference of Ambassadors took responsibility for the outcome. Although criticized by the press barons Rothermere and Beaverbrook and by Lloyd George, London's support for the League was clearly popular, even if the result appeared disappointing. As a moderate compared to Curzon in this crisis, Cecil could not use the League as an issue against his colleagues. He became politically marginalized, while the 1923 election made support for Geneva essential for all major British statesmen.Less
London was outraged by Mussolini's bombardment and occupation of Corfu following the murder of the Italian president of the commission delimiting the Graeco‐Albanian border. Curzon and the Foreign Office were particularly concerned to back the League and reaffirm the principles of decent international conduct. Cecil at Geneva was more concerned to work with the French in finding a diplomatic solution. He largely devised the procedure whereby the Allied Conference of Ambassadors took responsibility for the outcome. Although criticized by the press barons Rothermere and Beaverbrook and by Lloyd George, London's support for the League was clearly popular, even if the result appeared disappointing. As a moderate compared to Curzon in this crisis, Cecil could not use the League as an issue against his colleagues. He became politically marginalized, while the 1923 election made support for Geneva essential for all major British statesmen.
Nige West and Oleg Tsarev
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- October 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780300123470
- eISBN:
- 9780300156416
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Yale University Press
- DOI:
- 10.12987/yale/9780300123470.003.0003
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Modern History
This chapter discusses the file note on Japanese intelligence in the United Kingdom and people investigated on suspicion of working for Japanese intelligence, among whom was the 19th Baron Sempill, a ...
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This chapter discusses the file note on Japanese intelligence in the United Kingdom and people investigated on suspicion of working for Japanese intelligence, among whom was the 19th Baron Sempill, a veteran of the Royal Naval Air Service who had been employed after the First World War to organize the Japanese Naval Air Service. It discusses Japan's extensive intelligence network throughout the British Empire, which was run mainly through their embassies and consulates, and which acted as collecting points. The consulates were mainly concerned with ship movements and, in the United Kingdom, with bomb-damage reports. The chapter reveals that the Japanese network was an important component of the Axis intelligence system. Apart from direct intelligence, the Japanese Embassy in London had certain connections with British subjects, from whom it obtained valuable information which was transmitted to Tokyo.Less
This chapter discusses the file note on Japanese intelligence in the United Kingdom and people investigated on suspicion of working for Japanese intelligence, among whom was the 19th Baron Sempill, a veteran of the Royal Naval Air Service who had been employed after the First World War to organize the Japanese Naval Air Service. It discusses Japan's extensive intelligence network throughout the British Empire, which was run mainly through their embassies and consulates, and which acted as collecting points. The consulates were mainly concerned with ship movements and, in the United Kingdom, with bomb-damage reports. The chapter reveals that the Japanese network was an important component of the Axis intelligence system. Apart from direct intelligence, the Japanese Embassy in London had certain connections with British subjects, from whom it obtained valuable information which was transmitted to Tokyo.
Patrick Deer
- Published in print:
- 2009
- Published Online:
- May 2009
- ISBN:
- 9780199239887
- eISBN:
- 9780191716782
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199239887.003.0006
- Subject:
- Literature, Film, Media, and Cultural Studies, 20th-century and Contemporary Literature
Chapter 5 explores the struggle for modern memory in Second World War writing and reconstructs wartime debates about national identity, social reconstruction, decolonization, and popular culture. ...
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Chapter 5 explores the struggle for modern memory in Second World War writing and reconstructs wartime debates about national identity, social reconstruction, decolonization, and popular culture. The wartime culture boom, it contends, produced a cosmopolitan, hybrid aesthetic that challenged conventional constructions of gender and Englishness. The example of the Great War promised major literary creation after a period of delayed recollection, yet as World War Two writers suggested, total warfare threatened both memory and the survival of a common culture. The chapter explores debates about propaganda, pacifism, and the autonomy of high culture in the work of Keith Douglas, Virginia Woolf, Cyril Connolly, Alex Comfort, George Orwell, or Evelyn Waugh. In Alexander Baron's postwar novel, From the City, From the Plough (1949), it traces how the mythic solidarities of the People's War are confront the violence of mechanized warfare, colonialism, and the relentless abstraction of the strategists' view of battle.Less
Chapter 5 explores the struggle for modern memory in Second World War writing and reconstructs wartime debates about national identity, social reconstruction, decolonization, and popular culture. The wartime culture boom, it contends, produced a cosmopolitan, hybrid aesthetic that challenged conventional constructions of gender and Englishness. The example of the Great War promised major literary creation after a period of delayed recollection, yet as World War Two writers suggested, total warfare threatened both memory and the survival of a common culture. The chapter explores debates about propaganda, pacifism, and the autonomy of high culture in the work of Keith Douglas, Virginia Woolf, Cyril Connolly, Alex Comfort, George Orwell, or Evelyn Waugh. In Alexander Baron's postwar novel, From the City, From the Plough (1949), it traces how the mythic solidarities of the People's War are confront the violence of mechanized warfare, colonialism, and the relentless abstraction of the strategists' view of battle.
R. R. Davies
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198208785
- eISBN:
- 9780191678141
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198208785.003.0012
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Medieval History
The Anglo-Norman lords had come to accept by the late twelfth century that the total subjugation of Wales was, at least for the time being, beyond their reach. So had England's government. Wales was ...
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The Anglo-Norman lords had come to accept by the late twelfth century that the total subjugation of Wales was, at least for the time being, beyond their reach. So had England's government. Wales was to be a partially conquered country. The acknowledgement of this situation was reflected in the increasing use in official documents of a formal terminology to express the duality: on the one hand, the part of Wales that remained under native rule was referred to as ‘Wales’ or ‘Wales proper’, while the rest of the country was designated ‘the March of Wales’ and its rulers ‘the barons of the March’. A brief review of the March in the late twelfth century will serve to indicate the extent of Anglo-Norman penetration in Wales by that date and to emphasize the very variable quality of Anglo-Norman control.Less
The Anglo-Norman lords had come to accept by the late twelfth century that the total subjugation of Wales was, at least for the time being, beyond their reach. So had England's government. Wales was to be a partially conquered country. The acknowledgement of this situation was reflected in the increasing use in official documents of a formal terminology to express the duality: on the one hand, the part of Wales that remained under native rule was referred to as ‘Wales’ or ‘Wales proper’, while the rest of the country was designated ‘the March of Wales’ and its rulers ‘the barons of the March’. A brief review of the March in the late twelfth century will serve to indicate the extent of Anglo-Norman penetration in Wales by that date and to emphasize the very variable quality of Anglo-Norman control.
Steven G. Ellis
- Published in print:
- 1995
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198201335
- eISBN:
- 9780191674853
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198201335.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Early Modern History
This chapter examines the estates and connexion of Lord Dacre of the North. Society in the west march at Henry Tudor's accession had long been dominated by a few great families. Apart from Lord ...
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This chapter examines the estates and connexion of Lord Dacre of the North. Society in the west march at Henry Tudor's accession had long been dominated by a few great families. Apart from Lord Dacre, the only other prominent Cumberland tenant-in-chief was Lord Greystoke. Like other Tudor magnates, the Dacres organised the administration of their estates with the aim of maximising their power and influence in the areas they regarded as coming under their rule. In their case, cosiderations of border defence imparted an added urgency and a particular character to his estate management policies. The key to the defence of the English west march was the northernmost barony of Liddel.Less
This chapter examines the estates and connexion of Lord Dacre of the North. Society in the west march at Henry Tudor's accession had long been dominated by a few great families. Apart from Lord Dacre, the only other prominent Cumberland tenant-in-chief was Lord Greystoke. Like other Tudor magnates, the Dacres organised the administration of their estates with the aim of maximising their power and influence in the areas they regarded as coming under their rule. In their case, cosiderations of border defence imparted an added urgency and a particular character to his estate management policies. The key to the defence of the English west march was the northernmost barony of Liddel.
Howard Cox
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198292210
- eISBN:
- 9780191684890
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198292210.003.0003
- Subject:
- Business and Management, Business History, International Business
This chapter discusses the formation of an Anglo-American Alliance in the cigarette industry during the 1890s. It examines the growth of ...
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This chapter discusses the formation of an Anglo-American Alliance in the cigarette industry during the 1890s. It examines the growth of Bristol-based W. D. and H. O. Wills after it was granted exclusive control of the American-invented Bonsack machine in Britain and of Nottingham-based John Player and Sons with the use of the Elliott machine invented by Bernhard Baron. It also discusses the management and growth strategies of the American Tobacco Co. (ATC) in the cigarette and cigarette plug sectors, which were accomplished through vertical integration, acquisitions, and horizontal integration. ATC's growth was further strengthened with its entry into the British market and the formation of the British American Tobacco Company (BAT Co.).Less
This chapter discusses the formation of an Anglo-American Alliance in the cigarette industry during the 1890s. It examines the growth of Bristol-based W. D. and H. O. Wills after it was granted exclusive control of the American-invented Bonsack machine in Britain and of Nottingham-based John Player and Sons with the use of the Elliott machine invented by Bernhard Baron. It also discusses the management and growth strategies of the American Tobacco Co. (ATC) in the cigarette and cigarette plug sectors, which were accomplished through vertical integration, acquisitions, and horizontal integration. ATC's growth was further strengthened with its entry into the British market and the formation of the British American Tobacco Company (BAT Co.).
Catriona Kelly
- Published in print:
- 1998
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198159643
- eISBN:
- 9780191673665
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198159643.003.0003
- Subject:
- Literature, European Literature
The very first woman writer in Russia who was able to produce an impressive number of literary works in the Russian language was Mariya Zhukova. This chapter gives a brief and general survey of the ...
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The very first woman writer in Russia who was able to produce an impressive number of literary works in the Russian language was Mariya Zhukova. This chapter gives a brief and general survey of the different provincial tales written by Zhukova before moving on to a more detailed discussion of ‘Baron Reichman’, which was one of her society tales. The chapter ends by outlining Evenings by the Karpovka, a collection of Zhukova's stories.Less
The very first woman writer in Russia who was able to produce an impressive number of literary works in the Russian language was Mariya Zhukova. This chapter gives a brief and general survey of the different provincial tales written by Zhukova before moving on to a more detailed discussion of ‘Baron Reichman’, which was one of her society tales. The chapter ends by outlining Evenings by the Karpovka, a collection of Zhukova's stories.
J. C. Holt
- Published in print:
- 1992
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198203094
- eISBN:
- 9780191675713
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203094.003.0004
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Medieval History
The knights were divided in the 1215 rebellion and their support was sought both by the King and the rebel barons. A superficial glance at the Magna Carta might suggest that most of them were staunch ...
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The knights were divided in the 1215 rebellion and their support was sought both by the King and the rebel barons. A superficial glance at the Magna Carta might suggest that most of them were staunch supporters of the rising, for it benefited them in numerous ways. Moreover, part of the baronial programme depended on the knights for its execution and simply assumed their co-operation, as in cap. 48 of the Charter, which arranged for local inquiries by juries of knights; and in the writs of 19 and 27 June, which provided for these inquiries and for the seizure of the estates of those who refused to take the oath to the Twenty-Five. But this is not the whole story. Some of the concessions to the knights in the Magna Carta point to possible differences with their lords. Furthermore, King John, not the barons, was the first to make an open appeal for knightly support in his famous writ summoning four knights from each shire to a council at Oxford in November 1213. He too assumed that he could rely on the knights for support, even those who held their fees of the great rebel lords. Many knights simply followed their lords, either against or for the King.Less
The knights were divided in the 1215 rebellion and their support was sought both by the King and the rebel barons. A superficial glance at the Magna Carta might suggest that most of them were staunch supporters of the rising, for it benefited them in numerous ways. Moreover, part of the baronial programme depended on the knights for its execution and simply assumed their co-operation, as in cap. 48 of the Charter, which arranged for local inquiries by juries of knights; and in the writs of 19 and 27 June, which provided for these inquiries and for the seizure of the estates of those who refused to take the oath to the Twenty-Five. But this is not the whole story. Some of the concessions to the knights in the Magna Carta point to possible differences with their lords. Furthermore, King John, not the barons, was the first to make an open appeal for knightly support in his famous writ summoning four knights from each shire to a council at Oxford in November 1213. He too assumed that he could rely on the knights for support, even those who held their fees of the great rebel lords. Many knights simply followed their lords, either against or for the King.
J. C. Holt
- Published in print:
- 1992
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198203094
- eISBN:
- 9780191675713
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203094.003.0005
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Medieval History
The activity of the northern rebels was not confined to their own shires. Many influences cut across county and regional boundaries, blurring the distinctive characteristics of each locality and ...
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The activity of the northern rebels was not confined to their own shires. Many influences cut across county and regional boundaries, blurring the distinctive characteristics of each locality and group of rebels. The most obvious of these was the widespread distribution of the lands of many English baronies. Several of the northern rebel lords held estates outside the northern counties. In some cases these southern holdings were large. The spread of territorial interests was only one of the factors that confused the Northerners with other groups. The political inconsistency, if not inconstancy, of certain individuals, had similar effects. Although King John retained the loyalty and support of his old friends and officials to a remarkable degree in the last years of his reign, there was some leakage to the ranks of the rebels, or at least in some cases a lack of demonstrative eagerness, especially at the nadir of the King's fortunes after the landing of Prince Louis.Less
The activity of the northern rebels was not confined to their own shires. Many influences cut across county and regional boundaries, blurring the distinctive characteristics of each locality and group of rebels. The most obvious of these was the widespread distribution of the lands of many English baronies. Several of the northern rebel lords held estates outside the northern counties. In some cases these southern holdings were large. The spread of territorial interests was only one of the factors that confused the Northerners with other groups. The political inconsistency, if not inconstancy, of certain individuals, had similar effects. Although King John retained the loyalty and support of his old friends and officials to a remarkable degree in the last years of his reign, there was some leakage to the ranks of the rebels, or at least in some cases a lack of demonstrative eagerness, especially at the nadir of the King's fortunes after the landing of Prince Louis.
J. C. Holt
- Published in print:
- 1992
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198203094
- eISBN:
- 9780191675713
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203094.003.0009
- Subject:
- History, British and Irish Medieval History
Continental scholars have often pointed out that the Magna Carta followed inevitably on John's defeat at Bouvines in 1214. They are right in two senses. First, Bouvines stripped John of any defence ...
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Continental scholars have often pointed out that the Magna Carta followed inevitably on John's defeat at Bouvines in 1214. They are right in two senses. First, Bouvines stripped John of any defence against the English barons; he had now been defeated in the end towards which the whole of his administrative and diplomatic effort had been directed. Secondly, the unrest among the English baronage that achieved its final explosive form in the Magna Carta was an unavoidable product of the manifold ways in which English resources had been exploited since the early years of the reign of Henry II to support Angevin policy and possessions on the continent. To this general policy, John was committed by birth and position just as his brother and father had been. That he failed in the defence of Normandy was important, for it subjected him to criticism. John's most decisive action was not that he lost Normandy, the Touraine, and the old Angevin influence in the Midi, but that for ten furious years he devoted all his efforts to regaining what he had lost. To argue that he should have accepted the decision of 1204 is unrealistic. Not even his son, Henry III, was prepared to abandon the old Angevin claims until 1259, and he only did so then under the pressure of events in England. Thus, in the chronology of John's reign, 1204, not 1199, is the crucial date.Less
Continental scholars have often pointed out that the Magna Carta followed inevitably on John's defeat at Bouvines in 1214. They are right in two senses. First, Bouvines stripped John of any defence against the English barons; he had now been defeated in the end towards which the whole of his administrative and diplomatic effort had been directed. Secondly, the unrest among the English baronage that achieved its final explosive form in the Magna Carta was an unavoidable product of the manifold ways in which English resources had been exploited since the early years of the reign of Henry II to support Angevin policy and possessions on the continent. To this general policy, John was committed by birth and position just as his brother and father had been. That he failed in the defence of Normandy was important, for it subjected him to criticism. John's most decisive action was not that he lost Normandy, the Touraine, and the old Angevin influence in the Midi, but that for ten furious years he devoted all his efforts to regaining what he had lost. To argue that he should have accepted the decision of 1204 is unrealistic. Not even his son, Henry III, was prepared to abandon the old Angevin claims until 1259, and he only did so then under the pressure of events in England. Thus, in the chronology of John's reign, 1204, not 1199, is the crucial date.
