Alexander Lukashuk
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199244089
- eISBN:
- 9780191600364
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199244081.003.0011
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Describes the failure of the constitution‐drafting process to contribute to democratic consolidation in Belarus. Today, Belarus is considered the worst authoritarian regime in Eastern Europe. The ...
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Describes the failure of the constitution‐drafting process to contribute to democratic consolidation in Belarus. Today, Belarus is considered the worst authoritarian regime in Eastern Europe. The chapter characterizes the Constitution of Belarus as an occasionally used tool for manipulation by the country's autocratic president. While the president considers the Constitution he drafted to be the sole foundation of law in the country, the democratic opposition considers it illegal and illegitimate. Nevertheless, as the focal point of the struggle between President Lukashenka and the democratic opposition, the significance of the Constitution remains strong. The chapter emphasizes how certain choices and omissions in the constitution‐drafting process laid the foundation for the current undemocratic regime. The chapter indicates reasons behind the failure of constitutionalism in Belarus, such as a weak national identity, the absence of economic reforms during the first five years of independence, the state monopoly of the electronic media, and Russia's strong economic and political support of the Belarus's authoritarian leader.Less
Describes the failure of the constitution‐drafting process to contribute to democratic consolidation in Belarus. Today, Belarus is considered the worst authoritarian regime in Eastern Europe. The chapter characterizes the Constitution of Belarus as an occasionally used tool for manipulation by the country's autocratic president. While the president considers the Constitution he drafted to be the sole foundation of law in the country, the democratic opposition considers it illegal and illegitimate. Nevertheless, as the focal point of the struggle between President Lukashenka and the democratic opposition, the significance of the Constitution remains strong. The chapter emphasizes how certain choices and omissions in the constitution‐drafting process laid the foundation for the current undemocratic regime. The chapter indicates reasons behind the failure of constitutionalism in Belarus, such as a weak national identity, the absence of economic reforms during the first five years of independence, the state monopoly of the electronic media, and Russia's strong economic and political support of the Belarus's authoritarian leader.
Axel Hadenius
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780199246663
- eISBN:
- 9780191599392
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199246661.003.0008
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
Demonstrates how medieval institutional tendency could be continued in certain countries in the modern era, while autocratic backlash was the pattern elsewhere. England, Sweden, the Netherlands, and ...
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Demonstrates how medieval institutional tendency could be continued in certain countries in the modern era, while autocratic backlash was the pattern elsewhere. England, Sweden, the Netherlands, and North America represent the former trend. Russia, Prussia, Spain, and France illustrate the latter. These different paths, which were conditioned by military and geographic constraints, strongly affected the prospects for democracy in modern times.Less
Demonstrates how medieval institutional tendency could be continued in certain countries in the modern era, while autocratic backlash was the pattern elsewhere. England, Sweden, the Netherlands, and North America represent the former trend. Russia, Prussia, Spain, and France illustrate the latter. These different paths, which were conditioned by military and geographic constraints, strongly affected the prospects for democracy in modern times.
Jonathan Obert and John F. Padgett
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691148670
- eISBN:
- 9781400845552
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691148670.003.0008
- Subject:
- Sociology, Economic Sociology
This chapter focuses on the nineteenth-century formation of Germany. Organizational innovation was the assembly by Prussia of geographically disparate German principalities under the new ...
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This chapter focuses on the nineteenth-century formation of Germany. Organizational innovation was the assembly by Prussia of geographically disparate German principalities under the new constitutional umbrella of Reichstag, Bundesrat, and chancellery. Organizational catalysis was the emergence of political parties and interest groups—and underneath those, of German nationalism—to manage the constitutional core. The multiple-network invention was dual inclusion: namely, the stapling together of the deeply contradictory principles of democracy and autocracy through “Prussia is in Germany, and Germany is in Prussia.” This deep contradiction built into the heart of the German state generated a sequence of new political actors in German history.Less
This chapter focuses on the nineteenth-century formation of Germany. Organizational innovation was the assembly by Prussia of geographically disparate German principalities under the new constitutional umbrella of Reichstag, Bundesrat, and chancellery. Organizational catalysis was the emergence of political parties and interest groups—and underneath those, of German nationalism—to manage the constitutional core. The multiple-network invention was dual inclusion: namely, the stapling together of the deeply contradictory principles of democracy and autocracy through “Prussia is in Germany, and Germany is in Prussia.” This deep contradiction built into the heart of the German state generated a sequence of new political actors in German history.
Richard Niland
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199580347
- eISBN:
- 9780191722738
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199580347.003.0004
- Subject:
- Literature, 20th-century Literature and Modernism, European Literature
This chapter focuses on Conrad's major political novels, Nostromo, The Secret Agent, and Under Western Eyes, examining Conrad's politics in the context of nineteenth century philosophies of ...
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This chapter focuses on Conrad's major political novels, Nostromo, The Secret Agent, and Under Western Eyes, examining Conrad's politics in the context of nineteenth century philosophies of nationalism and nationhood. It first outlines Conrad's dialogue with the thought of Rousseau and Herder and the importance of these philosophers' work in a Polish Romantic context. Conrad's essay ‘Autocracy and War’ has a prominent role in this chapter as it represents Conrad's most political piece of writing on European politics and history, and the essay outlines Conrad's position regarding Polish and Russian identity, something treated somewhat more subtly in Nostromo, The Secret Agent, and Under Western Eyes. In addition to European politics, this chapter uncovers a crucially important context for Nostromo in Argentine writer Domingo F. Sarmiento's Facundo (1845), a work that Conrad borrowed from to authentically recreate the complex world of Latin American politics in Nostromo.Less
This chapter focuses on Conrad's major political novels, Nostromo, The Secret Agent, and Under Western Eyes, examining Conrad's politics in the context of nineteenth century philosophies of nationalism and nationhood. It first outlines Conrad's dialogue with the thought of Rousseau and Herder and the importance of these philosophers' work in a Polish Romantic context. Conrad's essay ‘Autocracy and War’ has a prominent role in this chapter as it represents Conrad's most political piece of writing on European politics and history, and the essay outlines Conrad's position regarding Polish and Russian identity, something treated somewhat more subtly in Nostromo, The Secret Agent, and Under Western Eyes. In addition to European politics, this chapter uncovers a crucially important context for Nostromo in Argentine writer Domingo F. Sarmiento's Facundo (1845), a work that Conrad borrowed from to authentically recreate the complex world of Latin American politics in Nostromo.
Richard Niland
- Published in print:
- 2010
- Published Online:
- May 2010
- ISBN:
- 9780199580347
- eISBN:
- 9780191722738
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199580347.003.0005
- Subject:
- Literature, 20th-century Literature and Modernism, European Literature
This chapter looks at Conrad's writing during the Great War as his response to the conflict. It then turns its attention to Conrad's lifelong obsession with Napoleon Bonaparte, exploring Conrad's ...
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This chapter looks at Conrad's writing during the Great War as his response to the conflict. It then turns its attention to Conrad's lifelong obsession with Napoleon Bonaparte, exploring Conrad's representations of Napoleon throughout his career and culminating with his sustained effort to represent the Napoleonic era in his final works. The chapter places Conrad's interest in Napoleon in a French Romantic literary tradition, drawing comparisons between Conrad's work and that of Victor Hugo and Alexandre Dumas. The chapter argues that Conrad's view of Napoleon shifts in response to the First World War. The critical attitude to the French Emperor and his complex position in European and Polish culture seen in A Personal Record and ‘Autocracy and War’ is replaced with a more accepting view of Napoleonic greatness in The Rover and Suspense, one still treated, of course, with Conrad's characteristic scepticism.Less
This chapter looks at Conrad's writing during the Great War as his response to the conflict. It then turns its attention to Conrad's lifelong obsession with Napoleon Bonaparte, exploring Conrad's representations of Napoleon throughout his career and culminating with his sustained effort to represent the Napoleonic era in his final works. The chapter places Conrad's interest in Napoleon in a French Romantic literary tradition, drawing comparisons between Conrad's work and that of Victor Hugo and Alexandre Dumas. The chapter argues that Conrad's view of Napoleon shifts in response to the First World War. The critical attitude to the French Emperor and his complex position in European and Polish culture seen in A Personal Record and ‘Autocracy and War’ is replaced with a more accepting view of Napoleonic greatness in The Rover and Suspense, one still treated, of course, with Conrad's characteristic scepticism.
Mancur Olson
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- November 2003
- ISBN:
- 9780198294900
- eISBN:
- 9780191596728
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0198294905.003.0005
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Economic Systems
Part of a series of writings that began with the author's essay on ‘Autocracy, Democracy, and Prosperity’, published in 1991. It puts forth, in an intuitive and non‐technical way, a part of the ...
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Part of a series of writings that began with the author's essay on ‘Autocracy, Democracy, and Prosperity’, published in 1991. It puts forth, in an intuitive and non‐technical way, a part of the theory that is set out with formal proofs and crucial additional results in McGuire and Olson's ‘Economics of Autocracy and Majority Rule’. It analyses the kings or dictators who control autocratic governments—and the oligarchies or majorities or other ruling interests that control other types of government—in just the way that economists analyse the behaviour of firms, consumers, and workers. That is, it takes a broader approach to economics by applying the familiar assumption of rational self‐interest to the autocrats or other ruling interests that control a government, and then finds what types of policy will best serve the ruling interest.Less
Part of a series of writings that began with the author's essay on ‘Autocracy, Democracy, and Prosperity’, published in 1991. It puts forth, in an intuitive and non‐technical way, a part of the theory that is set out with formal proofs and crucial additional results in McGuire and Olson's ‘Economics of Autocracy and Majority Rule’. It analyses the kings or dictators who control autocratic governments—and the oligarchies or majorities or other ruling interests that control other types of government—in just the way that economists analyse the behaviour of firms, consumers, and workers. That is, it takes a broader approach to economics by applying the familiar assumption of rational self‐interest to the autocrats or other ruling interests that control a government, and then finds what types of policy will best serve the ruling interest.
Ian Malcolm David Little
- Published in print:
- 2002
- Published Online:
- August 2004
- ISBN:
- 9780199257041
- eISBN:
- 9780191601293
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0199257043.003.0010
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Public and Welfare
In the last quarter century, the naïve simplification that the sole aim of governments was the welfare of citizens has been abandoned, and it is recognized that the government is a positive actor on ...
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In the last quarter century, the naïve simplification that the sole aim of governments was the welfare of citizens has been abandoned, and it is recognized that the government is a positive actor on the economic stage with its own interests. Positive political economy consists of attempts to explain economic policies, which require knowledge of how the government is constituted, how it takes decisions, and on what principles, if any, it acts. Government decisions are collective decisions, and so the theory of collective decision and voting is relevant, and is examined. This heterogeneous chapter examines various attempts to explain government behaviour using economic concepts. It is concluded that little progress has been made in discovering any general truths.Less
In the last quarter century, the naïve simplification that the sole aim of governments was the welfare of citizens has been abandoned, and it is recognized that the government is a positive actor on the economic stage with its own interests. Positive political economy consists of attempts to explain economic policies, which require knowledge of how the government is constituted, how it takes decisions, and on what principles, if any, it acts. Government decisions are collective decisions, and so the theory of collective decision and voting is relevant, and is examined. This heterogeneous chapter examines various attempts to explain government behaviour using economic concepts. It is concluded that little progress has been made in discovering any general truths.
Ekaterina Pravilova
- Published in print:
- 2014
- Published Online:
- October 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780691159058
- eISBN:
- 9781400850266
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691159058.003.0002
- Subject:
- History, Russian and Former Soviet Union History
This chapter traces the history of property relations in Russia. It examines how Russian rulers came to respect private property as a bulwark of autocracy and what this respect meant for property in ...
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This chapter traces the history of property relations in Russia. It examines how Russian rulers came to respect private property as a bulwark of autocracy and what this respect meant for property in the context of Russian monarchal rule. Topics covered include the reign of Catherine the Great and the invention of absolute private domain; the issue of expropriation; the scope and the legal status of state possessions; and initial attempts to introduce the notion of “public property,” which focused on Russia's natural treasures, such as the forests granted by Catherine the Great into the unlimited ownership of the nobles.Less
This chapter traces the history of property relations in Russia. It examines how Russian rulers came to respect private property as a bulwark of autocracy and what this respect meant for property in the context of Russian monarchal rule. Topics covered include the reign of Catherine the Great and the invention of absolute private domain; the issue of expropriation; the scope and the legal status of state possessions; and initial attempts to introduce the notion of “public property,” which focused on Russia's natural treasures, such as the forests granted by Catherine the Great into the unlimited ownership of the nobles.
Sean L. Yom
- Published in print:
- 2015
- Published Online:
- May 2016
- ISBN:
- 9780231175647
- eISBN:
- 9780231540278
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Columbia University Press
- DOI:
- 10.7312/columbia/9780231175647.003.0009
- Subject:
- Political Science, Middle Eastern Politics
The book draws the following lesson: policy makers should think twice when intervening abroad to support favored client governments besieged by opposition. Giving rulers the ability to overcome ...
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The book draws the following lesson: policy makers should think twice when intervening abroad to support favored client governments besieged by opposition. Giving rulers the ability to overcome societal challengers can sabotage the future by encouraging them to make narrow coalitional and institutional choices that may secure their immediate existence but leaves them highly vulnerable to future opposition from their societies.Less
The book draws the following lesson: policy makers should think twice when intervening abroad to support favored client governments besieged by opposition. Giving rulers the ability to overcome societal challengers can sabotage the future by encouraging them to make narrow coalitional and institutional choices that may secure their immediate existence but leaves them highly vulnerable to future opposition from their societies.
David Vital
- Published in print:
- 2001
- Published Online:
- March 2012
- ISBN:
- 9780199246816
- eISBN:
- 9780191697623
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199246816.003.0028
- Subject:
- History, European Modern History
Jewry in Europe was now divided. It was divided de facto and more than ever before in conscience. It was one thing to observe events in Russia from without and at the immense distance in space and ...
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Jewry in Europe was now divided. It was divided de facto and more than ever before in conscience. It was one thing to observe events in Russia from without and at the immense distance in space and mind separating the barbarities inflicted on the Pale of Settlement from the comparative order and civilization of central and western Europe. It was another to suffer, or even merely to observe, them at firsthand from within the empire itself. In August 1881 and again in April 1882, Baron Horace Guenzburg gathered two dozen carefully selected notables and rabbis in the privacy of his St Petersburg home to discuss how it might be best to proceed in the wake of the recent events. There was certainly no question at all, but that Guenzburg and his near equivalents were in every sense pillars of the established order and recognized and accepted as such by the autocracy at all levels.Less
Jewry in Europe was now divided. It was divided de facto and more than ever before in conscience. It was one thing to observe events in Russia from without and at the immense distance in space and mind separating the barbarities inflicted on the Pale of Settlement from the comparative order and civilization of central and western Europe. It was another to suffer, or even merely to observe, them at firsthand from within the empire itself. In August 1881 and again in April 1882, Baron Horace Guenzburg gathered two dozen carefully selected notables and rabbis in the privacy of his St Petersburg home to discuss how it might be best to proceed in the wake of the recent events. There was certainly no question at all, but that Guenzburg and his near equivalents were in every sense pillars of the established order and recognized and accepted as such by the autocracy at all levels.
Michael D. Gordin (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780691172385
- eISBN:
- 9780691184425
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691172385.003.0001
- Subject:
- History, Russian and Former Soviet Union History
This introductory chapter discusses Dmitrii Mendeleev's autocracy. Mendeleev was one of many Russians who borrowed very heavily from liberal rhetoric while pursuing ends such as autocracy or Russian ...
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This introductory chapter discusses Dmitrii Mendeleev's autocracy. Mendeleev was one of many Russians who borrowed very heavily from liberal rhetoric while pursuing ends such as autocracy or Russian chauvinism that mesh poorly with nineteenth-century conceptions of liberalism. A liberal working in the name of autocracy, Mendeleev supported the rule of law only insofar as it was the best way, in his view, to preserve traditions essential to Russian stability—traditions embodied in the institution of autocracy. By contrast, his Russian contemporaries who identified themselves with liberalism were liberals in the name of Russia. For them, liberalism linked Russia to the legal and political traditions of European progress. For Mendeleev, these liberals were deluded or misinformed—or simply dangerous—and he had no patience for them.Less
This introductory chapter discusses Dmitrii Mendeleev's autocracy. Mendeleev was one of many Russians who borrowed very heavily from liberal rhetoric while pursuing ends such as autocracy or Russian chauvinism that mesh poorly with nineteenth-century conceptions of liberalism. A liberal working in the name of autocracy, Mendeleev supported the rule of law only insofar as it was the best way, in his view, to preserve traditions essential to Russian stability—traditions embodied in the institution of autocracy. By contrast, his Russian contemporaries who identified themselves with liberalism were liberals in the name of Russia. For them, liberalism linked Russia to the legal and political traditions of European progress. For Mendeleev, these liberals were deluded or misinformed—or simply dangerous—and he had no patience for them.
Michael D. Gordin (ed.)
- Published in print:
- 2018
- Published Online:
- May 2019
- ISBN:
- 9780691172385
- eISBN:
- 9780691184425
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691172385.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, Russian and Former Soviet Union History
This chapter looks at Dmitrii Mendeleev's final years. The first six years of the twentieth century—the last six of Mendeleev's life—were difficult for both the chemist and the empire he served. ...
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This chapter looks at Dmitrii Mendeleev's final years. The first six years of the twentieth century—the last six of Mendeleev's life—were difficult for both the chemist and the empire he served. Beginning with widespread student rebellion in St. Petersburg in 1899, the tsarist regime met with increasingly vocal opposition from a broader spectrum of society than ever before. Meanwhile, Mendeleev confronted a series of chemical “attacks” to his periodic law. He sought salvation in his age-old Holy Grail—the ether—and attempted to save his system by appropriating certain threats to tame others. This strategy, while temporarily effective in defending the periodic system, would fail to safeguard his vision of an unfettered, rational autocracy, the axis of the Imperial Turn. Ultimately, Mendeleev's last years were lived in the shadow of disintegrating systems—scientific and political—to which he had devoted his entire career.Less
This chapter looks at Dmitrii Mendeleev's final years. The first six years of the twentieth century—the last six of Mendeleev's life—were difficult for both the chemist and the empire he served. Beginning with widespread student rebellion in St. Petersburg in 1899, the tsarist regime met with increasingly vocal opposition from a broader spectrum of society than ever before. Meanwhile, Mendeleev confronted a series of chemical “attacks” to his periodic law. He sought salvation in his age-old Holy Grail—the ether—and attempted to save his system by appropriating certain threats to tame others. This strategy, while temporarily effective in defending the periodic system, would fail to safeguard his vision of an unfettered, rational autocracy, the axis of the Imperial Turn. Ultimately, Mendeleev's last years were lived in the shadow of disintegrating systems—scientific and political—to which he had devoted his entire career.
Philippe Le Billon and Karen Bakker
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198297406
- eISBN:
- 9780191685330
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198297406.003.0003
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
During 1975–1979, under the Khmer Rouge regime, over 1.8 million people died due to hunger, disease or murder. Though there were numerous deaths even before the Khmer Rouge regime, these have been ...
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During 1975–1979, under the Khmer Rouge regime, over 1.8 million people died due to hunger, disease or murder. Though there were numerous deaths even before the Khmer Rouge regime, these have been overshadowed by the crises happening throughout it. Both politics and economics became unstable during these periods, which resulted in a humanitarian emergency: a profound social crisis in which a large number of people die and suffer from war, disease, hunger, and displacement. However, even after the Khmer Rouge regime, the humanitarian emergency continued, due to the vulnerability of the society to man-made and natural disasters. This continuing crisis of Cambodia is due to its overpoliticized state, which stemmed from the structural weakness of the society as demonstrated by its history. With its ruling elite and Cambodia's autocracy, corruption persisted and factionalism weakened the nation's ability to fight war and retain its basic social services.Less
During 1975–1979, under the Khmer Rouge regime, over 1.8 million people died due to hunger, disease or murder. Though there were numerous deaths even before the Khmer Rouge regime, these have been overshadowed by the crises happening throughout it. Both politics and economics became unstable during these periods, which resulted in a humanitarian emergency: a profound social crisis in which a large number of people die and suffer from war, disease, hunger, and displacement. However, even after the Khmer Rouge regime, the humanitarian emergency continued, due to the vulnerability of the society to man-made and natural disasters. This continuing crisis of Cambodia is due to its overpoliticized state, which stemmed from the structural weakness of the society as demonstrated by its history. With its ruling elite and Cambodia's autocracy, corruption persisted and factionalism weakened the nation's ability to fight war and retain its basic social services.
William Talbott
- Published in print:
- 2005
- Published Online:
- April 2005
- ISBN:
- 9780195173475
- eISBN:
- 9780199835331
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/0195173473.003.0006
- Subject:
- Philosophy, General
In this chapter, Talbott explains the development of autonomy rights as a response to the failure of paternalistic defenses of autocracy (e.g., Plato’s Republic and the Marxist dictatorships of the ...
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In this chapter, Talbott explains the development of autonomy rights as a response to the failure of paternalistic defenses of autocracy (e.g., Plato’s Republic and the Marxist dictatorships of the 20th century). Talbott discusses two alternative ways of explaining the importance of autonomy rights, one consequentialist and one nonconsequentialist. Talbott focuses on the consequentialist account. Talbott proposes a non-metaphysical conception of autonomy as involving good judgment (making generally reliable judgments about one's own good) and self-determination (making choices on the basis of one's judgments). Talbott claims that one of the most important discoveries in the development of human rights is the discovery that the claim of first person authority is true—that is, the discovery, first announced by J.S. Mill, that, given the necessary education and training, all normal human beings are capable of becoming generally reliable judges of what is good for them. Talbott defines two categories of autonomy rights—development-of-judgment rights and exercise-of-judgment rights— that are necessary for the judgments of normal adults to be generally reliable. He argues that for a government to reliably promote the well-being of its citizens, the government must obtain and be appropriately responsive to reliable feedback from its citizens about the effects of its policies. This is the reliable feedback problem and the appropriate responsiveness problem. Talbott argues that guarantees of autonomy rights are essential parts of any solution to the reliable feedback problem. The chapter concludes with a list of eight autonomy rights.Less
In this chapter, Talbott explains the development of autonomy rights as a response to the failure of paternalistic defenses of autocracy (e.g., Plato’s Republic and the Marxist dictatorships of the 20th century). Talbott discusses two alternative ways of explaining the importance of autonomy rights, one consequentialist and one nonconsequentialist. Talbott focuses on the consequentialist account. Talbott proposes a non-metaphysical conception of autonomy as involving good judgment (making generally reliable judgments about one's own good) and self-determination (making choices on the basis of one's judgments). Talbott claims that one of the most important discoveries in the development of human rights is the discovery that the claim of first person authority is true—that is, the discovery, first announced by J.S. Mill, that, given the necessary education and training, all normal human beings are capable of becoming generally reliable judges of what is good for them. Talbott defines two categories of autonomy rights—development-of-judgment rights and exercise-of-judgment rights— that are necessary for the judgments of normal adults to be generally reliable. He argues that for a government to reliably promote the well-being of its citizens, the government must obtain and be appropriately responsive to reliable feedback from its citizens about the effects of its policies. This is the reliable feedback problem and the appropriate responsiveness problem. Talbott argues that guarantees of autonomy rights are essential parts of any solution to the reliable feedback problem. The chapter concludes with a list of eight autonomy rights.
Grzegorz W. Kolodko
- Published in print:
- 2000
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198297437
- eISBN:
- 9780191685354
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198297437.003.0011
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
This chapter cites from various countries successful accounts specifically regarding national output, where democracy is perceived to be absent. But, it is irrational to conclude that autocracy and ...
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This chapter cites from various countries successful accounts specifically regarding national output, where democracy is perceived to be absent. But, it is irrational to conclude that autocracy and growth have a direct relationship with each other and that, inverse associations exists between development and democracy. To support this notion, the chapter elaborates on the three justifications on how democratic practices and organisations positively contribute to economic activities that eventually foster growth. First it refers to the idea that the term itself means freedom to enter into any field of business given a free market system; and consequently, entrepreneurs acquire returns, which then influence nationwide output. Second is the assertion that democracy puts forward a basis for an efficient economic guiding principle. And lastly, democracy augments the propensity for growth if and only if politics does not overrule economics. In the latter part of this chapter, these reasons are integrated into the general argument. The chapter provides an identification of possible resolutions using the feedback loop paradigm.Less
This chapter cites from various countries successful accounts specifically regarding national output, where democracy is perceived to be absent. But, it is irrational to conclude that autocracy and growth have a direct relationship with each other and that, inverse associations exists between development and democracy. To support this notion, the chapter elaborates on the three justifications on how democratic practices and organisations positively contribute to economic activities that eventually foster growth. First it refers to the idea that the term itself means freedom to enter into any field of business given a free market system; and consequently, entrepreneurs acquire returns, which then influence nationwide output. Second is the assertion that democracy puts forward a basis for an efficient economic guiding principle. And lastly, democracy augments the propensity for growth if and only if politics does not overrule economics. In the latter part of this chapter, these reasons are integrated into the general argument. The chapter provides an identification of possible resolutions using the feedback loop paradigm.
Stephan Haggard and Robert R. Kaufman
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- January 2018
- ISBN:
- 9780691172149
- eISBN:
- 9781400882984
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- Princeton University Press
- DOI:
- 10.23943/princeton/9780691172149.001.0001
- Subject:
- Political Science, Democratization
From the 1980s through the first decade of the twenty-first century, the spread of democracy across the developing and postcommunist worlds transformed the global political landscape. What drove ...
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From the 1980s through the first decade of the twenty-first century, the spread of democracy across the developing and postcommunist worlds transformed the global political landscape. What drove these changes and what determined whether the emerging democracies would stabilize or revert to authoritarian rule? This book takes a comprehensive look at the transitions to and from democracy in recent decades. Deploying both statistical and qualitative analysis, the book engages with theories of democratic change and advocates approaches that emphasize political and institutional factors. While inequality has been a prominent explanation for democratic transitions, the book argues that its role has been limited, and elites as well as masses can drive regime change. Examining seventy-eight cases of democratic transition and twenty-five cases of reversion to autocracy since 1980, the book shows how differences in authoritarian regimes and organizational capabilities shape popular protest and elite initiatives in transitions to democracy, and how institutional weaknesses cause some democracies to fail. The determinants of democracy lie in the strength of existing institutions and the public's capacity to engage in collective action. There are multiple routes to democracy, but those growing out of mass mobilization may provide more checks on incumbents than those emerging from intra-elite bargains. Moving beyond well-known beliefs regarding regime changes, this book explores the conditions under which transitions to democracy are likely to arise.Less
From the 1980s through the first decade of the twenty-first century, the spread of democracy across the developing and postcommunist worlds transformed the global political landscape. What drove these changes and what determined whether the emerging democracies would stabilize or revert to authoritarian rule? This book takes a comprehensive look at the transitions to and from democracy in recent decades. Deploying both statistical and qualitative analysis, the book engages with theories of democratic change and advocates approaches that emphasize political and institutional factors. While inequality has been a prominent explanation for democratic transitions, the book argues that its role has been limited, and elites as well as masses can drive regime change. Examining seventy-eight cases of democratic transition and twenty-five cases of reversion to autocracy since 1980, the book shows how differences in authoritarian regimes and organizational capabilities shape popular protest and elite initiatives in transitions to democracy, and how institutional weaknesses cause some democracies to fail. The determinants of democracy lie in the strength of existing institutions and the public's capacity to engage in collective action. There are multiple routes to democracy, but those growing out of mass mobilization may provide more checks on incumbents than those emerging from intra-elite bargains. Moving beyond well-known beliefs regarding regime changes, this book explores the conditions under which transitions to democracy are likely to arise.
Xiaowei Zang
- Published in print:
- 2012
- Published Online:
- January 2013
- ISBN:
- 9780199659036
- eISBN:
- 9780191749032
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199659036.003.0010
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
Rapid economic development in China in the post-1978 era has been considered ‘intriguing’ and ‘puzzling’ since it occurred under the dominance of the Communist party: the fusion of politics and ...
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Rapid economic development in China in the post-1978 era has been considered ‘intriguing’ and ‘puzzling’ since it occurred under the dominance of the Communist party: the fusion of politics and economics is supposed to be a powerful impediment to market growth. Scholars have proposed different accounts to explain this paradox, with particular emphasis on the role of the political elite in economic progress. This chapter contributes to this literature by studying why the political elite are motivated to promote economic development in China. It studies the historical development of China’s developmental elites to understand their motivations for economic growth. To better understand whether or not elites in developing countries promote economic growth, scholars should focus on factors such as historical experience, political stability, leadership turnover, or elite perceptions about the impact of growth on their hold on power, rather than the differences between autocracy and democracy.Less
Rapid economic development in China in the post-1978 era has been considered ‘intriguing’ and ‘puzzling’ since it occurred under the dominance of the Communist party: the fusion of politics and economics is supposed to be a powerful impediment to market growth. Scholars have proposed different accounts to explain this paradox, with particular emphasis on the role of the political elite in economic progress. This chapter contributes to this literature by studying why the political elite are motivated to promote economic development in China. It studies the historical development of China’s developmental elites to understand their motivations for economic growth. To better understand whether or not elites in developing countries promote economic growth, scholars should focus on factors such as historical experience, political stability, leadership turnover, or elite perceptions about the impact of growth on their hold on power, rather than the differences between autocracy and democracy.
Donald Read
- Published in print:
- 1999
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780198207689
- eISBN:
- 9780191677779
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198207689.003.0008
- Subject:
- History, Cultural History, British and Irish Modern History
Sir Roderick Jones ran Reuters as an autocracy. This had been his style in South Africa, and it was still more his style as head of Reuters between the wars. Between the wars, Reuters encountered ...
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Sir Roderick Jones ran Reuters as an autocracy. This had been his style in South Africa, and it was still more his style as head of Reuters between the wars. Between the wars, Reuters encountered increasing difficulty in protecting its position throughout the world. In particular, it found the challenge of the thrusting American news agencies hard to meet. The weakening position of Reuters in the world mirrored the weakening position of the British Empire itself. The British government did not depend solely upon Reuters for circulating favourable news and comment. The Foreign Office decided in 1919 to continue the British Official News Service, which had been started during the war, which was later known as the British Official Wireless. Later in the 1930s, Reuters prided itself upon receiving or sending news by teleprinter across the world in a matter of minutes.Less
Sir Roderick Jones ran Reuters as an autocracy. This had been his style in South Africa, and it was still more his style as head of Reuters between the wars. Between the wars, Reuters encountered increasing difficulty in protecting its position throughout the world. In particular, it found the challenge of the thrusting American news agencies hard to meet. The weakening position of Reuters in the world mirrored the weakening position of the British Empire itself. The British government did not depend solely upon Reuters for circulating favourable news and comment. The Foreign Office decided in 1919 to continue the British Official News Service, which had been started during the war, which was later known as the British Official Wireless. Later in the 1930s, Reuters prided itself upon receiving or sending news by teleprinter across the world in a matter of minutes.
Jonathan I. Israel
- Published in print:
- 2006
- Published Online:
- October 2011
- ISBN:
- 9780199279227
- eISBN:
- 9780191700040
- Item type:
- chapter
- Publisher:
- Oxford University Press
- DOI:
- 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199279227.003.0012
- Subject:
- History, History of Ideas, European Modern History
This chapter explores the philosophes’ responses to developments in the Russian empire. Newly forged western skills and ideas made exceptional and impressive progress in Muscovy before 1750 but only, ...
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This chapter explores the philosophes’ responses to developments in the Russian empire. Newly forged western skills and ideas made exceptional and impressive progress in Muscovy before 1750 but only, seemingly, due to the exceptional zeal and energy with which one particular despot, Tsar Peter I (reigned 1689–1725), imported new ideas and expertise from the West while expressly setting out to attack custom and tradition. If the official ideology of the Russian Enlightenment engendered a new cult of tsarist autocracy — a pragmatic philosophy even more authoritarian than that of the newly ‘enlightened’ Prussian monarchy of Frederick the Great, or that of Maria Theresa in the Habsburg lands — the only other significant ‘enlightenment’ in eastern Europe before 1750, that flourishing among the newly thriving south-east European Greek diaspora, was itself fervently Russophile and authoritarian in attitude. Politically as well as religiously, culturally, and intellectually, the two indigenously east European ‘enlightenments’ were firmly linked.Less
This chapter explores the philosophes’ responses to developments in the Russian empire. Newly forged western skills and ideas made exceptional and impressive progress in Muscovy before 1750 but only, seemingly, due to the exceptional zeal and energy with which one particular despot, Tsar Peter I (reigned 1689–1725), imported new ideas and expertise from the West while expressly setting out to attack custom and tradition. If the official ideology of the Russian Enlightenment engendered a new cult of tsarist autocracy — a pragmatic philosophy even more authoritarian than that of the newly ‘enlightened’ Prussian monarchy of Frederick the Great, or that of Maria Theresa in the Habsburg lands — the only other significant ‘enlightenment’ in eastern Europe before 1750, that flourishing among the newly thriving south-east European Greek diaspora, was itself fervently Russophile and authoritarian in attitude. Politically as well as religiously, culturally, and intellectually, the two indigenously east European ‘enlightenments’ were firmly linked.
Sebastian Edwards, Simon Johnson, and David N. Weil (eds)
- Published in print:
- 2016
- Published Online:
- May 2017
- ISBN:
- 9780226316222
- eISBN:
- 9780226316369
- Item type:
- book
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- DOI:
- 10.7208/chicago/9780226316369.001.0001
- Subject:
- Economics and Finance, Development, Growth, and Environmental
This is volume I of a four volume set, with papers developed as part of a large-scale project and associated conference series funded by the Gates Foundation. It is comprised of careful empirical ...
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This is volume I of a four volume set, with papers developed as part of a large-scale project and associated conference series funded by the Gates Foundation. It is comprised of careful empirical reports on progress with economic, political, and social development in Africa over recent decades. Papers are grouped by a rough hierarchy of development. The first volume therefore deals with the essential issues that any country must resolve if there is to be any kind of sustained economic growth and shared benefits from development: is there social peace, does the government function in any kind of reasonable manner, and how does the private sector cope with government dysfunction? The broad theme of our project was that Africa has made much more progress with economic and social development than is widely supposed, and that there is a great deal of success – particularly since 1990 – from which lessons can be gleaned. The papers in this volume deal with ensuring peace after civil conflict, establishing a robust level of revenue for government, thinking about the implications of who holds political power, creating secure property rights, and understanding the nature of the informal economy. Papers also cover important policy innovations, both around road safety and economic development more broadly. We also include a paper that could become a model of how to measure changes in household and per capita income using available data from Africa, and a detailed case study that focuses on the impact of foreign aid on growth.Less
This is volume I of a four volume set, with papers developed as part of a large-scale project and associated conference series funded by the Gates Foundation. It is comprised of careful empirical reports on progress with economic, political, and social development in Africa over recent decades. Papers are grouped by a rough hierarchy of development. The first volume therefore deals with the essential issues that any country must resolve if there is to be any kind of sustained economic growth and shared benefits from development: is there social peace, does the government function in any kind of reasonable manner, and how does the private sector cope with government dysfunction? The broad theme of our project was that Africa has made much more progress with economic and social development than is widely supposed, and that there is a great deal of success – particularly since 1990 – from which lessons can be gleaned. The papers in this volume deal with ensuring peace after civil conflict, establishing a robust level of revenue for government, thinking about the implications of who holds political power, creating secure property rights, and understanding the nature of the informal economy. Papers also cover important policy innovations, both around road safety and economic development more broadly. We also include a paper that could become a model of how to measure changes in household and per capita income using available data from Africa, and a detailed case study that focuses on the impact of foreign aid on growth.
